History of Egyptian and European Women

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At the beginning of the 20th century, Mary Hall introduced “A Woman’s Trek from the Cape to Cairo”. She highlighted that this book was written from a women’s point of view, which is different from the perspective of men, describing traveling in Africa. First of all, the reasons, prompting men and Mary Hall to visit Africa were different. It was typical for men to go to the lands, which are weaker than their native countries, to intervene in the local population, accumulate it, or place it. Men are interested in finding ways of taking advantage of the natural resources and labor of the lands they explore. Men’s narratives were intended to provide essential information for imperial policymakers. On the contrary, Mary Hall mentions: “I have always been interested in seeing fresh countries and peoples, and have ever considered traveling the most delightful method of studying geography” (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992, p. 17). Therefore, Mary Hall did not expect to contribute to forming policy, but she was willing to dive into different cultures.

Another factor, which influenced the narration of Mary Hall and made it different from the men’s stories, is the absence of weapons with her. Her vulnerability as a woman had an impact on her experience. The author writes: “I, a solitary white woman faced the dusky chief and the parley began…” (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992, p. 24). Unlike men’s purposes in trips to Africa, her aim was not to overpower Africans, but to achieve reciprocity and explore other cultures.

Despite the text containing different perspectives of Egyptian women, it is possible to summarize them and find common features. In general, Egyptian women became self-confident, and this feeling was becoming stronger in the process of pursuing their achievements. It was revealed in their negative attitude to mixed marriages between local men and European women. They criticized and resented men, who decided to make families with European women, especially if they were representatives of the working class. In these circumstances, men were perceived by Egyptian women as supporters and allies in making social changes. Their resentment could be explained by their worries about whether Europeans would become loyal Egyptians in the future (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992). It should be mentioned that both European and Egyptian women had considerable influence on their men and children.

In describing the relationships between Egyptian and European women, it is possible to note that residents had split images of newcomers. Considering the fight for female rights, Egyptians tend to perceive them as free women. Local women were also admired for the hard-working nature of Europeans. However, some negative prejudices against European women existed as well. They were perceived as manipulative, and especially this belief was commonly used concerning working-class women, who managed to attract middle-class men. Finally, the major reason for criticizing them was the assumption that European women lack patriotic feelings about the place they resided. This factor caused significant resentment among several Egyptian women, despite all the strong traits of Europeans.

During the period of an active colonial program in the United Kingdom, an incentive of providing medical services for the local population was realized. White nurses were educated and sent to Africa to help both African and European patients. It was a part of colonial ideology, as it was considered that provide competent help to different racial groups. Despite benevolent intentions, there were significant challenges while organizing this idea, namely nurse shortage, low salaries, and considerable workloads. These factors affected nursing practice, which led to the white nurse burden.

Therefore, the working conditions provided by the British government were not decent. Nurses were put under additional pressure and required to perform significantly more duties than appropriate for one person. Moreover, they did not receive corresponding payments for coping with these challenges. To respond to these problems, the British government attempted to recruit additional personnel. However, this issue was relevant for an extended period, and it was essential to recruit African nurses (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992). The campaign was perceived as a method of increasing the authority of the country in particular regions.

Another factor, which clarifies the attitude of the British government, implies the standards and training established for nurses in colonies. They were relatively strict and provided precise limitations of professional nurse activity and supplied with a range of requirements. In general, the material reward was not corresponding with these requirements and working conditions in Africa. It may be concluded that the British government undervalued nurses in colonies to some extent.

African American women nurses helped white colleagues to fulfill their working duties and cope with considerable overload, though they were not always treated honestly due to racism emerging in the United States. For instance, managers tend to treat nurses from the U.K. and other countries more respectfully. African American professionals were perceived as inferior staff, which could not match reality. They were considered to have a primitive background, and the level of their intelligence and education was perceived as weak. Occasionally, they received refusals for entering health care communities without objective reasons for it. The refusal was probable even though there was a lack of medical personnel within a community or hospital setting.

Moreover, African American nurses were treated with prejudices and disbelief. Sometimes, they were perceived with intense interest, which prevented them from fulfilling their working duties under inconvenient conditions. African American professionals were appointed to the lowest positions regardless of their education, knowledge, skills, and experience. Non-European specialists were also restricted with the development and improvement of their qualifications. Managers did not reveal all the information on such opportunities, as the fund for the development was limited. In general, they preferred to provide white nurses with a chance to update their knowledge and skills. All the mentioned facts influence the professional communication between workers as well. African American nurses were predominantly dominated by white colleagues (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992). Therefore, black nurses were suppressed by the racist prejudices considerably, which affected their lives significantly, depriving them of a range of opportunities.

Initially, Indian artifacts and goods were affordable only for the elite and representatives of wealthy families. Approximately in the 1860s, Indian material and culinary cultures became fashionable and more widespread. Memsahibs prompted this process by exchanging and selling products from India. British women admired Indian shawls, fabrics, such as muslin and tussore silk, and jewelry. They found ways of producing the demanded goods with considerably fewer expenditures, which decreased the price of popular items (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992). Therefore, while serving their interest in receiving profit, memsahibs contributed to making Indian goods and artifacts popular in Britain.

In the first half of the 19th century, the imperial experience was available only to elite categories of the population in Britain. However, in the second half of the century, memsahibs allowed the upper-middle and middle class to get acquainted with it. During this period, India also became the empress of Britain, and the British press shed light on specialties in the culture of this region. British shared euphoria and admiration of Indian culture created high demand for the goods produced there. People were intrigued to try curry, and in the 19th century, it was perceived as a new type of healthy food. Therefore, the role of memsahibs in making Indian artifacts and goods popular cannot be underestimated. They took advantage of the high demand for these products and find cheaper ways of making them. They initially served their interest in earning money on popular ideas and preferences of society, making them popular.

In general, the course appeared to be extremely insightful and informative. By getting acquainted with the text, devoted to a particular historical period, it was possible to understand the world perception and thoughts of people living in this period. This gave me a more profound comprehension of the meaning of particular historical events and their influence on people’s lifestyles. In addition, I could find the answers to unordinary questions, such as the different perspectives of women and men on traveling. These circumstances are rarely discussed during history lessons; however, they allow us to understand the specifics of time more correctly. The course allowed us to observe historical development not through the men’s eyes, but through women’s perceptions, which was unusual and insightful.

Moreover, the course prompted me to ensure the importance of competent legislation again, as it directly influences the lives of millions of people. Laws form the reality of the population, and in case there are dishonest, they may limit opportunities for some residents. In other words, laws should take into consideration the ethical side of questions to avoid discrimination and suppression. This is moral, which lawmakers should learn after observing the history of humanity and the development of policy in different spheres.

Reference

Chaudhuri, N. & Strobel, M. (1992). Western Women & Imperialism: Complicity and Resistance. Indiana University Press.

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