The Possibilities of Transnational Activism

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Table of Contents

Introduction
Main body
Conclusion
References

Introduction

The focus of this a paper is on outlining the relationship supposed and existent, between the state and society in the understanding of developmental theories particularly for developing countries. The implied position underlying the focus objectives of this paper come from the understanding that the influence of society on the state and vice versa is unavoidable. To effectively zero in on the explorations of the supposed relationship the two; the terms ‘state’ and ‘society’ must be defined. Various contributions have been advanced as the definitions of state.

Main body

Perhaps the most appropriate one which is used in mainstream domains is that which holds that a society is body of human individuals which is peculiarly marked by patterns of relationships between the individuals which have a common and distinctive culture and value systems. (Jenkins 2001, 54) In this domain culture is also defined as a sum of a people’s values, beliefs, norms and traditions among various aspects that relate to who the people actually are as a group or as individuals.

Culture definitions that acknowledge the estate of a people’s culture as a result of various internal and external forces will be more valuable for the purposes of this tract. From a broader perspective society has been defined as an economic, social as well industrial ensemble where-in various people(s) live together. (Jenkins 2001, 54) The members of the society may be from a different ethnic group and in some case the entirety of a society may be a collection of a particular group of people such the English or the Jews, etc. In other cases the term can be used to refer to huge population domains like the western or African society in a general sense. For the purposes of this paper the term will be used as reference to the body of human population which falls directly under a particular state and within precise geographical parameters called countries (Franz Oppenheimer, 2001, p. 51).

The state on the other end has been defined as a political association with working honor and independence over a particular geographical area. The association must be representative of a populace. (Peter Laslett 2001, p 16) The scholar further outlines that these may be nation states or sub-national states or in other cases multinational states. What is important is that the state constitutes institutions endowed with power to create rules that set the framework in which the society can be governed in a desired harmonious manner. From the onset the concept of governing in its own right is a means by which the state shapes the society (Raymond Williams, 2002, p. 43).

There is an overwhelming evidence to substantiate the notion that society does influence the state. This has been based on the underlying understanding that the governing institutions that constitute the state are formulated and framed within the culture confines and various value systems of the society within which they function. The society here can be the global society, especially in reference to the state institutions of mature western democracies whose state institutions and statutes are based on the classic cultural concept of universalism. Cultural Universalism holds that cultures originate in one point and thus are; and must be mutually compatible. The concept embraces the notion that there is one ideal model of human rights and a global way of doing things (Culture). Universalism lies in the core of contemporary human rights statutes (Raymond Williams, 2003, p. 43).

Universalism holds in it score that there is a foundation human union which regards all individuals are entitled to basic rights regardless of their race, origins and religious beliefs or otherwise. From another perspective cultural Relativists hold that cultures are intrinsically different; that the cultures of the world can not be thought to be compatible neither can they be blended (Peter Preston, 1996, p. 21). From the foregoing perspective, it can be noted how especially mature democratic states are shaped by the global society in the premise of human rights and also how the states prepare governing concepts based on the Human Rights Charter framework. Notably the concepts also influence the conduct of the society and hence the flow of influence is mutual between the state and the society paradigms.

In states that are categorised as cultural relativist, governing principles are formulated from the premise of ‘national’ culture with no particular regards for what global culture entails or stipulates. In this case the state is shaped by the national rather that the international society. Another perspective holds that regardless of the tenets of the relativist cultural thrust; there is no state that is immune to global influence in the wake of contemporary sweeping phenomena such as globalisation and aspects like acculturation and cultural pluralism (Cowen, 1996, p. 12). The proponents of cultural relativism pose a towering challenge to the paradigm of the universality of norms.

The proponents reinforce their rejection of the fundamental position that human rights are universal without any kind of exceptions. These have based their arguments by rejecting concepts of universality proponents who present that there is theoretical junction and intellectual logic in theories presented to anchor and support the universal international human rights law. (Theodore, 1974, p 26) These have thus maintained that national states as well as societies must be free from external influences arguing that each society is entitled to its own ways of doing things, defining and protecting human rights. (Lowi, Theodore, 1974, p 26) Societies are also susceptible to the state, whose formation and functionalities must constitute the influence of its subject society.

There can be drawn important illustrations on the part of the influence that state has own society. Explorations on this perspective are based on the notion that the state uses political power to acquire wealth and power while the society uses economic means to advance and consolidate itself (Wegener et al, 1994, p. 65). This notion has pitted the state as the enemy of society and vice versa. The state has power over its governing instruments, the judiciary, the legislature and the executive which invent main principles on the conduct of individuals and entities for the social, political, and economic and all aspects relatable to human existence.

One profound source of influence on the form of state has been the society of Non-governmental Organisations. Non Governmental organisations (NGOs) are legally bound organisation created by private institutions or a group of people with no associations with the government (Wegener, 1994, p. 65). Even in cases where the NGOs to some extent are sponsored by the government the independency of the NGO is clearly maintained and spelt out right through the course of their activities and existence.

NGOs have characterised social development in contemporary socio-economic paradigms as most them emerge and function to bridge the gap between the “haves’ and the ‘have nots’ in the phrasing of the philosopher Karl Marx. In developing countries which are classified as countries that have not accomplished the often Western defined measures of democratic governance, free market economic models , social programmes , human rights assurances and most importantly, industrialization (Wegener, 1994, p. 65). NGOs play a vital role of bridging gaps that exist in societies in various dimensions. It is particularly essential that most of the NGOs activity to this end is marked by lobbying and pressuring of especially repressive governments to open up and bolster societal participation in the crucial fronts of socio-economic and political development.

Besides presenting relief support and other forms of help to global communities NGOs also help in the dimension of championing the awareness of people on key human progression issues for instance, human rights. On this dimension NGOs play a vital role of empowering people with knowledge that will enable them to function more effectively as liberated individuals (Stone, Diane, 2004, p. 132). Such thrusts of NGOs have also seen the growth of public participation on various issues and the role of the NGOs here plays towards the creation of aware communities and this creates conducive climates for democracy which is the only best known political and social system for the governance of a people.

Nonetheless the activity and functions of the NGOs on this dimension is restricted in the confines of the fact that the activity of the NGOs must not be perceived to be playing towards any move that may be interpreted as partisan. Whilst the activity and the thrust of the NGOs agenda lays significant influence to shape the states towards models of democracy and free market economies, the activity of the entities is also defined within the parameters of what the states define as their parameters (Stone, Diane, 2004, p. 135).

There is a significant thrust at exploring how the commerce and business realms (societies) are shaped by the state through the principles of the state’s institutional authorities. Scholars such as Greenwood and Hinnings (Opcit) have posited that although state institutional impact on society is not generally viewed as providing a model of organizational and individual conduct but also provides an explanation of important issues of societal dynamics. The state institutional theorists have shown why some organizational arrangements become wide spread across sector boundaries and why organisations under similar institutional pressures, may experience different patterns of change. The pathway related models must thus be construed in the manner in which they illustrate the paradigms of changes and pathway chosen in relation to various dimensions that are based on an organisation’s features and characteristics.

It can be mentioned that the flow of influence between the state and the society is mutual. The shape and forms of state are nonetheless more dependent on the particular ideologies of the individual state heads who for one reason or the other subscribe to particular socio-political and economic ideologies. For instance if the state head is a typical dictator, the governing functionalities of the state will acutely and highly be repressive, this has encompassing implications for the subject society. The conduct of societies, their values their aspirations, their social, economic and political activities are determined by the issues of where the state has left them with regards to the accomplishment of their ultimate goals of freedom and progression in all aspects of life. (Jenkins, R, 2001, p 24) Notably the state is inturn shaped by the pressures coming from a society that will not cease to pursue its profound goals.

Development theory embodies a cluster of theories and models that have been propounded and developed with regards to how best positive change can be achieved in societies. The theories have been built from a pool of ideas drawn form multiple socio-scientific domains and approaches. This section of the paper focuses on the influence (either existing or assumed) of development theories to public policy formulation and implementation in developing countries. Some scholars define policy as a deliberate or purposed blueprint of action to govern decisions towards the achievement of reasonable (rational) outcomes.

The import of the term makes it squarely applicable on government, the private sector institutions, various groups and individuals. Policy differs from rules and law. Rules and laws constitute the legislature and the judiciary aspect of government yet policy focuses on guiding the decisions making processes such that all variables and the decisions setting are modeled to facilitate feasible decision making towards the kind of actions perceived to precipitate the best of outcomes (Jenkins, R, 2001, p. 24).

In light of the foregoing it can be stated that policy making for developing counties becomes a key aspect of the transformation and development thrusts. It must therefore draw cues and run in tandem with the host of development theories to ensure the accomplishment of set goals. Policy or policy study may also be understood as the process entailing the making of critical institutional decisions including the establishment of different alternatives like programme or expenditure priorities. According to the idea the identification and selection of the best alternatives is largely shaped on the perceived impact that the selected and other alternatives may have. Policy can also be interpreted as political, social, managerial, fiscus and administrative, etc.

One of the salient and mainstream theories of development is the modernization theory which holds that developing countries may take significant cues from the states and processes that the countries which belong to the developed world went through. In its core the theory holds that developing countries must follow the development processes and methodologies of the develop countries. Thinkers like Walt Rostow and A.F.K. Organski came up with stages of development through which every country goes through in the long process of development. The contributions of Rostow came through his popular book, “The Stages of economic Growth” which was authored in defense of free enterprise model of economics particularly for developing countries.

From another angle the modernisation theory has been relished by contributions form Samuel Huntington who presented development as a linear process that every country must go through. Developing countries have to draw form the celebrated contribution of foregoing insights which are antithetical to Classical Liberalism in their view of the state as a central player well suited to facilitate development especially in developing countries (Jenkins, R, 2001, p. 24). Unlike the models of socialism and communism which vest much power on the people (populace) modernisation places the government at the centre to drive to multi-dimensional societal development. This places an inalienable onus and impetus for development on the state and hence governing authorities in developing countries must be the leading and the most active players in the efforts to bring about significant societal development.

One salient dimension of the modernisation model which is particularity significant for the developing countries is the education aspect pulled in through the contributions of Talcott Parsons’ functional sociology who outlined the properties that differentiate ‘modern’ and ‘traditional’ societies. In his sociological thrust Parsons holds the aspect of education as key and indispensable in the quest to create modern individuals and societies. The foregoing insights are based on the understanding that the introduction of technology in developing economies will catalyse change and hence the central importance of the education aspect. This thrust is biased towards the theories and ideas of development.

The definitions of development have dominated debates in various academic and circles. Largely the meaning of the term depends on who is defining it. The western model leverages on the aspects of technological development with no particular stress on values and culture and thus, especially African views on development have been downplayed by the technology stressing definitions. In line with the foregoing renowned Africa philosopher and author Ngugi Wa’thiongo asserts the so called mature democracies hail their progress in matters of technology yet through the capitalist economic approaches, they still practice what he classifies as social cannibalism and in this conceptual premise he presents a critiquing of the pro-technology limited perspective on the broad concepts of societal development (Jenkins, R, 2001, p. 24). Scholars like Ngugi would argue therefore that societies can still be held as highly developed in consideration of their cultural and social values systems that foster egalitarianism and equal distribution of a society’s resources irrespective of levels of the particular society’s technological development.

Nevertheless the pro-education aspect of the modernisation theory is particularly essential for the developing countries most of which still register nominal literacy rates paralleled by grim skills shortage statistics. Policy formulators in developing countries will benefit quiet considerably from the modernisation theory which emphasizes the aspect of education. Policy makers in developing countries must prioritise the aspect of education as no development in the contemporary world can be accomplished nor sustained without education (Vaugh 1980, p. 31).

The modernisation theory holds again in its core that developing countries must partner with developed countries to learn from the developed economies. This is perceived to enable the developing economies to development faster than the developed countries and that facilitate the accomplishment of equal growth and development. Developing countries tapping the merits of this development model will thus consider partnering with various developed countries in form of bilateral trade agreements or educational exchange programmes. Any programmes tailored to facilitate knowledge exchange between the developed and the developing countries may be perceived to contribute significantly to the precipitation of desired development outcomes.

The dependent theory of development on the other end comes as direct contrast to the import of the modernisation theory. Modernisation Theory holds that development and underdevelopment are determined by internal conditions within each economy pressing for partnership between the developed and underdeveloped, the dependency model of development on the other end holds that development comes from underdevelopment and that underdevelopment comes from development. The model thus is proponent to the philosophically Marxist ideas that advocate for the cutting of ties between the developed and underdeveloped countries such that the underdeveloped may focus on the internal matters to drive internal growth. An example of policies based on this model is the Import Substitution Industrialisation policy. Such a policy is feasible for protecting a developing economy on dimensions of international trade which can be plagued by ills such as currency volatility, unpredictable financial markets, etc (Lenski, G. 1974, p. 31). The Imports Substitution Industrialisation policy can be adopted by developing countries concerned most about cushioning themselves from the upheavals in global markets yet the theory does not provide much on concepts needed for multi-dimensional societal development.

The World Systems Theory came after criticism of the dependency theory and has not enjoyed much popularity as other theories. The salient tenets of the theory are marked by acute distrust for the State which is viewed as the group of elite not in touch nor concerned about the plight of the poor. The theory also holds that industrialiation can not be held as a measure of development. The State theory followed criticism of the World Systems theory. The World Systems Theory is arguably the most contemporary of all theories presented basing on the strong thrust of the model on the aspect linking the economy with politics. It can be argued that most developing countries have suffered great limitations on the path of economic and multi-faceted societal development owing to their typically dictatorial political systems.

Trends linked to the tenets of the State Theory of development indicate that mature democracies of the West are the highly developed while dictatorships especially in Africa and the world over are the most underdeveloped. Developing countries are under pressure to change in their political domains and facilitate the development of open societies that will facilitate and catalyse social progression towards multi-dimensional societal growth. Success for developing countries must be expected to come from public policy and development strategy that draws from the entire development model tenets that influence and furnish contemporary public policy making development planning.

Media has largely been viewed as the fourth estate complementing the three conventional government arms which are the legislature, executive and judiciary. The role of media in society is very critical and crucial to the social, political, economic and other societal dimensions. Media communicates culture as societies derive values from supper structure, those in helm of societies, in Karl Marx’s perspectives and language (Lenski, G. 1974, p. 42). As such media is said to play a crucial role between the state and the society. Society may influence the state through media and the inverse is true.

In ideal socio-political environs media plays an essential role of critiquing the body polity such that the conduct of those in power is kept at check ensuring the focus on the people’s needs. This is not true in typically dictatorship societies where in fact the state manipulates media to brainwash the society and silence opposition. Nonetheless the role that is played by media is a lucid example of channels through which society impacts the state and vice versa.

The unrestricted flow of credible political happenings and developments is essential for the public’s discerning of politics, the generation of what is called public opinion as well as the involvement of the public in all aspects of the entirety of the political process. Also; the independence of media from political meddling and the essence of media as in the way they play their political roles, the manner in which media is subjected to pressures from the commercial systems that fund the media entities as well as the decisiveness of the government in supplying information; all have a great deal to do with the maturity of democracy and the propagation of public opinion driven societies.

Conclusion

The functionalities of media have made it a vulnerable tool subjected to use and abuse by those in power bent on swaying public opinion and influencing popular opinion on individuals and issues among other things. In summation it can be stated that the relationship between society and state is characterised by the insistent pressure and forces from the society to impact on the state in the direction of the achieving of societal needs and the unrelenting pressure from the state to model society in the premise of its either pro-people or anti-people ideologies. No matter which developmental models that developing countries adopt; the mutual influence between the state and society is inalienable.

References

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The Possibilities of Transnational Activism

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