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Introduction
Background of the Study
According to Spencer (2016), rape is a type of assault, which involves involuntary sexual intercourse with victims. Most rape cases entail physical assault whereby a perpetrator exerts a corporal force on the victim. However, they may also include sexual exploitation, whereby a perpetrator defiles a person who is incapable of giving valid consent, such as a mentally incapacitated, unconscious, or underage person (Helman 2018). Both women and men can be victims of rape but the latter is considered the biggest perpetrator of the crime (Spencer 2016).
Broadly, there are three types of rape: stranger rape, marital rape, and date rape (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). Stranger rape is defined by its name because the victim and the assailant have no prior relationship. However, marital rape cases occur among people who know each other. Comparatively, date rape cases happen when “familiar” people sexually assault their victims (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher (2019). For example, it could occur among friends, colleagues, or even someone known to a victim for only a few hours while having a drink. Generally, perpetrators of rape know their victims (Helman 2018).
Rape has a significant psychological impact on affected people. For example, most of them suffer from trauma or posttraumatic stress disorders (PTSD) because of psychological torture (Spencer 2016). Serious cases of sexual assault may be detrimental to a person’s health because they predispose them to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (Thompson and Ortiz 2016). Some rape cases may also result in unwanted pregnancies.
Rape incidences vary across jurisdictions, but there is a consensus among researchers that most of them are underreported (Helman 2018). For example, it is estimated that about 95,000 cases of rape occur every year and only 15,000 of them are reported to the police (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). These statistics mean that thousands of rape cases are unreported every year, highlighting a fundamental problem with how society views the crime. In some countries, there is a low level of awareness about the assault because some rapists intimidate victims, while others are subdued into accepting the crime through informal mediation or threats from family members (Helman 2018). Nonetheless, the stigma associated with rape is one of the most common reasons for underreporting (Thompson and Ortiz 2016). In America, it is estimated that 1 out of 5 women will be raped in their lifetime, and out of this number, people known to the victims will assault about 41% of them (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019).
Rape incidences are linked to several factors associated with the victim’s circumstances, institutional factors, or the characteristics of the perpetrator (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). For example, post-assault mistreatment is an institutional factor and one of the leading catalysts of high rape incidences because it enables perpetrators to avoid justice (Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). It happens when people intensively scrutinize or judge victims of sexual assault as opposed to the perpetrators (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). If the examination leads to a criminal trial, it may also lead to the loss of privacy for some of the victims because the case may undergo public scrutiny. In some cases, this process may lead to the undermining of a victim’s credibility (Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). Consequently, rape victims may suffer psychological damage because of cyber-bullying, slut-shaming, and verbal attacks (Thompson and Ortiz 2016). These effects may force some of them to shy away from reporting rape in the first place.
Several researchers who have explored the psychology of rape suggest that the crime is complex (Ebrahim 2019; Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). Consequently, theories have been formulated to explain its occurrence. For example, some psychologists have used the sociobiological theory of rape to explain why perpetrators engage in it (Thompson and Ortiz 2016). This theory underscores why rape occurs from an evolutionary perspective. Notably, its proponents claim that the assault is a genetically advantageous adaptation embraced by perpetrators of the assault to gain an unfair advantage over their victims (Ebrahim 2019; Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). Some renowned biologists, such as Randy Thornhill, popularised the theory by drawing comparisons between human and animal behaviors (Nunes et al. 2018). From their experiments, they observed several incidences of forced sexual penetration among chimpanzees, ducks, geese, and other animals and compared the same behaviors to human actions (Nunes et al. 2018).
The similarities between animal and human behavior have not been the subject of contention in scientific circles but the willingness of some biologists to compare animal behavior and human conduct has been the source of debate for most observers (Ebrahim 2019; Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). Consequently, some critics say the sociobiological theory lacks scientific rigor and fails to respect religious or ethical principles because it undermines human virtues and nature, which guide sexual relationships (Hester and Lilley 2018). Nonetheless, the main goal for formulating these theories is to improve the effectiveness of rape prevention as the best way to curb the vice.
Understanding the psychology of rape is one of the most significant issues discussed in scientific research. It relies on cultural innuendos, which affect how people view the crime. For example, in some cultures, people do not deem rape as an atrocity on a victim but rather on his or her family (Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). These cultural underpinnings of the rape culture stem from conditions in the ancestral environment, which make it possible for perpetrators to “get away” with the assault (Hester and Lilley 2018). For example, some societies overlook rape cases involving high-status men in society because such perpetrators have little fear of reprisals (Thompson and Ortiz 2016). Comparatively, some studies show that low-status men in society engage in rape because they do not fear reprisals from society because the act is reproductively beneficial to them (Nunes et al. 2018). Similarly, some communities rarely investigate rape cases involving disabled women because of the belief that their kin was indefensible (Thompson and Ortiz 2016).
In some jurisdictions, authorities have a low willingness to investigate rape cases that occur during war or conflict because of the belief that they have few negative repercussions on the society and that the situational factors permitting its occurrence are unavoidable (Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). Researchers who have investigated this school of thought argue that the crime may be a conditional strategy perpetrated by any perpetrator under specific circumstances that allow an assault to occur (Thompson and Ortiz 2016; Nunes et al. 2018).
The cultural connotations of rape stem from a larger body of theories, which have investigated the normalization of rape through societal attitudes (Stephens et al. 2016). For example, some pervasive sexual behaviors and norms, such as the objectification of women, may foster a rape culture (Thompson and Ortiz 2016; Nunes et al. 2018). A recent remark made by former American President, Barrack Obama, highlights this fact when he said,
For anybody whose, once normal everyday life was suddenly shattered by an act of sexual violence – the trauma, the terror, can shatter you long after one horrible attack. It lingers. You do not know where to go or who to turn to…and people are more suspicious of what you were wearing or what you were drinking as if it is your fault and not the fault of the person who assaulted you (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019: 1).
Indeed, unlike other forms of interpersonal crimes, rape is one of the most common types of sexual assault where people often debate whether the victims should be blamed for the crime, or not (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). Consequently, victim-blaming is one of the most commonly investigated issues in research studies that have explored the psychology of rape (Papendick and Bohner 2017; Singleton et al. 2018).
In some societies, the trivialization of rape also influences how people react to the practice (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). The denial of the effects of rape in some communities is also representative of the rape culture and it explains the atrocity in certain social settings, such as in prisons or during times of conflict (Gravelin, Biernat and Bucher 2019). In this regard, the concept of a rape culture could exonerate perpetrators and allocate blame to the society that enables it to happen.
Communities that are likely to tolerate sexual assault often deem the crime a prerogative of men (Thompson and Ortiz 2016; Nunes et al. 2018). This belief system also permeates to the enforcement of rules or laws pertaining to the violation because it influences how police officers treat rape victims. Furthermore, the reluctance to investigate rape cases partly highlights the hesitation of authorities to destabilize male patriarchal norms in society. Some sociologists explain the link between rape and cultural norms by suggesting that non-consensual sex shares a strong correlation with the cultural values of a society (Stephens et al. 2016). Beliefs and value systems that surround the rape culture are also partly informed by patriarchal worldviews that are often masked in misogyny and normalized norms about sexual inequality (Thompson and Ortiz 2016; Nunes et al. 2018). These beliefs typically permeate throughout different generations of people and may have unintended social consequences, such as the institutionalization of social acceptance of rape as an “ordinary” occurrence (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019).
The institutionalized myth about rape partly explains why some societies tolerate it because there is an underlying assumption that victims probably “deserved” it (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). The commonality of beliefs is hinged on the assumption that rape victims may have been “bad” or “misbehaving” when they were assaulted (Spencer 2016). Such beliefs create the perception that they are “different” from the general population. Stated differently, it promotes the concept of victim exclusion in society, which later manifests in the belief that rape only occurs to specific types of people. The underlying assumption is that rape is not a random occurrence because its victims probably did something to warrant the assault, such as “welcoming” the rapist, dressing provocatively, or acting inappropriately (Spencer 2016). When such beliefs are pervasive in society, they have a common effect on victims by making them feel ashamed of being violated (Helman 2018). These feelings may prevent them from going to authorities to report the incident. Certain societies also use male aggressiveness as an excuse for condoning rape, thereby justifying or normalizing the crime (Helman 2018).
Normalized beliefs about rape draw attention to the just-world hypothesis, which is a common school of thought that explains the rape culture (Ağilkaya-Şahin et al. 2015). It stems from the view that people’s fate is a product of their actions. Therefore, what happens in their life is morally fair and just because occurrences befit the consequences of human actions (Cuevas and Rennison 2016). In addition, it promotes the view that cultural perceptions of rape affect people’s willingness to intervene when rape occurs. Nunes et al. (2018) say that such cultures always thrive when a society has a general belief that rape is not a “big deal.”
Research Gap
Studies that have examined the role of culture in understanding rape psychology have had conflicting and confusing findings because they tend to group all types of sexual assault in one analysis. For example, Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher (2019) say that there has been confusion among studies, which have explored victim-shaming for rape cases that were perpetrated by acquaintances and those done by strangers. This study strives to bring clarity to the debate by exploring the role of two factors (just-world beliefs and rape myth acceptance) in predicting people’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs. Based on this discussion, this study will highlight the societal attitudes surrounding rape by consulting academic knowledge in this area of study.
Its findings will be vital to our understanding of people’s attitudes towards rape and sexual assault. Concisely, by gaining a proper understanding of this crime, authorities would be better able to address it and the society as a collective unit would make better decisions to prevent its occurrence at family or community levels. In addition, victims could also be better empowered to seek justice because there would be no social stigma associated with sexual assault when people have a better understanding of their role in abating the crime. The variables of interest in this study will be an individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs, just world beliefs, and rape myth acceptance. These variables will be operationalized as follows:
- Dependent Variable: Individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs
- Independent Variables: Just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance
Theoretical Framework
Just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance are two extrinsic variables that will be tested in this study to understand whether they influence an individual’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault. Coupled with a person’s readiness to intervene when sexual assault occurs, these two sets of variables represent institutional, situational, and individual factors influencing rape occurrence. For example, individual factors, such as a person’s upbringing, could affect their motivation to intervene when a sexual assault occurs. Comparatively, institutional factors may influence people’s beliefs, norms, and, by extension, how they react to a sexual assault. Lastly, situational factors share a close relationship with rape myth acceptance because people often want to know the circumstances that led to rape in the first place. Consequently, situational factors are integral in understanding rape myths. These three levels of factors influencing people’s perceptions of rape form the overall conceptual framework for this investigation.
Previous research studies that have explored the psychology of rape have also used this conceptual framework to predict rape cases. For example, Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher (2019) have used this model to investigate victim-blaming and shaming as an impediment to rape prevention. Figure 1 below outlines the conceptual framework.
Figure 1 above suggests that the three levels of external factors influencing people’s perceptions of sexual assault are not mutually exclusive but interdependent (Gravelin, Biernat, and Bucher 2019). Therefore, it is vital to investigate situational and institutional factors affecting rape when predicting people’s motivation to stop sexual assault. Similarly, it is difficult to understand situational factors influencing rape occurrence, such as rape myth acceptance, and ignore the role of institutional factors (such as beliefs, norms, and laws) or individual influences on the crime. Based on the conceptual framework described above, the statement of research and its supporting objectives that will guide this investigation appear below.
Statement of Research
Investigate the effects of just-world beliefs and rape myth acceptance on an individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs.
Research Objectives
- To find out people’s perception of consent and its effect on an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
- To examine the extent that victim-blaming influences an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
- To predict the impact that people’s perception of aggressor’s motives will have on their willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
Research Questions
- How do people perceive consent and its effect on an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs?
- To what extent does victim-blaming influence an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs?
- What is the impact of people’s perception of a motive to rape on their willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs?
Hypotheses
- H1: Just world beliefs and willingness to accept a rape culture influence an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
- Ho (Null hypothesis): Just world beliefs and willingness to accept a rape culture have a neutral effect on people’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
- H2: Just world beliefs and willingness to accept a rape culture do not influence people’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs
Overall, this investigation will be a quantitative study and the researcher will test the hypotheses outlined above by analyzing data using the statistical package for the social sciences (SPSS) technique. Particularly, the researcher will use the ANOVA test to undertake this function because it is predicated on the presence of two or more independent variables, which have the same mean (Blanca, Alarcón, and Bono 2018). The independent variables are just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance, while the dependent variable is people’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault.
Methods
As highlighted in the introduction section of this paper, the aim of this study is to investigate whether an individuals’ level of rape myth acceptance and just world beliefs affects his or her willingness to stop a sexual assault. This section of the paper discusses the techniques used to answer the research questions. Key sections discuss the research design, participant information, materials used to undertake the study, and procedures followed in data analysis. The research design is described below.
Design
As highlighted above, the dependent variable was an individual’s willingness to intervene during sexual assault and the independent variables were just-world beliefs and rape myth acceptance. The researcher assessed the relationship between these two sets of data using the quantitative technique. The justification for selecting this method was enshrined in the generation of quantitative data from the questionnaires. Furthermore, the quantitative research method was consistent with the SPSS technique, which is the main data analysis instrument. Lastly, the researcher adopted the quantitative technique in the study because other researchers have reliably used it to investigate the relationship between different sets of variables.
Participant Information
The researcher conducted this study at Coventry University. Therefore, participants were sourced from the same institution. Sixty-six students took part in the investigation and their response rate was 60%. A small number of informants were selected because it took a long time (about 45 minutes) to complete one questionnaire. Therefore, having a larger number of participants could have taken the researcher a lot of time in data collection. Nonetheless, the researcher sampled the participants randomly to eliminate bias. Their ages ranged between 18 and 45 years and all of them were pursuing either an undergraduate or master’s degree at Coventry University. As will be explained in the ethics section of this paper, all the informants took part in the study voluntarily.
Data Collection
The researcher used questionnaires as the main data collection method. This instrument contained different questions relating to the respondents’ perceptions of sexual assault. For example, the researcher asked them to state their views regarding whether a drunken woman deserved to be raped for being inebriated. To answer such a question, the respondents had to state whether they agreed or disagreed with such a statement. The Likert scale was the unit of measuring their views. This investigation happened in a secure institutional environment and at a time that was convenient for them. Lastly, the researcher gave the respondents an option to email the researcher if they had any questions pertaining to the investigation. The interview technique was an alternative method of data collection but it was rejected because of the high number of students sampled.
Data Analysis
The researcher used SPSS software to conduct data analysis. Particularly, the one-way of analysis variance (ANOVA) technique was used to predict the relationship among people’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault (this was the dependent variable), just world beliefs, and rape myth culture (independent variables). The justification for using the ANOVA technique, as the appropriate test, was premised on the fact that the study had multiple groups of independent variables. The data preparation process included an examination of missing values and data. The information used was free from such errors and contained consistent data, relative to the collection metrics.
Reflexivity
The researcher conducted this research based on the need to understand the role of just-world beliefs and rape myth cultures in influencing people’s willingness to intervene during sexual violence. Not only is rape understudied but also marred by varied opinions and stereotypes. The researcher is a student at Coventry University where the study is domiciled. The focus on rape is a personal interest and not necessarily informed by experience. Therefore, no conflicting interests or biases were attributable to the researcher’s background.
Ethics
- Withdrawal from the Study: The research respondents could withdraw from the study without any repercussions. However, to do so, they were required to provide their unique participant code to a specified email address provided in the consent form.
- Privacy and Confidentiality: Although the research participants were encouraged to give candid information about the research topic, they did not have to state whether they had a personal experience with rape. Therefore, they had an opportunity to speak freely without any fear of judgment. In addition, information relating to the research respondents was anonymous and reported using a coded participant number. It de-identified personal information relating to each informant and facilitated the process of data analysis, which will be discussed in subsequent sections of this chapter.
- Consent: The research participants had the liberty to participate in the study, or withdraw from it at any time without repercussions. Those who gave their free consent signed the form. It stipulates that they understood their rights when participating in the study and affirmed their willingness to speak candidly about the research topic. In addition, the informants were notified that the data developed from their views could be used to reproduce alternative academic documents, such as journals.
- Data Management: The researcher processed the data by observing the standards outlined in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) 2016. The provisions of the data protection Act 2018 were also observed when processing the informants’ views. Lastly, the researcher stored the information obtained from the research respondents in a computer and secured it using a password that was only privy to the investigator. After completing the dissertation, data was destroyed.
Evaluation of Research Quality
Before undertaking this investigation, the research proposal was subjected to a careful evaluation process by Coventry University’s staff. Consequently, the institution’s ethics committee approved the project before it commenced. In addition, the researcher used the member check technique to safeguard the credibility and reliability of information obtained. This method requires researchers to share data with the respondents before publication. By doing so, the informants had an opportunity to scrutinize the final data and examine whether they reflected their views. This technique helped to improve consistency in the presentation of information.
Results
As highlighted in this study, the dependent variable was an individual’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault, while the independent variables were just-world beliefs and rape myth acceptance. The researcher collected the respondents’ views using a survey questionnaire. A multiple regression analysis was also undertaken to investigate the effects of the independent variables on an individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs. The results showed that the model could predict 56.7% of the variance. In other words, just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance could foretell an individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs 56.7% of the time. This finding is highlighted in the equation below.
F(2,26) = 9.34, p =.001.
Table 1 below formed the framework for developing the above findings.
Table 1. ANOVA findings (Source: Developed by Author)
A model summary of the findings is highlighted in Table 2 below.
Table 2. Model Summary
Table 2 above affirms the above-mentioned equation because the R-square points to the proportion of variation that just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance would influence an individual’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault. The “R” value highlighted above (.647) suggests a strong relationship between the dependent variable (willingness to intervene) and the independent variables (just world beliefs and rape myth acceptance). Therefore, the model developed could strongly predict the relationship between the two sets of variables.
According to Table 3 below, perceptions of whether rape had occurred or not had the strongest correlation with infidelity (B =.611, p<.05), while the likelihood to ask for verbal consent and the perception of whether a victim “asked” to be raped had the weakest correlation because both their p values were (B =.293, p<.05). The final predictive model is highlighted below.
Willingness to intervene score = 30.657 + (.611* it was not really rape) + (.293* Likelihood to ask for verbal consent) + (.611* “It wasn’t really rape”) + (.339* fairness) + (.298* “If she lies”) + (.293* “If she asked for it”)
Table 3. Coefficients (Developed by Author)
The findings highlighted above show that the null hypothesis (Ho) and H2 were rejected in favour of H1, which suggested that just world beliefs and willingness to accept a rape culture influence an individual’s willingness to intervene when a sexual assault occurs. These findings are discussed below.
Discussion
As highlighted above, the findings of this study support the hypothesis that just-world beliefs and willingness to accept a rape culture influence an individual’s willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs. This hypothesis is consistent with previous findings because researchers have often linked cultural factors with people’s perceptions of rape.
For example, Bevens, Brown, and Loughnan (2018) explored the role of cultural beliefs and practices in influencing people’s tendency to blame victims for being raped and found out that these influences significantly predicted people’s perceptions of sexual assault. If the same findings were linked to this study, the role of just-world beliefs in influencing people’s perception of rape suffices because beliefs are products of culture.
The findings highlighted in this study also draw attention to several theories that have been used to understand the psychology of rape. For example, they highlight the principles of the rape perception framework, which describes the role of individual and situational factors in creating the right environment of rape to occur (Flowe and Maltby 2018). Nonetheless, it is difficult to dismiss the role of institutional and societal factors in this investigation because they largely explain why the respondents expressed a strong willingness to intervene during a sexual assault.
Relation to Conceptual Framework
Subject to the tenets of the conceptual framework highlighted in the introduction section of this paper, gender roles and the role of the media in shaping people’s perceptions of human relationships are offshoots of the institutional and societal factors influencing people’s perceptions of rape. A broader assessment of the respondents’ views draws attention to the interplay between institutional, societal, and individual factors in influencing people’s perceptions of rape. Alternatively, the rape myth acceptance paradigm which has been used as an independent variable in this study has a direct link with gender roles in present-day society because past studies have established a link between people’s willingness to blame victims for being raped and their endorsement of traditional gender roles (Bevens, Brown and Loughnan 2018). Stated differently, people who endorse traditional beliefs about gender roles in society are likely to blame victims for being raped.
In this investigation, it is also important to evaluate the role of benevolent sexism in society and its influence on people’s perceptions about gender relationships. The findings depicted in this paper show that there is a gradual shift in attitudes among the sample population because their views generally tend to differ from traditional conceptions of male and female relationships. For example, most of the respondents claimed they would not exploit an opportunity to rape a girl if they were drunk and would confront a person who wants to do that.
Issues of consent and perceptions of the victim’s role in the rape ordeal also differ significantly from traditional patriarchal norms about gender roles because a majority of the respondents did not believe it was the victim’s fault to be raped. Therefore, their views are postmodernist. If their sentiments were examined in relation to the theoretical data provided in the introductory section of this report, the findings of this study appear to contradict notable theories, such as the sociobiological model, which attributes rape to genetics and male dominance. The respondents’ views did not support this school of thought because the informants showed little regard for male dominance in explaining sexual liaisons.
The above analysis shows that social factors influence people’s perceptions of rape and the institutional beliefs on the same issue because the justice system has to respond to the times better than it did in the past. Consequently, today, authorities have to listen to these rape allegations afresh and investigate them because the public mood no longer supports a “bury your head in the sand” approach where victims shy away from reporting cases or seeking justice. Therefore, the institutional factors influencing rape occurrence are products of societal factors influencing people’s perceptions of sexual assault.
The above insights have a direct relation with this study because they show the consistency of the findings with current attitudes regarding sexual assault. Stated differently, contemporary attitudes about rape are misaligned with an acceptance of rape culture because people are willing to intervene and stop atrocities meted on victims. Therefore, the public mood about rape is instrumental in seeking justice for victims because it could influence how fast relevant authorities dispense justice or even whether the public would be interested in hearing the case in the first place.
The relationship between the societal and institutional factors influencing rape is also linked with individual factors impacting the same behavior because when perpetrators realise that there is a consequence to action, they change their behaviors (Nyúl et al. 2018). Therefore, there is a greater personal deterrent to engaging in rape because the society is challenging traditional patriarchal norms, and men are being forced to take personal accountability for their actions. The study by Nyúl et al. (2018) points out the same fact because it highlights several incidences where prominent people have received public empathy or lenient jail times even after being successfully convicted of rape. To demonstrate this point, the researchers gave the example of a Hungarian swimming coach who was found guilty of sexual assault but received public empathy after conviction (Nyúl et al. 2018).
Overall, this study shows that a perpetrator’s level of success could affect people’s conception of rape. A review of these findings vis a vis the conceptual framework of this study shows that individual factors also have a significant impact on how society and institutions address rape cases. Stated differently, people’s perceptions of an individual’s personality may significantly undermine their objectivity when evaluating rape cases. Nonetheless, the study by Nyúl et al. (2018) demonstrates that the findings of this study are consistent with those of other researchers.
Relation to Past Studies
It is important to interpret the findings of this study cautiously because it was conducted in an institutional setting. Furthermore, it represented the views of a young population of students, who often tend to have liberal views about male and female relationships compared to older generations. The location of the study, which is Britain, could also have an effect on the findings because the United Kingdom (UK) is a western country, and its views on gender roles are largely influenced by the quest for equality between the sexes. This perception is different from non-western countries, which may still hold traditional views about gender relations. These varying perceptions of male and female roles may have a significant effect on how people perceive rape because a liberalist is likely to be more empathetic to victims compared to a traditionalist. Researchers, such as De Vries et al. (2014), who investigated adolescents’ views about forced sex, have explained this difference through cultural orientations. The South African study demonstrated that local cultural beliefs have a significant effect on people’s perceptions of sexual-based violence and forced sex (De Vries et al. 2014). The study also pointed out that the local South African culture demanded women to be submissive and silent even when there is an unfair power balance between the sexes (De Vries et al. 2014). This inequity in gender relations was deemed a significant influence on people’s perceptions of forced sex, thereby reinforcing the findings of this study.
The same findings support the views of other researchers who have investigated the influence of rape myth acceptance on people’s judgement regarding sexual assault. For example, the study by Nyúl et al. (2018) demonstrated how people have double standards when it comes to rape cases involving celebrities or public figures that are alleged to have raped another person. The authors suggest that the prominence of such people often creates a debate regarding whether the victim is lying or not. The debate arises from suspicion that the alleged victim may be fabricating the allegations to get public sympathy or money from the celebrity (Nyúl et al. 2018).
The recent case involving Robert Kelly, a renowned celebrity musician, which was characterized by statutory rape allegations, highlights the conflicting views people have when celebrities are involved in sexual assault incidences. The public had conflicting views regarding whether Mr. Kelly was guilty of the crimes he was accused of regardless of the witness statements and documentaries produced to affirm the same view. The case involving Bill Cosby, a celebrated comedian in America, also juxtaposes the debate regarding sexual assault because there was also public debate regarding whether the victims were telling the truth or lying just to get publicity. Although the comedian was found guilty for the crime and sentenced to jail, his case demonstrates the role of situational factors in influencing people’s perception of rape because it was tried during the “me too” era where women were being encouraged to expose powerful men in the entertainment business who were sexually exploiting or harassing them.
Harvey Weinstein is perhaps the most notable accused person in the “me too” movement who was accused of sexual assault. He was a powerful Hollywood media mogul and his case is a leading example of the power people or society have in influencing rape arbitration cases or even associated trials. In scientific circles, this case birthed the Weinstein effect, which is premised on the willingness of people to come out and expose sexual harassment cases involving powerful men not only in Hollywood but also around the world.
The “Me too” movement that followed the Weinstein case exposes the role of situational factors influencing people’s willingness to report rape cases or acknowledge its occurrence in the first place. In other words, the movement stemmed from an important time in American society that forced people to introspect about the prevalence of sexual abuse in society and decide to take action about it. The movement birthed a period where people were more willing to listen to such cases objectively and allow victims to seek justice without much cynicism about the truthfulness of their experiences, as was the case in the past.
The period of social reckoning is important to this study because it highlights how societal influences may shift people’s perceptions of sexual assault, regardless of when the crime occurred. For example, Cosby’s case involved rape allegations that happened more than a decade before he faced trial. The victims did not seek justice when the crimes occurred because it was “not the right time,” as they would have possibly experienced some resistance from the society because of the high profile stature of the accused person (Nyúl et al. 2018). However, the “me too” movement paved the way for the victims to share their experiences because people were more aware and willing to do something about the atrocities. This paradigm shift in societal views about rape highlights the principles of the conceptual framework of this study, which suggests that societal factors play a significant role in how people accept the occurrence of sexual assault or even their willingness to address it.
The link between just world beliefs, rape myth acceptance, and people’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault is also consistent with research investigations that have shown how societal attitudes affect justice and people’s conceptions of rape incidences (Wegner et al. 2015). For example, the study conducted by Hill and Marshall (2018), which investigated differences in cultural attitudes towards women in India and Britain affirmed the same finding because the acceptance of rape myths was more prevalent in cultures that supported traditional gender roles. Relative to this assertion, Hill and Marshall (2018) contend that the Indian culture was less sympathetic to the plight of rape victims compared to the British culture because of differences in western and eastern beliefs about gender roles. In addition, they suggested that the Indian culture was more receptive to rape myths compared to Britain’s egalitarian model (Hill and Marshall 2018).
The above analysis draws attention to the role of societal factors in influencing people’s acceptance of rape and other forms of sexual assault. Again, this attribute is highlighted in the conceptual framework of this study because societal attitudes are grouped together with individual and institutional factors to understand their influences on people’s perceptions of rape. Based on the findings of Hill and Marshall (2018), gender egalitarianism is proposed as a technique to reduce the stigma associated with rape. For example, there was a suggestion to expose more women to powerful positions and highlight the same progress through the media by highlighting stories of females who have overcome odds to be successful (Hill and Marshall 2018). The goal is to undermine traditional gender roles and encourage more people to view sexual assault objectively.
Researchers, such as Kamdar et al. (2017), who argue that prejudicial views about rape and existing stereotypes influence people’s acceptance of rape myths have further investigated the influence of societal values on people’s willingness to intervene during sexual assault and support the assertion that just-world beliefs and rape myth cultures influence people’s willingness to intervene during rape cases.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Although the findings of this study are consistent with those done by previous researchers, there is a need to expose people to different cultures and lifestyles to reduce their vulnerability to myths about rape, which inhibit their willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs. From a policy perspective, researchers, such as Taschler and West (2017), have proposed that communities should promote interactions among people from different social groups, as a technique for eliminating bias.
When people see how other communities manage rape incidences, they may question their own methods of prejudices and make appropriate changes both at societal and institutional levels (Taschler and West 2017). However, personal change needs to occur first before an institutional or societal change can be observed. This view stems from investigations, which have shown that intergroup interactions could significantly reduce people’s sexist attitudes and by extension motivate them to stop an assault when it occurs (Treat, Church, and Viken 2017).
The findings highlighted in this study also provide evidence of a just world system and its role in influencing people’s attitudes towards rape. Notably, the link between the just world system and people’s views on rape infers a relationship between the findings of this study and those which have highlighted the role of victim shaming in influencing how authorities investigate rape cases (Dworkin et al. 2017). In other words, proponents of a just world system are likely to blame the victim for the rape because of the belief that nothing occurs randomly.
The findings of this study have a significant impact on the future comprehension or rape incidences because they propagate the belief that people who view such incidences through stereotypical lenses often activate general orienting beliefs about the occurrence of rape cases. Consequently, it is essential to investigate the role of gender patriarchal norms and attitudes about sexuality on people’s attitude towards sex. The prevalence of sexist and misogynistic beliefs about male sexuality is partly to blame for the unwillingness of people to intervene when sexual assault occurs because researchers have shown that societies, which have a traditional view of gender roles tend to have fewer people, who are willing to intervene when rape occurs (Abeid et al. 2014). Comparatively, countries that have a more balanced approach of gender roles have a stronger inclination to stop an assault if it occurs. The findings of the study are products of the latter culture. Therefore, it is not surprising that most of the respondents claimed they would intervene to stop sexual assault.
Again, as highlighted in this paper, the informants are products of the British culture, which is largely nestled in western beliefs about gender roles. In such a culture, people strive to allocate the same burden on men as it does on women to stop or report sexual assault. Such cultures also tend to have heightened levels of awareness about sexual assault compared to countries or communities where traditional gender roles are strongly upheld (Taschler and West 2017; Olson 2016). These views are also consistent with research studies, which have highlighted the powerful role of environmental influences in shaping people’s views on sexuality.
In other words, people are products of their own environment and it is unlikely to have a large cross-section of people holding different beliefs from the majority. Therefore, their willingness to intervene when sexual assault occurs is a product of this environmental complex. This is why it may be important to conduct this same study in a different setting or cultural context to understand whether there would be differences in how the informants perceive sexual assault.
Stemming from the fact that the findings of this study were based in an institutional setting, future researchers could undertake the same investigation in a different context. For example, instead of investigating the research phenomenon within a student population, the focus could be directed to the larger public. In addition, researchers can expand the scope of the study to not only include an informant group that is pursuing an education in an institution of higher learning but also others that have no affiliation to the education sector.
Lastly, the findings of this study are also consistent with others, which have extensively portrayed women as victims of rape and not necessarily men (Kelly et al. 2017). Although there was no gender bias in collecting the research information, future research could be more focused on a male-dominated respondent group to understand how societal attitudes towards gender roles would influence people’s willingness to intervene during a sexual assault. This recommendation stems from the general assumption that intervention would be based on how society deems the threats posed to the victims. For example, it is unlikely that people would perceive the same level of sexual assault threat on a woman as they would do to a man. Therefore, there could be a variation in how much they would be willing to intervene when a sexual assault involves the man as the victim.
Consequently, future research should focus on men as victims. The importance of undertaking a gender-sensitive study comes from research studies, which have shown significant differences in how men and women perceive sexual assault. Notably, there is a consensus that men tend to blame victims more than women do. This trend could perhaps be associated with the observation that most victims are female, while men appear to be the biggest perpetrators of the vice. Therefore, there is a need to explore how gender roles influence people’s willingness to intervene in sexual assault cases.
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