The Rise of Populism as the Most Alarming Challenge to the Current World Order

This essay sets out to determine that the rise in populism is the most troubling ongoing challenge to the current world order. This essay will endeavor to place elitism as instrumental in fueling this rise in populism, by first clarifying how the prevalence of elitism in world politics has exacerbated inequality in recent years, then explaining how inequality is the root cause of the rise in populism. For clarity’s sake, the essay will focus mostly on the UK.

In 1939, Walter Schellenberg, a member of the Nazi High Command, wrote a handbook on the German invasion, in this he advised his fellow senior officers of the SS: “The one half of a per cent of children who attend public schools will eventually occupy about eighty per cent of all important social and political posts” (Schellenberg 1939, quoted in Darlrymple, 2000).

The story is no different today, all the great institutions of state – government, judiciary and military – are dominated by an elite who have attended private schools. The figures speak for themselves, only 7% of the population attend private school. Yet these pupils represent 74% of senior judges, in fact one in seven judges attended one of five independent schools (Eton, Westminster, Radley, Charterhouse and St Paul’s) (Verkaik, 2018, p.9). Private school students also account for 71% of senior officers in the forces, 36% of cabinet ministers, 50% of members of the House of Lords and 33% of vice-chancellors of Russell Group universities. Even our national newspapers which often set the political climate are led by this elite, 43% of columnists were educated privately (Sutton Trust, 2017, p.22). The elites have long understood that an Oxbridge degree is pretty much a guarantee of success, 42% of Oxbridge recruits are from privately educated backgrounds (BBC, 2018).

This link between an Oxbridge degree and influence was skillfully exposed in Andy Beckett’s analysis of how one degree is instrumental in securing a top job in running Britain (2017): “Monday, 13 April 2015 was a typical day in modern British politics. An Oxford University graduate in philosophy, politics and economics (PPE), Ed Miliband, launched the Labor party’s general election manifesto. It was examined by the BBC’s political editor, Oxford PPE graduate Nick Robinson, by the BBC’s economics editor, Oxford PPE graduate Robert Peston, and by the director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, Oxford PPE graduate Paul Johnson. It was criticized by the prime minister, Oxford PPE graduate David Cameron. It was defended by the Labor shadow chancellor, Oxford PPE graduate Ed Balls”. Beckett goes on to expose how subtle networks created in private school enable a system of self-perpetuating advantage which propels social immobility.

These figures can only be properly appreciated, once we see the damage this unrestrained privilege is doing to countries. The elite have long used their wealth and connections to tightly control access to education leading to have the biggest gap between the rich and poor in history creating resentment and disenfranchisement. Since the recession, British billionaires have seen their network more than double, the wealthiest families now own around £547 billion. Whilst, four million UK citizens are deemed to be in persistent poverty, various studies have shown that if you are born poor in Britain, you are likely to die poor (Wells, 2016, p.6). House prices have risen by over £4 trillion, half of which has been amassed by the richest 10%. Whilst 15% of adults in Britain have either no share of the nation’s record £11.1 trillion of wealth or have negative wealth. (Savage, 2017).

On the most basic level this system is in complete opposition to the principle of equality of opportunity, which is the foundation of any democracy. It is also corruption, in a sense, because it allows individuals to sidestep the rules of professional advancement essentially by paying membership fees to an elite school. Unhindered, this system works against meritocracy and perpetuates a socially divided society where a small elite increasingly control a lion’s share of the national wealth, earned by the work of the majority. The litmus test for any working democracy is how much trust people place in it. When citizens no longer subscribe to the belief that the system serves everyone fairly and, no matter how hard they try, they will never escape the life they were born into, then the glue that holds society together starts to come unstuck. This system also creates a set of ‘leaders’ completely out of touch with the public. Diane Reay, emeritus professor of education at Cambridge University said: “They (the leaders) are making decisions for the rest of us based on a very slim knowledge base about what the rest of us are like: what our attitudes are, what our values are, what our needs are and how we live our lives. That is deeply problematic… because where you have people who have been segregated from the rest of the community there clearly is a lack of empathy and understanding” (Reay, quoted in Verkaik, 2018, p.238). She went on to describe how even her own students who had been privately educated revealed an unconscious bias against families they had had no contact with. She believes this is largely due to these children having little social experience amongst the working class.

Reay’s assertion that the wealthy lack empathy towards the working class is one supported by a scientific study undertaken by Cote, et al. (2012), after a series of experiments the Berkley professors were able to demonstrate that more affluent individuals were less likely to report feeling compassion towards others on a regular basis and are far more likely to engage in unethical behavior.

This is troubling, especially as the wealthy hold the vast majority of power in society, if social class influences how much we care about others, then the most powerful amongst us may be the least likely to make decisions that help the poor. It is hardly a surprise then that the established political parties no longer understand their own membership, let alone the wider electorate. This disconnection between the political elite and the public is a direct symptom of the elitist education system in place currently and it has worrying effects. Trust in politicians is at an all-time low, a recent Ipsos MORI report (2019) showed that only 14% of the British public trusted politicians to tell the truth. Voter turnout for general elections has been on a steady decline, in a recent study (Phillips and Simpson, 2018, p.1) less than 50% of those surveyed engaged in any political action other than voting.

A recent report looking into world inequality (Piketty, et al., 2018) found that growing inequality, particularly economic inequality was making Europeans susceptible to populist rhetoric. In Germany, the underlying motivation for many voters to vote for the far-right party AfD was the fear of declining socio-economic status (Gagne, et al., 2017). These existential fears are directly connected to inequality: this study revealed that the bottom 50% of Germans have as much wealth as the top 45 households (Diekmann, 2018). The large amounts of private wealth relative to public wealth limits the ability of governments to tackle inequality. This mass privatization and lack of public investment is directly visible to the population and breeds resentment towards the political elite. Electorates are disenfranchised and despairing it is no surprise then that they look to demagogues who promise simple solutions to complex problems (Verkaik, 2018, p.518).

This rise of populism is the most significant ongoing challenge to the current world order as it threatens the values that make up the ideological backbone of the liberal international order (Osada, 2018, p.1). Jan-Werner Muller (2015) supports this when she argues that populism carries a specific inner logic that threatens the very basis of democracy, as it undermines the idea of pluralism: populists claim that they alone represent the people. This allows them employ authoritarian ploys to dismiss critics as ‘enemies of the people’, Turkey’s President Erdogan asked his critics, “We are the people. Who are you?”. Populists also treat human rights as a needless hindrance preventing the ability of a nation to protect itself from perceived threats. Instead of accepting rights as protecting everyone, they favor the interests of the majority, encouraging people to embrace the dangerous belief that they will never themselves need to assert rights against an overreaching government claiming to act in their name. This populist prioritization of rights for certain individuals has allowed the world to ignore or even perpetuate the human rights violations of refugees (Roth, 2017). The liberal world order also heavily relies upon international institutions such as the United Nations (UN), World Trade Organization (WTO) and the European Union (EU) to function successfully. These have been facing the ire of populism, Brexit pulled the UK out of the EU whilst trotting out the slogan that the country was wresting back control from ‘unelected officials in Brussels’ and Trump has lambasted the WTO on many occasions and crippled its ability to act as intermediary and deescalate trade wars.

Ultimately, unless the drivers of inequality are urgently tackled and the well-established networks of advantage for the wealthy are dismantled, there will be no true equality of opportunity. Disenfranchisement has already seeped into society, breeding resentment and grievance amongst the poor, leading to the protest movements that have seen the rise of Donald Trump in the US, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and brought us Brexit (Verkaik, 2018, p. 522). These are merely the symptoms of a much deeper malaise and so the rise in populism can be effectively countered if the causes of these reactions are appropriately addressed. Piketty, et al., (2018) found that in Europe, the region with the most pronounced history of welfare statism, inequality is growing slowest.

So, in theory inequality could be reversed by stronger regulatory mechanisms which in turn would dim the appeal of populism and so the liberal world order would remain unchallenged.

Jihad Terrorism and Contestation of World Order

The influence of non-state actors on global politics is growing, especially in the era of globalization. Throughout the history of international relations, terrorism has not posed a significant threat to states. Before the end of the Cold War, the main threat for the state was caused by the same actors, states. The major achievement of the Westphalian international order was the state, as a main player in the system, based on the principles of sovereignty, equality and non-interference in internal affairs.

9/11-Change in World Order

After the end of Cold War, international system changed from bipolar system into the unipolar one with the USA as the only hegemon. The 2001 terrorist attack against USA was a major factor driving the change in the international system because the hegemonic state was attacked by non-state actor. 9/11 showed that all nation-states, including strongest one, are vulnerable to terrorism which itself has a greatest impact on international politics.

The change in the nature of international politics is clearly evidenced by the actions taken against terrorism:

  1. The hegemonic state – the United States – has declared war on terrorism.
  2. Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (attack on one state implies attack on all member states of the alliance), which was formulated to deter future threats from the Soviet Union, first launched against a non-state actor, terrorist organization.
  3. In the name of combating terrorism, the main achievement of the Westphalian order was violated – the principle of sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs – when the United States invaded and occupied Afghanistan’s sovereignty.
  4. If alliances of states were united against other states before 2001 (World War I, World War II, the Cold War), today states are united against a future threat from the non-state actors.
  5. According to realism theory, the use of the power is in the hands of the states, because they are the main actors in the system, while liberals believe that other non-state actors have shown a fragmentation of power from state to non-state and 9/11 is a clear example of that. 9/11 undermines state’s monopoly on power and thus changed the system.

‘Security Dilemma’

Security dilemma is the key point in Westphalian order. In the system, where there is no supreme authority and therefore system is anarchic, states operate in self-help regime/system. Because of the mutual distrusted caused by anarchic nature of the system, one’s military advantage may cause another state’s weakness in the security. Absolute security is impossible. Accordingly, states are in a dilemma called a security dilemma.

In today’s international system, the use of force is no longer exclusively a state privilege, and non-state actors also have significant resources in this regard. The traditional concept of ‘security dilemma’ loses its value because, according to this approach, the main threats arise only from states, which makes them in the security dilemma with each other. However, nowadays, terrorist organizations are also keen to obtain weapons, including weapons of mass destruction, which is a significant challenge to the states and thus they constitute elements of the ‘security dilemma’.

Political Impact

9/11 has had an impact on international politics. Bilateral relations between US and Europe, Russia and China have been significantly strengthened. France and Germany’s position on the war in Iraq almost undermined the existence of the NATO. By thwarting NATO’s ability to protect Turkey (a NATO member) against attack in the war, France and Germany have broken a central tenet of the NATO Charter—that an attack against one NATO member is an attack against all NATO members (Wagner, Daniel; 2003). If we use realist’s assumptions, US has used threat of terrorism to justify its harsher immigration laws, high military and intelligence budgets, and restrictions on civil liberties as well as interceptions on the sovereignty of ‘hostile states’ (Wagner, Daniel; 2003).

Besides, terrorism has weakened the role of international law. For example, GWOT gave Russia good argument and justification for its violent activities in Chechnya. Besides, Turkey also began framing Kurds as terrorists to justify their violent oppression.

Social Impact

Terrorist organizations are not powerful enough to destroy the core pillars of the international system, but their success in seizing and controlling territory abroad has led to public skepticism about liberal and interconnected international order. Terrorism threat has provoked debates about limitations of fundamental rights of citizens, created space for populist politicians to promote restriction of immigration and reassertion of national borders. This has poisoned the daily life of many Westerners now living amid normalized fear and routinized conflict, with a considerable part of societies expressing racism toward Muslims, including fellow nationals of their countries reflexively associated with terrorism (Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou, 2017).

Conclusion

Some concepts of international politics became very popular and debating after GWOT, such as humanitarian interventions, regime change, weapons of mass destruction, failed state. These concepts were used to justify the actions (wars) that states took in the name ‘War on Terror’. Such operations contravene the principles of liberal world order and international conventions on waging war when at the same time they argue for the necessity to defend the very same order. Ambition to spread liberal world order led to fault line conflicts which undermine the credibility and legitimacy of liberal order itself. The measures adopted by states to counter terrorism have themselves often posed serious challenges to human rights and the rule of law.

Relations between terrorist activities and state of emergency is another issue of debate which also demonstrates the impact that terrorism has on international politics and international law. After terrorist attacks, the states who were attacked or the states who were influenced by those attacks, usually introduce number of tighter laws that lead to wider authority for the intelligence services and the police, more surveillance and control, and restrictions on freedom of expression (for example, the USA, France and Denmark). For example, the USA has conducted targeted killings in up to 70 states during GWOT. Both the Taliban and al-Qaeda were out of Afghanistan by spring 2002, but GWOT continued because it was also about spreading liberal order through war and strategy to oust regimes, not only combatting terrorism after 9/11.

References

  1. Andersen, Lars. 2016. The Unmaking of World Order. Available at https://www.diis.dk/en/research/the-unmaking-of-world-order Last access on 5th of October, 2019.
  2. Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou. 2017. A Theory of ISIS: Political Violence and the Transformation of the Global Order. Available at https://helka.finna.fi/Record/helka.3178807 Last access on 5th of October, 2019.
  3. Wagner, Daniel. 2003. Terrorism’s Impact on International Relations. Available at https://www.irmi.com/articles/expert-commentary/terrorism’s-impact-on-international-relations Last access on 5th of October, 2019.
  4. Wilson, Richard. 2005. Human Rights in the ‘War on Terror’. Available at https://helka.finna.fi/Record/helka.3219195 Last access on 5th of October, 2019.