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Riedel, R. (2017). ‘Populism and its democratic, non-democratic, and anti-democratic potential,’ Polish Sociological Review, 199(3), pp.287-298. Web.
This study provides a framework for understanding the fundamental debates surrounding Populism. Essentially, it explores the connections shared between Populism and authoritarianism and the potential democratic setbacks that might arise from the rise of authoritarian Populism. The researchers acknowledge that the current wave of Populism sweeping the Western world underscores the importance of investigating the phenomenon as an increasingly pressing issue. The authors agree that democracy is in the core fabric of Populism. Still, they caution against the potential for undemocratic and possibly counter-democratic outcomes should pluralism and liberalism be called into doubt.
Accordingly, the article’s core point is that Populism may be beneficial and destructive for democracy. That is, it is democratically constructive during the initial phases of liberalization when political redemption is at risk but possibly harmful throughout the stages of consolidating and enhancing democracy. Therefore, the authors argue that a diminishing degree of Populism is necessary to develop a stable democracy. This argument is not persuasive since the article does not fully demonstrate the connection between Populism and authoritarianism to support this claim. The unnecessarily long discussion of Populism may hamper this inquiry as a concept. Nonetheless, the researchers emphasize and evaluate the benefits of alternative definitions of Populism, which adds to those discussed in the module.
Blühdorn, I. and Butzlaff, F. (2019). ‘Rethinking Populism: Peak democracy, liquid identity and the performance of sovereignty,’ European Journal of Social Theory, 22(2), pp.191-211. Web.
Essentially, this article recognizes the growing influence of right-wing Populism. In this context, the authors worry that not enough is known about this problem, its origins, its effects on liberal democracies, and the most effective ways to combat it. They take into account two competing narratives to provide context for their position. First, the libertarian left has been instrumental in the rise of the conservative populist movement. Second, rather than posing a threat to the current sociopolitical system, populist uprisings reinforce and solidify its foundations. In this sense, the article contends that moving beyond the liberal and revolutionary praxis that control much of the available literature is necessary for an intuitive depiction of the populist phenomena.
Based on their reappraisal of the triad link between Populism, modernity, and democracy, the researchers suggest that the former should not be considered anti-democratic or anti-modernist but rather a typical characteristic of today’s new modernity’s style of politics. This viewpoint acknowledges that right-wing Populism caters to specific needs, such as organizing and legitimizing the politics of marginalization. Thus, right-wing populist groups contribute to the preservation of liberty, values, and cultures. In other words, Populism should not be regarded as an anti-democratic force. The article is useful and relevant to the module as it identifies key populist themes and rhetoric that have given rise to radical Populism. This approach makes the article convincing because it prevents the authors from adopting a biased perspective.
Stavrakakis, Y. (2018). ‘Populism, anti-populism and democracy,’ Political Insight, 9(3), pp.33-35. Web.
In this article, Yannis Stavrakakis examines Populism as a new notion influencing world politics. Stavrakakis poses crucial questions to comprehend Populism, including its definition, if it is flawed and harmful, and whether it is fundamentally anti-democratic. In the author’s view, Populism is often described in highly pejorative terms due to its association with extremism and the far right. Stavrakakis contends that this casual labeling is inappropriate and causes ambiguity and damaging misunderstandings (Stavrakakis 2018, p. 34). If institutional forces do not react with public distrust and violent antagonism, Populism can promote a radical democratic vision crucial for progressive liberalization.
The article is an opinion piece since it is not based on primary or secondary research. Thus, readers may not find it convincing, especially since the author seems keen on defending Populism. Despite this, the article pinpoints the consequences of increasing Populism in modern-day politics, such as the 2016 election of President Trump and Victor Orban of Hungary. These examples make the article relevant to students learning Populism as a concept and phenomenon.
Akkerman, T. (2003). ‘Populism and democracy: Challenge or pathology,’ Acta Politica, 38(2), pp.147-159. Web.
This article is underpinned by right-wing parties’ rising popularity in Western countries. Akkerman starts with a definition of Populism before delving into the current theories for the success of populist parties in developed democracies. According to the author’s analysis, many scholars often concentrate on socioeconomic and political issues that drive Populism while disregarding the impact of the media, especially entrepreneurship. Finally, Akkerman argues that Populism threatens democracy and that the researchers under scrutiny are overly lenient.
Akkerman is convincing because he investigates Populism as an emerging problem for mature democracies. This is a unique approach since most scholars typically base their research on the perspective of U.S politics and political parties. This way, Akkerman avoids literature review bias. Accordingly, the article can serve as a useful complementary resource to those explored in the module for individuals seeking to understand Populism in global politics.
Peruzzotti, E. (2017). ‘Populism as democratization’s nemesis: The politics of regime hybridization,’ Chinese Political Science Review, 2(3), pp.314-327. Web.
In this article, Peruzzotti highlights how Populism has moved from the margins to the front of politics, transforming it from an ideology to a form of governance in modern democracies. The author cites populist leaders like Donald Trump to demonstrate how populist parties convince the public that industrial nationalism and popular leadership are the means to safeguard their country from the imagined challenges created by globalization. In this sense, supporters think such leaders may restore an idealized former glory at the expense of traditional liberal values.
This article is significant because it demonstrates how ruling populist regimes or parties often corrupt liberal democracies by methodically undermining constitutional ideals. Nonetheless, Peruzzotti suggests that Populism is not a danger to democracy but rather a new kind of politics that advocates a fusion of the liberal democratic framework by selectively eliminating some of its retrogressive tenets. The article can serve as an essential module reading, given its depth of research and balanced perspective on Populism.
Urbinati, N. (2019). ‘Political theory of populism,’ Annual Review Of Political Science, 22, pp.111-127. Web.
Urbinati’s article embarks on an in-depth analysis of Populism in modern democracies. The author argues that Populism is characterized by a corruption of the democratic values of the majority and the citizens to elevate one group over another. Often, this is accomplished by having a leader who embraces it and an electorate who legitimizes it. Urbinati believes Populism can clash with true democracy in this way, regardless if its essential precepts are rooted in the liberal world of interpretations.
Unlike most scholars, Urbinati does not merely use available literature to understand the concept of Populism. Instead, he goes beyond this mainstream approach by discussing two broad theories of Populism, minimalist and maximal theory of Populism. This approach enables him to outline a trajectory of Populism from its nascent meanings to present understandings. This way, the article is convincing and does not seem like a collection of personal anecdotes. To sum up, the paper is pertinent to the module’s contents since it fills a gap in the literature on Populism by highlighting the historical significance and perspective of liberal democracy.
Finchelstein, F. and Urbinati, N. (2018). On Populism and democracy. Populism, 1(1), pp.15-37. Web.
In this article, Finchelstein and Urbinati boldly claim that after fascism collapsed, Populism emerged as a label for a political ideology. The authors argue that Populism is related to political systems opposed to one another, such as fascism and liberal democracy. Populism, however, weakens democracy without killing it, unlike the former, which annihilated democracy after effectively utilizing its instruments. In this regard, the authors exemplify a soft spot for populism and do not see it as a threat to democracy.
An essential claim made by scholars is that Populism is a transformation of direct democracy that seeks, once in power, to shift the democratic principles from the rule of the masses and the concept of the majority to politics. A major strength of the article is that it traces the emergence of early Populism from the twentieth century in countries such as Russia and the United States. For instance, the People’s Party was the first-ever populist party in Russia (Finchelstein and Urbinati, 2018). Accordingly, this article is informative and provides an insightful historical context that supports the course contents.
De la Torre, C. and Peruzzotti, E. (2018). ‘Populism in power: Between inclusion and autocracy,’ Populism, 1(1), pp.38-58. Web.
This article looks at the rise of populism in Latin American politics starting in the 1930s, citing leaders such as Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro’s Venezuela. The basic democratization of Latin American nations is often credited to populist administrations that have promoted more inclusive governmental policies. The authors argue that while these events were motivated by a desire to bring people together, they left behind negative consequences. Among them is the troubling cultural and institutional baggage of partisanship, ineffective institutions, and cyclical totalitarianism.
The authors provide compelling arguments to illustrate the dangerous impacts of populism on democracy. For instance, populists in positions of authority often attack liberal democratic structures that safeguard the freedom of the press and civil society against official repression in the guise of strengthening democracy. They even attack the systems designed to uphold the values of governmental transparency and the law of the land (De la Torre and Peruzzotti, 2018). With case studies from Latin American countries, this article is an essential reference material for students seeking to integrate course material with secondary research.
Blokker, P. (2019). ‘Populism as a constitutional project,’ International Journal of Constitutional Law, 17(2), pp.536-553. Web.
The author agrees with the widespread sentiment that populist administrations in Europe threaten democracy and the rule of law by becoming involved in a constitutional amendment. Many constitutionalists, the article claims, see liberalism and populism as mutually incompatible concepts. Here, Blokker disagrees and argues that although populism should be seen as a repudiation of liberal constitutionalism, it also creates a rival political movement concerning the notion of a democratic state.
The article’s ability to contextualize populist constitutionalism within the framework of the two major contemporary constitutional traditions—modernist and revolutionary—is one of its strongest points. Further, the European context is emphasized, with a distinct emphasis on the current conservative populist governments in East Central Europe, especially Poland and Hungary (Blokker, 2019). This approach makes the article highly relevant since most of the case studies on populism were based on European countries.
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