Salzman’s and Miner’s Views on Anthropology

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Summary of Chapter 2 of Salzman, Understanding Culture

In Chapter 2, Phillip Salzman defines the functional approach to explaining the behaviors that anthropologists observe. Using examples such as ancestor worship, accusations of witchcraft, or special relations between mother’s comrade and sister’s son, the author explains that anthropology looks for a functional reason for practices that may otherwise seem irrational. Drawing on the work of Radcliffe-Brown, Malinowski, and Durkheim, Salzman explains that anthropologists seek to understand the “interrelationship between cultural elements” (P. C. Salzman 30), This reminds the reader of the discussion in Thinking Anthropologically of ”interdependence” and “inter-relationship” of the “learned beliefs and behaviors” that distinguish one culture from another (Salzman and Rice 16). Behaviors function because of their contribution to a community’s “cohesion”, “continuity and survival” (P. C. Salzman 30).

Ancestor worship, for example, can be seen as encouraging mutual responsibility amongst co-lineage group members. Ancestor worship could motivate individuals to avoid offending these supernatural beings (P. C. Salzman 15). Another example is the special and indulgent relationship between mothers’ brothers and sisters’ sons in a number of societies. It can be seen as supporting respect and obedience to the patrilineal descent group. It differentiates the relationship with one’s mother’s relations, in whose descent group one does not belong, from one’s father’s relations, who represent one’s official descent group (P. C. Salzman 19). Witchcraft accusations provide an example of how one single practice varies understandably and functionally from one environment to another (P. C. Salzman 26). Participant observation, as described earlier in the reading, permits modern anthropologists to discern the natural context of such behaviors (P. C. Salzman 15-18).

Summary of Miner’s Article, Body Ritual Among The Nacerima

Horace Miner has created a double satire – both of American culture and of the mode of writing of professional anthropologists. The author applies anthropological observation techniques and the typical detached perspective of anthropology to the US obsession with personal hygiene (Miner). In his hands, cleanliness, and beauty rituals appear as a cultural practices just as peculiar out of context as the religious rituals and social practices described in Chapter 2 of Salzman (P. C. Salzman 21). He addresses behaviors most readers probably take for granted, but he treats it as something about which nothing can be safely assumed. This highlights both the silliness and irrationality of contemporary behavior, and both the dangers and the strength of the anthropological perspective. In Miner’s example, although real risks may prompt the practices of the Nacirema people (tooth decay, illness); the approach that Miner applies highlights goofiness as well. For example, fear of friendlessness is less rational and might be better viewed with skepticism (Miner 504-505). This is a wonderful example of applying anthropology to issues close to home with positive results.

Summary of Chapter 3 of Salzman, Understanding Culture

In Chapter 3, Salzman shows how an anthropological perspective can explain how and why behavior in social groups changes or persists over time. He calls on examples of change in behavior, such as advocacy for higher social status by the Pans, or ‘untouchable’ caste members in India, the development of a new Muslim sect, and evolving relations between indigenous Africans and Europeans in South Africa. Using examples such as the Basseri of southern Persia, the author demonstrates that the economic risks and benefits of livestock ownership versus other sources of income can lead to repeated and similar decisions (P. C. Salzman). These repeated choices and decisions result, if they benefit individuals, for example, in a high level of consistency in herd size from family to family. On the other hand, as Salzman says, “social forms and cultural values” can change when the aggregate decisions of individuals change. The author points out that even seemingly fixed customs are actually “cases” of individual behavior, aggregated over time (P. C. Salzman 41). To spot and understand how decisions can affect cultural practices, however, it is necessary to maintain the holistic perspective on connections between one aspect of human behavior and others that Salzman describes in Thinking Anthropologically (Salzman and Rice 16-23)

Works Cited

Miner, Horace. “Body Ritual among the Nacirema.” The American Anthropologist 58 (1956): 503-507. Web.

Salzman, Philip Carl and Patricia Rice. Thinking anthropologically: a practical guide for students. Upper Saddle River: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2004. Print

Salzman, Phillip Carl. Understanding Culture: An Introduction to Anthropological Theory. Prospect Heights: Waveland, 2001. Print

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