Touareg Problem and Its Solutions

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The ‘Tuareg problem’ is an ongoing socio-political issue in Mali, Africa. The problem started several decades ago. According to Atallah (2012), it is erroneous to assume that the crisis started with the 2012 revolt. The uprising involved the Tuareg people engaging in activities meant to oppose the Mali government. According to Atallah (2012), the conflagration is a consequence of conflicts that have been going on for half a century now.

In the current paper, the author will analyze a number of elements revolving around what has come to be commonly referred to as the ‘Tuareg problem’. The historical background of this issue, together with its possible solutions, will be reviewed in this paper. A brief history of the rebellions, the reasons for the uprisings, and the grievances voiced by the Tuareg people will be examined.

The Tuareg is a semi-nomadic ethnic group found in the Sahelian and Saharan regions of Africa. Some of the areas where these people are found include northern Mali, western Libya, southern Algeria, northeast Burkina Faso, and northern Niger (Atallah 2012). According to Worley (2012a), the Tuaregs are divided into three social classes. The clusters include the nobles, the vassals, and the black African slaves. The nobles are camel herders, while the vassals are involved in raising goats.

Atallah (2012) advances three historical causes of the Tuareg rebellions. The uprisings can be traced back to 1962, two years after Mali attained independence. One of the causes of the problem is related to discriminations against these people by the southern ethnic groups. The southern communities, which mainly consist of black Africans, are in control of the Malian government (Jean-Pierre 2012).

Worley (2012b) echoes the sentiments held by Jean-Pierre and Atallah by stating that splits in regional identities between the north and the south constitute a major factor behind the development of the Tuareg problem. The Tuaregs are the dominant ethnic group in northern Mali. However, they feel that the southerners propagate ‘racialized’ hostilities towards them. The southerners, on their part, harbor hard feelings of historical oppressions by the Tuaregs. The reason is that they were previously subjected to slavery by this ethnic group (Stoller 2002).

According to Jean-Pierre (2012), the Tuaregs established the city of Timbuktu in the early 11th century. Consequently, the community flourished through trading, conquering, and travelling throughout the Sahara region. The socio-economic development of the Tuaregs stemmed from their trade in gold, salt, and black slaves (Asfura-Heim 2013). Today, some of these people still own slaves. Most of these slaves are descendants of the southern black Africans (Kemil et al. 2013).

Worley (2012b) is of the opinion that the issue of hostilities stemming from slavery is mere propaganda. According to Worley (2012b), the black communities practiced and still uphold this ‘evil’. Atallah (2012) introduces the element of land reforms as another cause of the Tuareg problem. The French sub-divided the land occupied by the Tuaregs when they colonized Mali. According to Seely (2001:9), the Tuaregs were promised their own autonomous zone by the colonialists. The zone was to be referred to as the Azawad region. The promise was never fulfilled, leading to the first Tuareg revolt in 1916 (Asfura-Heim 2013).

The French left Mali in 1960. After their departure, Modibo Keita government instituted major land reforms that threatened the livelihoods of the Tuaregs. The group felt that the modernization policies adopted by the government attacked them directly. The land reforms threatened their pastures and grazing land (Seely 2001:9). Majority of leaders in post-colonial Mali come from the southern ethnic groups. The ruling class has shown little or no sympathy towards the culture of the northern desert nomads (Hershkowitz 2005). Consequently, the Tuaregs feel oppressed by the southerners. The feeling of neglect and alienation from power informs the group’s push for freedom from the Mali government.

In addition to the injustices believed to be behind the Tuareg problem, it is noted that the national government has neglected this group in terms of development (Atallah 2012). The northern part of Mali, which is mainly occupied by this community, is very underdeveloped. Hershkowitz (2005) is of the opinion that some of the fighting groups among the Tuaregs cite poor infrastructure, lack of jobs, and other social ills as some of the reasons behind their call for autonomy (Stoller 2002).

Atallah (2012) notes that one of the Tuareg families in the region claims that the only paved road in northern Mali ends at Mopti. The observation indicates that the community believes it is economically discriminated against by the Mali government. Mali is a poor country by all standards. The region remains in poverty in spite of the vast resources found within its borders (Worley 2012a). A vast section of the country is made up of deserts. Food and land resources are very scarce in the area (Asfura-Heim 2013). However, the country has significant energy resources and rich deposits of minerals. The problems facing the Tuareg farmers and pastoralists are aggravated by climate changes, which are characterized by persistent droughts (Kemil et al. 2013).

Over the years, the government of Mali has ignored the difficulties faced by the Tuaregs. The indifference on the part of the authorities has fuelled Tuareg’s desire for autonomy. It is important to note that since independence, social inequalities and other problems facing the country have not been addressed adequately (Seely 2001:9). Corruption and other evils are widespread in the country. As such, most parts of Mali, including those in the south, are characterized by underdevelopment (Seely 2001:9).

Exploitation of the various resources in the region, such as Uranium, scarcely benefits the majority poor. Such factors have further fueled the Tuareg problem. The group feels that the government is exploiting their resources. Worley (2012b) notes that the world’s major powers and corporations are also playing a significant role in the current crisis.

In spite of the persistence nature of the Tuareg crisis, it is apparent that the various fighting groups in this community have failed to work towards a common goal. According to Asfura-Heim (2013), the 1990-1995 and 2007 rebellions failed to achieve independence for the ethnic group. In both insurgencies, political and economic reforms were prioritized.

According to Worley (2012a), it is a fact that nationalism is a major objective of the Tuareg insurgents. However, Islamism and other factors are increasingly turning into major forces in the problem. The groups fighting in northern Mali include National Movement for Liberation of Azawad (NMLA). Others are AQIM (Islamic Maghreb) and MUJAO (Movement for Uniqueness and Jihad in West Africa).

MNLA is largely associated with the call for nationalism. For instance, the movement acknowledges the multi-ethnic composition of the northern Mali population. Their nationalist agenda is informed by this reality (Dorrie 2012). However, the other insurgent movements, such as AQIM and MUJAO, are intent on spreading strict Sharia laws in Azawad (Worley 2012b). Contrary to this, MNLA has asserted its intention to bring about secular democratization in Azawad. Consequently, the various insurgent groups appear to be fighting one another.

The clamor for nationalism, as advocated for by MNLA, appears unrealistic. The major reason for this entails the various factions fighting in Azawad and other regions occupied by Tuareg. In addition, Tuareg territories span several countries of north and West Africa. The call for autonomy in this territory may force these countries to give up some of their land and other resources, a move they are likely to resist (Dorrie 2012).

The Tuareg problem can be resolved by encouraging dialogue between the Tuareg and other ethnic groups in Mali. Power sharing in government can be used to enhance unity between the parties since they are likely to feel represented. In addition, historical injustices should be regarded as ‘foregone’ events. To this end, individuals should be encouraged to unite to achieve social and economic prosperity. Slaves should be freed and the trade abolished through the adoption of strict legislations (Seely 2001:9).

International powers, such as the US and China, should ensure that their investments in the region are pegged on the wellbeing of the entire population. Allocation of resources should be carried out in an equitable manner. The move will help deal with the feeling of marginalization among the Tuaregs (Worley 2012a).

The Tuareg problem is a grave issue dating back to almost a century ago. There are diverse reasons behind the crisis. A critical analysis of the problem reveals that it is not likely to end any time soon. It is aggravated by extremism among the organizations posing as Tuareg sympathizers.

References cited

Asfura-Heim, Patricia 2013 The Tuareg: A Nation Without Borders? A CNA Strategic Studies Conference Report. Web.

Atallah, Rudy 2012 The Tuareg Revolt and the Mali Coup. Prepared statement before the United States House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights. Web.

Dorrie, Peter 2012 The Origins and Consequences of Tuareg Nationalism.World Politics Review. Web.

Hershkowitz, Ann 2005 The Tuareg in Mali and Niger: The Role of Desertification in Violent Conflict. American University.Web.

Jean-Pierre, Olivier de Sardan 2012 The “Tuareg Question” in Mali Today.” Web.

Kemil, Ahmed, Mary Fallon, and Doug Fallon 2013 A Nomad in Two Worlds. New York: Turmaline LLC.

Seely, Jennifer 2001 A Political Analysis of Decentralisation: Coopting the Tuareg Threat in Mali. The Journal of Modern African Studies 39(3):9. doi: 10 I7/So022278Xo100369X.

Stoller, Paul 2002 Money has no Smell: The Africanization of New York City. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Worley, Barbara A. 2012a “The 2012 Tuareg Revolt: Regional Identities and Barriers to Reconciliation.” (Blog article) Tuareg Culture and News. 2012. Web.

Worley, Barbara A. 2012b “The Tuareg Crisis in Mali.” (Blog article) Tuareg Culture and News. 2012. Web.

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Touareg Problem and Its Solutions

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