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The article “Second Life and The Sacred: Islamic Space in a Virtual World” attempts to analyze how Islamic spaces become religious artifacts in the online space. Derrickson (2008) described how Muslims created their own spaces, the popular multi-user virtual environment Second Life. The game allows a very high degree of customization, allowing players to create all sorts of content. There are several mosques in Second Life that were created by players based on real-life prototypes. The central cultural artifact discussed in the article is a recreation of the pilgrimage route, Ka’ba, and the rituals that come with it.
The author makes the case that these virtual mosques and pilgrimages are a religious experience, and are somewhat sacred. They are not, nor will they ever be as sacred as the actual Mecca and the actual Hajj, the author acknowledges, but there are some aspects of how these places are run, which make them religious. The players are encouraged to remove their avatars’ shoes and wear appropriate clothing while in the mosque. They are urged to behave as they would in an actual mosque, and there are particular actions available to them that play an animation of, for example, praying. The simulated Hajj works similarly: the avatars are given special clothing items, they are directed to walk in the correct direction, and they can perform animations of kissing Ka’ba.
There is absolutely nothing wrong about creating these spaces, imitating prayer, or talking to other Muslims and non-Muslims that visit the virtual mosques. Some people prefer to perform rituals that way because they have a greater connection with people online, some may be unable to reach their nearest mosque, some may just be curious about the religion and the Muslim perspective. It is admirable that people create these spaces and program animations that imitate prayer.
Nevertheless, one should remember that is all it is: an imitation. These spaces are a sort of a museum crossed with a community center, and they are excellent sources of information and perspective. However, the ‘sacredness’ of the virtual religious act seems to be provided only by the fact that it imitates actual sacred places and actions. Religion operates on much deeper meanings and symbols; it evokes much greater philosophical contemplation than clicking on an orb to pretend to pray.
Hajj is an essential ritual in Islamic religion that all Muslims must experience if they are able. In the course, we studied the theory of van Gennep, which describes the way rituals work (21). The pilgrims, in preparation for Hajj, must enter a state of ihram, which is a special set of rules that separates people from the worldly concerns, such as clipping nails, quarreling, or thinking about business. Ihram and all related activities are the pre-liminal stage of the ritual.
Rajj takes six days and requires the pilgrims to focus on prayer and meditation, rather than looking at women and wearing perfume. There are other, smaller rituals that compose Rajj, such as the animal sacrifice, shaving of the head and trying to kiss Ka’ba, which are all the liminal part of the ritual. Those who complete the ritual are given the title of Hajji upon returning to society, thus concluding the post-liminal stage of the ritual. All of these actions, sequences and discursive practices serve a purpose.
I believe that Hajj is supposed to be an arduous journey, the believer is supposed to forget the outside world for a while, the sacrifices are supposed to be made. During the pilgrimage, Muslims meditate on the underlying meanings of the religion, they reflect on Islam and the world. Some of lines from Quran presented during the course featured acts of charity and thoughtfulness that are incorporated into the ritual. The communitas of performing rituals together with an enormous crowd during the liminal stage dissolves the individual. The temporary renouncement of the physical aspects of life through ihram focuses the mind on the deeper matters. It is not only a physical journey but a spiritual one, which is the entire point.
There is little communitas in the asynchronous journey through a map by tapping keys. There is no renouncement of the physical, because the player is free to get up from their computer and do whatever else they want while their avatar is imitating a prayer. There is no need to prepare, and the whole thing takes not days, but hours, if that. None of the critical ritual stages we were taught during the course take place during the virtual imitation. All rituals have meaning and weight that can only be learned by fully committing to them. One cannot meditate on the meaning of life and Islam in a thirty-minute long session. All the other rituals in the virtual mosques likely suffer from the same problems.
With all that in mind, I would like to pose several questions about virtual Muslim religious sites. First, did the creators intend to immerse the visitors in the ritual and create a religious experience beyond imitation, and if yes, how? Second, do these spaces present themselves differently to the visitors who are devout Muslims than to the non-believers and ‘light’ Muslims; is there some hidden knowledge that fills the virtual world with additional meaning that devout believers have? Third, do these spaces facilitate a more open and earnest theological discussion through deindividuation and anonymity, thus giving them a distinct religious purpose and identity beyond imitation? These are the three things that have crossed my mind while thinking about the article, and I think exploring them could shed more light on the phenomenon of virtual religion.
References
Derrickson, Krystina. “Second Life and The Sacred: Islamic Space in a Virtual World.” Digital Islam, edited by Sisler, Vit. 2008.
Van Gennep, Arnold. Rites of Passage. University of Chicago Press, 1960.
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