The Cars Usage Regulations

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Introduction

There has been a common perception which seems to be a fact that an attempt to establish regulations on the usage of cars generates protests.

The protests are raised by motorists who feel that such regulations are infringements on their freedom of movement. An insight into circumstance about cars however gives an indication that there is something special about cars that drive the users into protesting against any element of control on the way they use their cars; there is an “errotic effect” (Diekstra and Kroon 153) associated with cars that people cannot do without.

This point of view is generated by the fact that motorists make sacrifices in using their cars and leaving many available and more reasonable options. Cases such as people maintaining the usage of cars instead of “bicycles or train” and people spending a lot on cars while failing to satisfy some of their basic needs have been noted (Diekstra and Kroon 148).

There are also reports that as much as every Dutch is pledging commitment to environmental conservation, almost only a quarter of vehicle owners are willing to reduce the extent to which they use their cars. Politicians have also been identified to be reluctant to enact stern regulatory measures despite the fact that a high number of people die every day in the European Union countries from road accidents. There is therefore a force of unwillingness to enact or accept regulation on usage of cars (Diekstra and Kroon 148).

History of Driving Behavior

The preference for a car over the other affordable means of transport such as the train started long time ago. Following his journey from “Berlin to Italy and back in an open Adler Phaeton” (Diekstra and Kroon 148) in the year 1902, Otto proclaimed that a car was better that a train (Diekstra and Kroon 148).

He later revealed more of his reasons for preferring a car. According to him, there was more freedom when travelling by a car that was not realized in other modes of transport; “The car increases human power and speed to such an extent that it also constitutes an increase in a qualitative sense; with the aid of the car, man is capable of claiming territory practically anywhere in the world” (Diekstra and Kroon 151).

The restrictions in a train that are, for example, not experienced in cars include fixed time tables and the closed nature of the train vessel. Another historical advantage that cars are credited for is the social class identity that the use of train had undermined.

Trains mixed every traveler in the system and that seemingly did not please the noble classes. As cars then emerged later at prices that could only be afforded by the very rich, it was associated with social superiority bringing back the social stratification that was formerly felt. Time however realized the proliferation of the motor vehicle industry with companies such as General Motors, Ford, Volkswagen among others coming up to offer diversified brands of vehicles that were affordable by the other lower classes in the society.

The status associated with cars has however not diminished as some brands like Mercedes and BMW are meant to distinguish classes in spite of the fact that an individual is on car wheels and the power associated with it remains to be a fulfillment (Diekstra and Kroon 148).

The association between car models and social class together with the satisfaction derived from driving indicates that driving behavior also depend on psychological factors. One of the key motivational factors to driving is its liberalizing effects from dependence on nature for human movements.

This has as a result offered the freedom to freely move at an individual’s will and with a lot of ease. Power that is associated with cars has also been a motivational factor to their usage; “When driving a car, man undergoes a personality change and a motivational reverse, no matter how little he may himself be aware of it” (Diekstra and Kroon 152).

The ability to move with relatively high speed and the offered opportunity to be present at a place within reduced time period has brought some fulfillment of over control of distance and territories: “the car at high speed-is also a source of stimulation for the central nervous system”(154). Power over territories due to ownership or driving a car is felt even by “simply driving there or packing” (Diekstra and Kroon 150). The comfort that is presented by using a car is also motivational.

Availability of “sound systems, carpets, colorful upholstery and air conditioning” Diekstra and Kroon 150 among others also contributes to the influence into using cars (Diekstra and Kroon 150). There is also a significant psychological influence that a driver feels once he or she is on the wheels; “the car itself also acquires a personality, becomes a companion or even a partner” (Diekstra and Kroon 153).

This illustrates a natural significant impact that driving has on people and this impact institutes a desire to always be on the wheels. Identity that an individual gains following the ownership of a car is also a motivational factor into ownership and usage of cars. The level of influence that is felt from cars is intense that it poses threats to lives (Diekstra and Kroon 150).

Due to the established power by car drivers, protection measures of other people from dangers of car users have been identified to be a necessity. Psychological approaches such as the use of road signs together with regulating production of cars as well as infrastructure and restricting movements of cars have been identified steps to control the power acquired by car users (Diekstra and Kroon 148).

Conclusion

Cars have a great influence on the way people feel. Though cars are associated with some dangers no absolute control measure is available over the usage of cars as the proposed steps will only limit the usage of technology without adequately controlling the threats of cars.

Works Cited

Diekstra, Rene and Kroon, Martin. Cars and behavior: psychological barriers to car restraint and sustainable urban transport. Hague, Netherlands: Leiden, 1997. Print.

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