Turkish Presence in Africa From a UAE Perspective

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Table of Contents

Introduction
Trade
Military and Humanitarian Support in Africa
Oil and Gas Exploration
Tourism
Aviation
Conclusion
References

Introduction

Turkey has maintained a strong presence in Africa and is the fourth most represented country after the United States. Turkey’s high presence in Africa is marked by the intensification of economic and commercial relations between some African countries. The United Arab Emirates, UAE and Turkey have competed for geopolitical order in the Middle East and North Africa. The face of the African continent is rapidly changing in the 21^st century, marked by exponential economic growth, surplus natural resources to provide raw materials, and a solid foreign relations network. The high dominance of Turkey in the horn of Africa is calibrating the feud between the two countries. Turkey has established acrimonious trade, tourism, humanitarian, and aviation relationship with many African countries, including Egypt, Ethiopia, and South Africa. Turkey is utilizing relationships in Africa to rebrand its image in regional politics, eager to dominate UAE in the Middle East and North Africa geopolitics.

Turkey has established solid and multifaceted relations in Africa to play an active role globally. The African continent is rich in resources despite the poor living conditions. The global demand for industrial supplies has exerted more pressure on African resources. Turkey has identified Africa’s opportunities to invest in some of the most resourceful projects and countries. Moreover, Africa has a dynamic market of 1.3 billion people that Turkey intends to tap into to increase exports (Guan et al., 2020). Therefore, Turkey maintains strong relationships in Africa for a good supply of raw materials, trade, access to a larger market, and aviation. Both UAE and Turkey are trying to develop ideological character to cement their struggle for geopolitical dominance. Unlike Muslim nations and UAE, Turkey forges alliances with non-Muslim countries in Africa. The foreign policy is illustrative of Turkey’s desire for regional leadership and willingness to cooperate with non-Islamic forces.

Trade

First, Turkey has an exorbitant trade volume, with Africa generating more wealth and employment. The trade volume between Turkey and African countries is about $93.8 billion annually, comprising oil and gas imports (Siradag, 2018). Turkey utilizes every channel of diplomatic trade, seeking to increase its influence on the continent. The duo organizes multiple trade summits to identify the focal channels and trading opportunities to establish cooperative trading. Moreover, business and economic forums conducted periodically explore trade opportunities between Turkey and African countries (Langan, 2018). To achieve this, Turkey’s African policy embraces a shared future where the trade agreements are mutually beneficial and convincing to the African states. Turkey agrees on a win-win policy and equal partnerships with African partners to create positive collaborations.

Nevertheless, Turkey demonstrates allegiance, friendship, and loyalty to African countries. Official visits by diplomats in African countries illustrate goodwill essential to enhancing trade cooperation (Langan, 2018). For instance, the Turkish president has visited over 30 African states over the last 15 years to enhance economic cooperation and trade relations. The trade between the two regions includes agricultural products, technology, oil, and gas. The trading activities with African countries by far establish Turkey’s status in the Middle East over her rival UAE. Some of the prestigious statuses enjoyed by Turkey due to the trade agreements include an adequate supply of energy, food security, and nutrition.

Turkey has strategically embraced agriculture and agribusiness through its agricultural minister to enhance trade with Africa. The initial Turkey-Africa agricultural meeting held in Antalya city that included ministers, the UN’s Food and Agricultural Organization, African Union Commission, and agribusiness stakeholders led to ties on agricultural projects between six African countries and Turkey. The meeting discussed strategic methods for improving fishery, livestock, food, and beverage crop farming for export countries. The Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) was tasked with distributing and allocating agricultural incentives in Africa (Sofos, 2022). The conference discussed strategic ways of optimizing agricultural production and technology in agriculture to improve production in the countries by providing agricultural fertilizers, equipment, seeds, and pesticides to the farmers.

The expansion of trade to Africa by Turkey is a strategic investment to outdo UAE in the future. Turkey can support its national currency, GDP, and per capita income through international trade and direct investments to overcome the UAE (Siradag, 2018). African investments have enabled Turkey to tap into the diverse, rich resources in the continent to access goods unavailable domestically or pose a challenge sourcing such as gas and oil. Moreover, trade activities give Turkey access to the large African market with tremendous future potential crucial for disposing of surplus goods and enabling more production. Furthermore, greater prosperity in trade activities abroad minimizes the risk of regional instability rife in the Middle East. Reduced dependence on the local market is essential to offset regional and geographical vulnerability impacts. Turkey utilizes the expansion into the African market to assert its growing financial strength.

Military and Humanitarian Support in Africa

Turkey facilitates development projects through financial intervention, humanitarian measures, and conflict resolution. The financial intervention encompasses Turkey’s foreign direct investment (FDI) in agricultural projects, loan services, and debt relief. Most African countries are plagued by poverty that limits access to basic resources such as food, water, education, healthcare, and electricity. For instance, Turkey intervened to limit famine in Somalia despite internal unravels by illegal militia groups in 2011. Turkey also contributed over $2.4 million to bail out Somalia from the IMF debt (Ibrahim, 2021).

Additionally, Turkey has set up hospitals, schools, and military complexes in its African trading partners to succeed in the trade agreements. Humanitarian aid to facilitate access to such resources within African societies has supported the success of Turkey’s development projects, hence positively rebranding Turkey’s image in Africa. In conflict resolution efforts in Somalia, Turkey set up a military training base in Mogadishu to assist in limiting terrorist activities. Turkey uses humanitarian projects to deploy soft power by gaining a positive image.

The Turkish government and the Emirati federation conduct military security operations in Africa. However, the Turkish military presence in Africa is more pronounced than in the UAE. On the one hand, Turkish military commitments in Africa are extensive in Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Eritrea, Libya, and Tunisia. On the other hand, UAE’s military operations are centered on only East African countries, including Somalia, Kenya, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Ethiopia (Telci, 2018). Both countries are proving to be powerful security actors in Africa by providing military equipment as well as extensive funding and training for the security and intelligence units.

Turkish military partnerships in Africa have a significant impact on the African continent. This is mainly marked by the provision of combat drones used in many African regions. Turkey distributes its drones to Ethiopia, Libya, Somalia, Niger, Togo, Chad, Tunisia, and Morocco. The demand for Turkish drones in Africa is booming for aerospace defense. Turkey utilizes the privilege of using drones for diplomatic relations with African countries (Siradag, 2018). Turkish military presence is not limited to arms deals but also includes humanitarian military presence.

Furthermore, Turkey established its most extensive overseas military base in Somalia, and its military operation in Africa has accelerated spectacularly. Recently, the withdrawal of the African Union’s Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which comprises troops from East African countries, has favored Turkish presence. Moreover, Turkey launched an aggressive entry into Libya when the U.S. left in 2019 to counter the influence of its nemesis, the UAE. Turkey has an expansionist military strategy to gain roots in Africa’s broader continent.

The UAE has a strong military presence, especially in East Africa in Eritrea and Somaliland. The UAE follows Turkey’s footsteps of developing power projection far from the Middle East region (Telci, 2018). The Emirati government has set up two military bases, one in Eritrea and the other one in Somalia. However, the UAE is dismantling its military base in Eritrea as it withdraws from the Yemen war. Emirati forces typically collaborate with other military powers, such as the U.S.-led Unified Task Force (UNITAF) in Somalia. The military bases include air and naval base to fight against Al-Shabaab militant groups. Telci (2018) highlights that the Emirati military provides training and equipment to counterterrorism and security units in Somalia, aside from providing a workforce. The UAE demonstrates contemporary elements of hard power in East African nations by building national defense and arms procurement capacity.

The UAE has been expanding to West Africa to increase its influence in broader Africa. The UAE established the Zayed Defense College in Mauritania in 2016 used to up-skill senior officers. The UAE pivoted on the G5 Sahel countries, including Mali, Chad, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania in West Africa. The UAE contributed military aviation equipment to reinforce France’s counterinsurgency mission in the Sahel region (Telci, 2018). Emirati reached an agreement with Eritrea and Ethiopia to end their twenty-year war in its constructive role of diplomacy. The UAE uses the peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea to attract a strategic and investment opportunity to construct the Berbera Port.

Oil and Gas Exploration

Both Turkey and the UAE have an increasing demand for energy in natural gas and oil. However, the UAE has more internal natural gas and oil reserves than Turkey. The average domestic oil production in Turkey is about 61 000 barrels annually. Therefore, Turkey has high dependence on energy imports to supplement its increasing fossil fuel demand, placing a big burden on its foreign trade deficit. Although Turkey sources 90% of its oil supplies from the Middle East and Asia, it is shifting its focus on discovering oil and gas fields in Africa for a cheaper source of energy (Sea, 2020). Trade in the field of energy between Turkey and Africa records consistent growth. Nigeria and Algeria are Turkey’s major exporters of oil and gas products (Sea, 2020). Following Turkey’s trade relations, a significant amount of its energy imports from Africa. The Chad republic, rich in energy and minerals, also welcomed the Turkish government to extract oil in the company in 2017.

Following the trust developed by Ankara in the African region, Turkey gets an invitation from African countries to explore oil. The Libyan authorities welcomed Turkish companies to Libya, the home to Africa’s largest oil reserves. This follows the humanitarian military support Turkey offers Libya. Turkish troops were key players in Libya’s civil war in an expensive deployment, hence forging robust relations. Aside from Military cooperation, Erdogan got the international maritime borders redrawn to his advantage. The new borders gave Turkey exclusive access to massive gas reserves on the southern coast of Cyprus (Sea, 2020). oil exploration and production in Africa benefit Turkey’s more significant share of oil and gas reserves. The move by Turkey to secure Libyan oil and gas exploration rights is devastating to the rival UAE.

Turkey has recently discovered natural gas in the black sea is a game-changer for the country. Turkey is anticipating importing cheaper gas to minimize its annual energy bill to the tune of $44 billion (Sea, 2020). The government of Somalia welcomed Turkey due to its close historical, military, and economic ties. What began as a humanitarian policy will significantly support Turkey’s regional supremacy and economy. However, Somalia’s contract with Turkey instigates conflict with neighboring Kenya since the oil blocks in question are in a disputed maritime zone that is yet to be resolved by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The exploration by Turkey of the black sea may complicate its relations in the East Africa region.

Unlike Turkey, the UAE produces an average of 3 million barrels of petroleum oil daily. The country also has a significant oil reserve of 100 billion barrels (Ba Geri et al., 2019). Essentially, the UAE raises a third of its GDP from oil and gas production. Emirati oil production accounts for 13.2% of the total produced in the Middle East. However, the oil and gas demand in the UAE is high, so it is not yet self-sufficient. The UAE is a member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and targets to explore multiple oil wells. The UAE aims to improve its oil and gas production to become self-sufficient and export to reassert its supremacy in OPEC (Sea, 2020). Although the UAE has less reputation for oil and gas exploration in Africa, it has signed an exploration deal with Tanzania to explore its coastline. The UAE is diversifying its energy production by investing in natural gas and renewable energy sources.

Tourism

Good diplomatic relations between Turkey and Africa have influenced a spike in tourism and immigration between both regions. Many immigrant Africans have significantly increased in Turkey, including students and immigrants. This has led to the emergence of Libyan, Tunisian, Algerian, Senegalese, and Nigerian communities in Turkey compared to the UAE (Ibrahim, 2021). Bilateral tourism between Turkey and Africa has great cultural and social impacts. Although the COVID-19 pandemic interrupted immigration and tourism activities globally, Turkey effectively responded to the pandemic, hence more minor tourism impacts.

Good relations have foreseen an increase in immigrant Africans in Turkey. Close ties between the two regions caused Turkey to reduce restrictions on African immigrants. Now, over 100 000 African immigrants living in Turkey have contributed to the revitalization of customs and culture in Turkey (Todman, 2018). Immigrants help solve the scarcity of human capital as they benefit from employment and the improvement of educational and vocational qualifications. Immigration facilitates intercultural exchange to inspire new forms of artistic expression in Turkey. Visitors also gain flexibility, adaptability, and confidence as they create new networks and learn how to interact with people from other cultures. Africa now prefers Turkey among the Middle East countries for education, trade, and work.

Since cooperation with Africa, Turkish tourists visiting Africa have significantly increased. Tourism is a powerful vehicle for job creation and economic proliferation. The number of Turkish nationals visiting Africa has skyrocketed by 80% over the last ten years (Todman, 2018). Africa’s growing tourism is due to good diplomatic relations, hunger for adventure, the launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AFCFTA), and an increasing number of Africans in Turkey. Tourists from Turkey are mainly attracted by African wildlife and serenity, especially in Kenya and South Africa. Pyramids and cultural artifacts in Egypt also attract tourists.

The UAE has strong tourism links with African countries due to climate change, wildlife, cultural heritage, and the Burj Khalifa tower. Africa is the largest gainer of climatic change due to its semi-arid climates. During summer, the heat and humidity drive away UAE residents in search of cooler climates and cultural heritage in Africa. The East African coast receives a significant number of UAE tourists during summer. According to Todman (2018), Africa’s unique cultural heritage and wildlife also attract Emirati tourists. The UAE is arguably the most visited country by African tourists. The Emirati government documents many arrivals from African countries, including Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, and South Africa. However, the COVID-19 pandemic caused the UAE to impose restrictions on African countries, disrupting tourism in UAE. Additionally, there has been a spike in African workers in the UAE due to expanded influence in the region.

Aviation

A deeper footprint in Africa has significantly improved profitability and supremacy. Turkish airlines are able to record profits where other aviation players, such as the UAE, fear operations. Turkish airlines have 52 routes across Africa that serve trading and travel between the ally regions (Dahir, 2021). However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Turkish government has stepped down the number of passenger destinations to 44. Alleviated operations in Africa have been causing profitability growth for the Istanbul-based carrier, promoting it to the top 20 list of airlines. A tenth of the aviation revenues are collected from African activities. African flights increase passengers using Turkish Airlines’ hub, positively impacting the cabin and load factors to make other routes, such as Istanbul to London, profitable. The Turkish Airline established a business class lounge in 2016 in Nairobi, Kenya, that other airlines, such as the Emirates and British Airlines, hire for their business class travelers (Dahir, 2021). The UAE is challenged by Turkey’s solid strategic presence and development of African aviation.

Due to its good global ranking among the best airlines, the Emirates is a significant player in Ethiopia, Tanzania, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. The Emirates provides superior value, enhanced connectivity, and more customer choice to optimize operations in the five African countries. With 22 points of destination in Africa, the Emirates has lesser operations than Turkey airlines (Telci & Horoz, 2018). However, Emirates is currently seeking stronger network growth opportunities in Africa by growing its airline partners, increasing flight frequencies, and upgrading aircraft.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Turkey and UAE compete for geopolitical dominance in the Middle East. The power struggles influenced Turkey to adopt an ideological global influence strategy through an alliance with non-Muslim countries in Africa. Africa is wealthy in natural resources and is rapidly developing, making it the best destination to forge futuristic relations in trade, tourism, and aviation. Turkey’s foreign policy mixes soft and hard elements of power in the African region. This enables Turkey to assert its foreign influence, supplement its oil and natural resources deficit, and foster trade and economic development. The UAE has a remarkable influence and presence in Africa. If Turkey ends up wielding more significant influence in Africa than the UAE, it will dominate the Middle East geopolitics attributable to the economic, social, and political benefits following the influence. Therefore the Emirati federation should instantly change its foreign policy in Africa to combat Turkey’s ascendancy in the Middle East. The UAE can start closing ties with non-Muslim African countries for substantial relations. Additionally, the UAE can enhance humanitarian activities that forge closer relationships essential to boost trade and allegiance.

References

Ba Geri, M., Ellafi, A., Flori, R., Belhaij, A., & Alkamil, E. H. (2019). New Opportunities and Challenges to Discover and Develop Unconventional Plays in the Middle East and North Africa: Critical Review. In Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition & Conference. OnePetro.

Dahir, A. (2021). The Turkey-Africa Bromance: Key Drivers, Agency, and Prospects. Insight Turkey 2021/04: Turkey’s Grand Strategy, 27.

Guan, J., Kirikkaleli, D., Bibi, A., & Zhang, W. (2020). Natural resources rents nexus with financial development in the presence of globalization: is the “resource curse” exist or myth?. Resources Policy, 66, 101641.

Ibrahim, R. (2021). Assessing Turkish foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa: Somalia as a case study (Doctoral dissertation).

Langan, M. (2018). Emerging powers and neo-colonialism in Africa. In Neo-Colonialism and the Poverty of development in Africa (pp. 89-117). Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.

Sea, M. (2020). North Africa.

Sıradağ, A. (2018). Turkey-Africa alliance: Evolving patterns in security relations. African Security Review, 27(3-4), 308-325.

Sofos, S. (2022). Peacebuilding in turbulent times: Turkey in MENA and Africa. Web.

Telci, I. N. (2018). A Lost Love between the Horn of Africa and UAE.Al Jazeera Center for Studies, 28.

Todman, W. (2018). The Gulf Scramble for Africa.GCC states’ foreign policy laboratory.

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