Category: Women’s Rights

Introduction

In all societies, women have different roles to play in economic prosperity. However, women have fewer rights than men in terms of marriage, legal status, education, professional life, divorce, as well as, dress code.

Therefore, the society feels that the restrictions accorded to women’s rights are mandated. The oppression of women causes them to be pressurized into lower class citizens. This study evaluates whether the oppression of women’s right could affect the economy growth in a country by using quality of life as the measurement (Gilbert 23).

Research question

Why is quality of life index a critical factor in determining whether women’s oppression could affect the economy growth of a country?

Literature Review

According to the National Ranking, quality of life index use several elements, such as, the health level of the average individual, environment, and peacefulness of a country (World Bank 2). These elements could tell the condition of a country whether the majority are happy or unhappy. If the majority of the populations are happy, the quality of life would be high and vice versa.

Quality of life index is scaled from 0.000 for the unhappiest country and 1.000 for the happiest country. In order to have a high level of quality of life, a country must maintain its medical policies so that a majority of people will have easy access to healthcare; maintain the quality and preservation of the environment, and security from crime, oppression, and war (Graham and Stefano 34).

Looking at the gender gap inequality index, Saudi Arabia, Mali, Pakistan, Chad, and Yemen are countries that have high gender inequality in the world. These countries are ranked 131st to 135th. Meanwhile, Iceland, Norway, Finland, Sweden, and Ireland are the top five countries that have the lowest gender inequality in the world.

Most countries in rank 131st to 135th do have oppression of women’s right due to a higher gender-gap (gender inequality). They face many problems because their rights are infringed as well as their full legal status that has been excluded from their rights. There are unjust laws that women face due to unbiased mentalities that have made them not to be recognized as equal citizens.

There is a close relationship between a nation’s wealth (GDP per capita) and individuals’ levels of happiness (quality of life), which is why quality of life plays a pivotal role to know the wealth of a country. The level of happiness increases as the GDP increases.

Methodology

The study considered 30 random countries to know the relationship between quality of life and GDP per capita in the real world. Quality of life does have a strong positive relationship with the nation’s wealth as they score 0.7543 in the correlation coefficient analysis. Therefore, a country will have high GDP per capita when the society is happy. Countries with high gender gap are expected to have low GDP since the majority of people are not happy (Oswald 24).

Findings

The correlation coefficient of countries such as Yemen, Pakistan, Chad, Mali, and Saudi Arabia are expected to have low GDP per capita as they have low quality of life due to the oppression of women’s right. Different with countries where majority of the individuals are very happy, they will have large GDP per capita.

This can be Iceland, which ranked 1st in the world for having the lowest gender inequality rate, have an index of 0.935 in the quality of life and 0.926 for the health index. For instance in Iceland, the high level of quality of life and health is one of the factors that lead to a GDP per capita of $54,291

On the contrary, there are situations where women have conquered the rights that are exclusively of the male domain. For instance Yemen has a quality of life index of 0.362 which means that the majority of the people there are not happy due to the oppression of women (Tzannatos 3).

Yemen also has a low health index of 0.360, meaning that many people do not have access to health care. Yemen’s GDP per capita is low ($855). On the other hand, Chad, which has a quality of life with an index of 0.189 and health index of 0.173, has a GDP per capita of $521. Yemen, which has a quality of life with an index of 0.362, does have higher GDP per capita ($855) than Chad ($521), which has an index of 0.189 for the quality of life.

Another data supporting our correlation analysis is Finland with an index of 0.896 for the quality of life and health index of 0.896, it has a GDP per capita of $41,440. Finland’s quality of life index is lower than Iceland (0.935) thus it also has lower GDP per capita than Iceland ($54,291).

However, our correlation coefficient analysis may not be applicable to Saudi Arabia that has a high GDP per capita ($14,585.85) but low quality of life rate (0.578). Even though it does hold the principles of our analysis, where Saudi Arabia have the highest quality of life between Yemen and Chad, our findings of the average countries’ GDP per capita with an index ranges from 0.500 to 0.600 is $2,754.90.

This could happen due to the high production of oil in Saudi Arabia (“world’s largest oil producer”) that causes its GDP per capita is very high compare to other countries with similar quality of life index. More than 40 percent of Saudi Arabia’s GDP is come from the oil export revenues which cause Saudi Arabia to have a very high GDP per capita. However, women are still unhappy despite having high GDP per capita compare to other Middle East countries (McGillivray and Matthew 38).

Conclusion

Countries with high gender inequality, where most women are oppressed, do have lower wealth than countries with low gender inequality. Countries that have high quality of life, associated with health index, global peace index, and environment performance index, are strong economically.

To have high quality of life means a country must have high health, global peace, and environment performance index. A high health index increases the economic growth of a country because it brings happiness to the people in the country, making the country be more productive as most people are healthy (Sumner 29).

A country with high global peace index means that it has good relationships with other countries, which could lead to make trade easier between countries. Thus it will increase the growth of nation’s wealth (GDP per capita). Maintaining the quality and preservation of the environment of a country also play a crucial part in affecting the nation’s wealth.

A considerable impact of the oppression of women on economic growth is robust to changes in specifications and controls for potential endogeneities and is a pervasive future in most countries since the opportunities and outcomes are present in dimensions that include education, earnings, employment as well as access to productive inputs (Rosen 24). The rising vulnerability of women over the course of economic development is shaped by institutional arrangements such as the family structures and other discriminatory practices.

Works Cited

Gilbert, Daniel. Stumbling on Happiness, New York: Alfred A Knopf. 2006. Print.

Graham, Carol and Stefano Pettinato, Happiness and Hardship: Opportunity and Insecurity in New Market Economies. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. 2002. Print.

McGillivray, Mark and Matthew Clarke. Understanding Human Well Being, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. 2006. Print.

Oswald, Andrew J. Happiness and Economic Performance. Economic Journal. 107(5), 1997. 1815–3. Print.

Rosen, Sherwin. Authority, control, and the distribution of earnings. Bell Journal of Economics, 13 (2). 1982. pp. 311-23.

Sumner, Andrew. Economic Well-being and Non-economic Well-being, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. 2006. Print.

Tzannatos, Zafiris. Women and labor market changes in the global economy: Growth helps, inequalities hurt and public policy matters. World Development Vol. 27, No. 3, 1999. pp. 551-569.

World Bank. Engendering Development. Washington, DC: World Bank. 2001.

The difference in attitudes towards genders played a significant role in history. Men were regarded as having more legal, social, and economic rights and protection. With the emergence of abolitionist activities in the 19th-century, women began to speak more about this form of injustice, demanding changes. The reform impulses altered women’s place in society, making them equal to men in the ability to speak publicly, pursue their liberty, and attain their goals.

During the age of reform, women’s situation in society was inferior to men. They were regarded as homemakers whose role was to keep houses in order. They could not obtain a higher education or teach men. Females had limited property ownership and legal rights, and they could not control their “earnings, collection of debts,” and inheritance (Corbett et al. ch. 13.5). In the 19th-century feminist movement, women began to declare their position and opinion.

During the antebellum reforms, the role of women and their position in society changed. First, females stated that they should be considered “moral guardians” of the families (Corbett et al. ch. 13.5). In addition, they began to give public lectures introducing their positions. For instance, Grimké sisters’ participation in the abolitionist movement allowed them to speak in public, which attracted social attention and helped to strengthen women’s positions. The next change concerns the declaration of equality of men and women’s rights during the Seneca Falls Convention. Mott and Cady Stanton, the activists of the feminist movement, organized this conference in an attempt to demonstrate that females also had the right to pursue liberty and moral well-being. Consequently, the position of women changed because they gained acceptance and recognition as being equal to men.

Thus, the reforms of the 19th century led to the increased role of women in society, making them equal to men in their ability to speak, pursue liberty, and aspire to achieve happiness. Since females had limited legal, educational, and financial rights, they participated in the abolitionist movement. It helped them declare their opinion regarding their place in society and display their intention to become equal to men. Their public speeches, organization of conferences, and introduction of documents allowed them to become more independent and gain more rights.

Work Cited

Corbett, P. Scott et al. U.S. History. Openstax, 2014.

One of the most acute challenges nowadays is the imbalance of power between men and women, as well as between dominating decision-makers and other marginalized groups, including youth, members of racial and ethnic minorities, and rural populations. Programs to promote democracy try to eliminate structural barriers to equality and power disparities, but people tackling these problems frequently do not regard them as connected or complementary. Indeed, successful institutions depend on the leadership of women, and election quotas have been utilized to provide more women access to positions of political power. Indeed, a robust democratic society and political system are necessary for the advancement of women’s rights and political engagement. This essay’s main goal is to draw attention to the crucial concerns and connections between women’s rights and the advancement of democracy.

Traditional methods of democratization have discovered a high correlation between democratic progress and economic growth or the presence of a sizable middle class. Later, the gender factor was brought into consideration since unless women were granted the right to equal representation, no government could call itself democratic. However, many modern analysts and politicians discuss and write about democratization barriers, as well as how to establish and extend democracy, without taking into consideration women’s and gender concerns (Kim, 2019). Many observers feel that democracy benefits women, but history demonstrates that this is not always the case. Democratic change does not always result in women’s involvement and rights. Making democracy work for women, therefore, presents a challenge while also acknowledging that democracy without women’s political engagement is a subpar version of democracy (Cole, 2020). Women’s involvement has played a significant role in many successful political changes. Their interests may be served by these outcomes, and women’s political engagement reflects and supports the democratic construction process.

A democracy whose parties tend to align with sectarian interests may be said to have a restricted concept of democracy that centers on the allocation of political resources or power through competitive elections. The significance of the institutions and constitutional rights protections that are represented in other legal systems and upheld by the courts is obscured by an overemphasis on democratic elections. As much as it is about political parties, regular elections, and checks and balances, democracy is also about citizenship, engagement, and inclusion (Cole, 2020). The degree of citizen involvement in the political process, including the participation of various social groups in political parties and decision-making bodies, determines the quality of democracy in addition to the structure of current political institutions and the regularity of elections. These social groupings should not be restricted to ethnic groups with a predominance of men, particularly in areas where sectarian inclinations might cause division or war (Kim, 2019). It is conceivable that increasing the number of women in elected positions might reduce factional rivalry.

The condition of democracy is profoundly linked with the empowerment of women, both because women’s absence from decision-making indicates a weak democracy and because women’s involvement benefits democracy. The condition of democracy is also profoundly dependent on the empowerment of women, both because women’s absence from decision-making indicates a weak democracy and because women’s involvement benefits democracy. Women’s involvement in political affairs benefits democracy in a number of ways. This entails improving sensitivity to public demands and fostering cross-party and cross-ethnic collaboration (Cole, 2020). The breadth of subjects discussed, and the kinds of answers put forth are influenced by the genuine engagement of women in politics. Women often operate in a less hierarchical, more participative, and more collaborative way, in addition to adding their personal experiences to the policy-making process (Arzimatova, 2021). For instance, people tend to view female lawmakers as being more trustworthy and receptive than their male colleagues, traits that increase institutional trust. This reflects how women’s rights are crucial for the development of a democratic government.

Democracy’s gender component is important since women’s interests, experiences, values, and expertise differ from men’s, mostly due to women’s status in society. So, women should be the ones who represent women. The argument made by women’s rights activists that gender itself is a place and source of power, acting to give preference to men over women and masculine traits, roles, and values to women’s equivalents in most social areas should be taken into consideration (Kim, 2019). Here, power should be viewed structurally as a by-product of social connections and inseparable from them rather than as an individual quality.

When a democratic process is institutionally weak or is not based on equality and rights for all citizens, women may be underprivileged. This is because it may allow a political party that adheres to patriarchal norms to come to power and swiftly enact laws that marginalize women (Arzimatova, 2021). Strong and vibrant civil societies, which comprise municipal governments, political parties, trade unions, professional groups, and other NGOs dedicated to protecting civil rights, are the foundation of successful democracies. This opens the door for the codification and extension of the rights of women, minorities, and other socially excluded actors through the use of a rights-based approach to constructing nations.

Women’s involvement and rights support democracy for a variety of reasons. There is proof that women, more specifically working women, have distinct political preferences than males, with a propensity to vote more to the left, especially in favor of public services, with ramifications for the structure of contemporary welfare states. It is also possible to link the development of stable and peaceful societies and the continued engagement of a critical mass of women in political decision-making (Cole, 2020). For instance, the Scandinavian model, which places a high value on women’s involvement and rights, is associated with stable, peaceful, and successful communities.

It is evident that democracy depends on gender equality and the empowerment of women. As much as it is about political parties, elections, and checks and balances, democracy is also about citizenship, participation, and inclusion. The degree to which diverse social groups participate in these institutions affects the quality of democracy in addition to how these institutions are structured (Arzimatova, 2021). The gender component of democracy is crucial in this regard. Women’s rights and gender equality are reinforced by democracy’s attempts to develop into an inclusive, representative, and long-lasting form of governance.

In conclusion, it can be seen that women’s rights protection and gender equality are not merely a result of democratization. It is a component of a more general cultural shift that is reshaping many areas of industrialized cultures and fostering the growth of democratic institutions. A growing body of research indicates that expanding women’s political engagement increases collaboration across party and ethnic divides and increases the likelihood that peace negotiations will succeed. Additionally, including them enhances the likelihood that concerns like public health, reproductive health rights, and unemployment will be addressed effectively. Greater domestic security, lower levels of hostility toward other nations, and a country’s overall relative peace are all strongly correlated with gender equality. Therefore, empowering women, holding those responsible for violence against women and girls accountable, and bridging the political and economic gender gap should be the main goals of initiatives to improve democracy and human rights. Similar to this, more inclusive societies must be given special consideration in attempts to promote gender equality and women’s rights.

References

Arzimatova, I. M. (2021). Women’s rights in government of a democratic society. Eurasian Scientific Herald, 2(1), 23-27.

Cole, W. M. (2020). Working to protect rights: Women’s civil liberties in cross-cultural perspective. Social Science Research, 91(2), 102461.

Kim, J. H. (2019). Direct democracy and women’s political engagement. American Journal of Political Science, 63(3), 594-610.

Mainly all human rights laws forbid discrimination based on gender. Despite this, countless number of women and young girls remain subjected to oppression and violence, suffering from being deprived of their rights, respect, independence, and sometimes even life. Worldwide, women are still paid less for doing the same jobs as men, and some nations still tolerate child marriage and do not have regulations prohibiting spousal abuse. Deeply ingrained in society’s core, this prejudice against and abuse of women is ongoing and widespread. Recently, there has been a resurgence of skepticism about and rejection of global practices regarding gender equality and the fundamental rights of women. Yet, in the face of democracy, every woman deserves to be heard and respected without the need to demand her fundamental rights.

Supporting people, giving them access to their fundamental rights, and promoting their liberties is one of democracy’s primary goals. True Democrats believe everyone is equal, regardless of gender, age, ethnicity, or other features (Democratic Party Platform, n.d.). Individuals need to be able to openly express their beliefs and decide what is best for them, as long as their decision does not negatively impact other people (Brechenmacher & Hubbard, 2020). Democratic perceptions of women’s rights are, therefore, consistent with Democratic perceptions of men’s rights, and there is no favoring of one gender over another.

Still, in the 21st century, with many breakthroughs and changes, there is gender discrimination in America that the Democratic party resists. The Democratic Party supports the notion that no person, group, or organization has the authority to deny women their rights since they are endowed with them at birth, similarly to men. Women are free and equal individuals who possess the skills, knowledge, and traits necessary for successful careers in business, politics, science, or other fields. Democrats, in other words, hold that women and men have equal rights but that the latter sometimes cannot exercise them due to various cultural conventions and laws, such as the prohibition on abortion or the need for women to serve as housemaids.

In this sense, the Democratic Party is confident that women should be allowed to access all of the same opportunities as men, prioritize their careers over having children if this is their desire, vote, and run for office. Democrats put effort into making such changes happen and developed several initiatives, including the Votes Without Violence framework, the Women Mayors Network, and #NOTTHECOST, which aim to end aggression toward female politicians (NDI, n.d.). Democrats also make sure that events concerning the violation of women’s rights or discrimination against them are not ignored but are adequately addressed.

Lastly, the Democratic Party encourages female political engagement and activity. This is mostly accomplished by enacting new laws and regulations that emphasize how commonplace this activity is, just with the participation of men in politics. Another successful strategy is to educate children, adults, and younger girls about their rights and possibilities to pick careers they are passionate about (Thompson, 2020). Successful male and female politicians should teach young people the need for equality and the importance of never putting society’s expectations ahead of one’s goals. Therefore, it is proper to claim that women would not be able to exercise their rights and freedoms as frequently without the efforts of Democrats.

Hence, every woman deserves to be heard, and her rights must be recognized in a democracy without fighting for them. One of the critical objectives of democracy is to support people, grant them access to their fundamental rights, and advance their freedoms. The Democratic Party is adamant that women should be given access to all of the same opportunities as males in this regard. Therefore, 21st century is a time of worldwide change that requires the protection of oppressed and violated groups and awareness.

References

Brechenmacher, S., & Hubbard, C. (2020). Breaking the cycle of gender exclusion in political party development. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Web.

Democratic Party Platform. (n.d.). Women. Democratic National Committee. Web.

NDI. (n.d.). Gender, women and democracy. Web.

Thompson, D. (2020). Why men vote for republicans, and women vote for democrats. The Atlantic. Web.

Introduction

In the contemporary environment, women driving in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia remain one of the most controversial issues. In the context of conservative cultures, the process of change regarding different societal issues should be gradual in order for the culture to preserve its values and identity. In such a way, the most important aspect of defining whether women should have a right to drive in Saudi Arabia is to analyze the readiness for a change in society. As it happens, there are some aspects limiting the reforms concerning women’s right to drive. However, many experts claim that the country has matured enough in order for the reform not to interfere with the national identity (Gorney, 2016).

The objective of this paper is to present the arguments from both sides of the discussion on the issue of whether women should be able to drive legally in Saudi Arabia. The supporting arguments will include making the lives of women and men of Saudi Arabia easier and allowing women to be more engaged with the society and to have opportunities that will help them to take care of themselves, their families, and their country. On the other hand, arguments against women’s right to drive include the possibility of cultural conflict, the potential non-adopted roads of the country, and the effects on the criminogenic risk factors. The paper is also to provide an assessment of the arguments pro and against in the concluding section.

Reasons for the issue

The first aspect that needs emphasis is the fact that women’s eligibility to drive, of course, is a matter affecting the society on the whole rather than the problem concerning mere women. Al-Maeena (2016) claims that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia even suffers some loss in the sphere of the tourism industry, compared to the neighboring countries and, especially the UAE, because of this issue (Al-Maeena, 2016). Thus, in some ways, it has not only cultural but also an economic impact. Furthermore, in terms of saving up finances, allowing women to drive could be a positive prospect. In particular, if women can get around the city, they could do more things for their families and themselves.

Due to a larger number of opportunities that eligibility to drive would bring into Saudi women’s lives, they would experience improvement in self-worth and contribute to resolving other social issues as well. Also, the lives of women would become easier (Al-Areed, 2016). They would be able to take better care of children and families, as well as find opportunities for personal development, education, and making society a better place.

Reasons against the issue

First of all, Saudi driving law is one of the representations of the gender gap in the kingdom, and it would be unfair to try to interpret it from a different cultural perspective. From the point of view of Western countries, the fact that women are not eligible to drive seems like a ban that does not have sufficient grounds. However, the law did not appear outside the context of the country, and the reasons that preceded it, in the first place, concerning the cultural sphere. The relationships to gender differences are not the same in different cultures. It is also significant to underline that, in the case of Saudi Arabia, those positions on those differences constitute a national identity. It would be an unreasonable move in terms of Saudi society’s integrity to attempt copying the legislation supported in other countries.

Despite the fact that everyone admits that there are some distinct advantages in the societal model commonly accepted by the Western countries, it is not a reason to undergo a rapid change and re-invent the societal norms. Furthermore, the best way to conduct a profound change is to do it gradually (Syed, 2016). The main aim of Saudi society should be to take all the best and most efficient practices of the Western democratic societies but to do it consistently and without any rush. Otherwise, it would only harm the cultural identity and divide society into those who strongly support or strongly oppose the idea. Moreover, in some scenarios, the opposition may eventually become disappointed with any progress that the country is trying to maintain.

There is no denying that women’s eligibility to drive may eventually be a significantly good decision for Saudi Arabia, but it is also important to consider the actual state of the society and its readiness. The cultural implications, in this case, are crucial (Syed, 2016). First of all, the integrity in the kingdom relies on religious values and beliefs, and considering this perspective, the fact that women are not issued driving licenses, partially, has to do with the need to maintain decency.

The concept of a decent way of allowing women to use their personal mode of transportation would require the country to introduce women traffic wardens and police. In other words, this aspect of women’s eligibility to drive is not thought through yet. There is an opinion that unless some issues are resolved, driving would represent a potential risk for women since (Fox News, 2016). Moreover, the roads are not equipped enough for the change, and there is neither management plan nor personnel to attend to women’s needs while they are in traffic.

Another aspect that needs discussion is gender-related risks, on which some of the opponents of women’s driving make an emphasis. Particularly, the issue concerns the fact that women in traffic could unintentionally evoke unneeded interest from male drivers, which “could cause female drivers harm, and family members would not know the whereabouts of women” (Fox News, 2016).

In such a way, those arguments mostly refer to the overall lack of readiness for female drivers, claiming that neither infrastructure nor citizens are ready to incorporate the change.

Conclusion

Overall, both the arguments for and against issuing driving licenses to women and allowing Saudi females to drive strongly refer to the need for including not only women’s issues but also a general societal impact. From the perspective of advocating Saudi women’s right to drive, it is reasonable to assume that more opportunities for women would improve both the quality of their own lives and the lives of their families and children. Of course, being able to attend public places without guidance was a big step for women who want more participation in the life of the society, who want to contribute to their country’s development, and take better care of their children and families. And being able to drive would be a reasonable next step in this direction.

On the other hand, there are some rational limitations. Although female drivers would contribute to societal freedom and progress, any change needs careful consideration in terms of cultural context. The change needs to be gradual; otherwise, without proper conditions in infrastructure and public opinion, allowing women to drive would cause damage in terms of societal integrity. Thus, this issue needs to relate to the profits for society overall.

Works Cited

Al-Areed, Thuraya. “Women’s Right To Drive.” Saudi Women Driving, 2016.

Al-Maeena, Tariq. “An Argument Demanding A Second Look.” Saudi Gazette. 2016.

Gorney, Cynthia. “The Changing Face Of Saudi Women.” National Geographic. 2016.

Syed, Imran. “Women’S Right To Drive.” Saudi Gazette. 2016.

Fox News. “Top Saudi Cleric Reiterates Support For Ban On Women Driving.” Fox News. 2016.

Introduction

Modern societies have undergone complete metamorphosis and adopted new ways of doing things. Modernization has become a common occurrence in almost all aspects of our daily lives and this has improved our living standards.

However, an improvement in technology does not reflect human developments if what happens to some members in the society is anything to consider. For a long time, women have suffered various challenges and become victims of circumstances without anyone raising an alarm about this. This essay explores the violation of women rights and possible causes in our modern societies.

Definition

Human rights refer to the privileges that a person enjoys as a human being. These rights include the permission to access quality healthcare, security, food, shelter, education and public amenities (Wollstonecraft 7). In addition, it also includes the freedom to move and express opinions regarding various happenings.

Causes of Women Rights Abuse

Most women have been abused in modern societies due to illiteracy and lack of exposure to their rights. Women constitute the greatest percentage of the illiterate population due to societal perceptions. This exposes them to various forms of discriminations that lead to their oppression (Rich 7).

In addition, the lack of proper guidance from governments is also to blame for women oppression. Most developing nations are struggling to adopt democratic policies and forget that women deserve the right to be heard and considered as members of the society.

Moreover, poverty has continued to propagate women suffering due to the lack of sufficient funds to cater for domestic needs. Most women are forced to look for food for their families and this makes them vulnerable to oppression. It is imperative to state that the modern woman has become so occupied with the desire to earn a living without relying on men.

However, she is not able to find job so easily unless she bows down to some form of pressure from a man’s side (Rich 12). Consequently, women seek favors by submitting their bodies to men in exchange for these aspects. As a result, they end up being victims of rape and other forms of sexual abuse.

Moreover, drug abuse has become a common problem in many homes and this makes women the most susceptible victims to the effects associated with this vice. In most occasions, men have violated women either verbally or physically when they are under the influence of drugs. The number of cases of rape and other forms of sexual abuse among women have increased due to drug abuse especially in the informal settlement areas.

In addition, some traditions are extremely retrogressive and still consider women as domestic servants. The fact that there are free primary and secondary school education and many scholarships to study further education has not helped women to attend schools. Their communities still treat them as servants and have not given them opportunities to utilize their talents (Wollstonecraft 13). In addition, most women are comfortable with their positions and therefore they are not ready to challenge their men in higher positions.

Lastly, affirmative actions have not gone well with most men since they view this as defiance. On the other hand, women have embraced these actions without consideration how to approach men in dealing with the anticipated challenges. As a result, men have felt like they are being challenged and have countered this with violence and other forms of abuse.

Conclusion

Most women will continue to be abused if necessary steps are not taken to address these issues. It is imperative to ensure that both men and women are involved in women empowerment and emancipation to ensure that society embraces change and respect for human rights.

Works Cited

Rich, Jennifer. Modern Feminist Theory: An Introduction. New York: Wiley, 2010. Print.

Wollstonecraft, Mary. Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Connecticut: Cengage Learning, 2011. Print.

Introduction

The Middle East is a unique region of the world with diverse cultures, which attracts millions of tourists and researchers eager to explore it. However, many critical social issues arise there due to different deep-rooted traditions. One of the most severe problems in the Middle East is women’s rights violations, as it affects half of the region’s population. Millions of women face direct discrimination, endure domestic violence, and fear speaking publicly about their problems. The situation is especially alarming in one of the wealthiest and most developed countries – Saudi Arabia. Women’s rights are flagrantly violated, and gender equality is rarely acknowledged in the country. Indeed, it is crucial to understand the importance of women’s rights, see the connections between the past, the present, the local, and the global, and realize how political and media discourse represents the social issue to eliminate it.

The Importance of Women’s Rights

The begin with, it is essential to recognize the significance of women’s rights in the modern world. Undoubtedly, each female should be able to earn money, own property, receive a high-quality education, vote, and hold public office. In the Western world, millions of people still protest against the violations of women’s rights and gender inequality, even if it may seem that females are equal to males in the United States, Europe, or Australia at first sight. However, these people clearly understand that even minor income differences affect all aspects of their lives, ranging from politics to culture. Besides, they believe that everyone should stick to human rights and speak up when they are violated to lead their communities and countries to prosperity.

Unfortunately, the situation in the Middle East and particularly in Saudi Arabia is more alarming. For example, Saudi Arabia is ranked 146 out of 153 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report (301). It means that the gap between Saudi women and men is one of the largest in the world. While individuals from the Western world protest against sexist comments of political leaders on social media and the number of women in the top management of large corporations, Saudi females are concerned about other problems. For example, they must dress modestly and avoid interactions with unrelated males not to be disregarded or arrested. According to researchers, “Gender inequalities are a greater challenge in Muslim Countries, with few exceptions, than the rest of the world” (Sardar et al. 69). Thus, it is challenging to eliminate the social issue in Saudi Arabia, where gender inequalities are strongly felt.

The reasons for the country’s alarming situation are clear – the government decisions and social attitudes. Firstly, the controversial male guardianship system that allows men to control women is a severe problem. For example, employers can demand female candidates to present their guardians’ agreement or reject them because of their gender. Hence, only 24.6% of females are labor force participants, 16.4% of them are legislators, senior officials, and managers, and 0% are in ministerial positions (Global Gender Gap Report 302). Secondly, many citizens of the country consider men superior to women because of their religion and deep-seated traditions, which they highly appreciate. Many people do not want to modernize, supposing it to be sinful and continuing to stick to outdated rules in the modern world. Therefore, many women still suffer from restrictions and injustice.

Moreover, only a small number of Saudi women publicly oppose the male guardianship system or social attitudes and speak up about the violations of their rights. “Muslim women have to fight a deeply unbalanced gender configuration that places them in a secondary position to men” (Sardar et al. 70). Saudi females cannot openly protest or speak up about the violations of women’s rights without the fear of being arrested, detained, or even killed, as the government decisions and social attitudes restrict them. Fortunately, after visiting different countries and seeing the world through the Internet, many progressive men in Saudi Arabia allow women to make their own decisions. However, reforms and shifts in public opinion are essential to make the social issue of the violations of women’s rights less alarming.

The Connections between the Present, the Past, the Local, and the Global

The world is rapidly progressing, and the situation in Saudi Arabia appears to be improving, as the country has started to become more open. It is essential to recognize the changes that have taken place in the last years to determine the prospects of gender equality in the country. Besides, Saudi Arabia is no longer an isolated country, and it creates new opportunities for the campaign for women’s rights. Therefore, the social issue in Saudi Arabia will attract more and more attention soon, both locally and globally.

Without any doubt, the government takes action to improve gender equality, as it fully understands that the violations of women’s rights negatively affect the economy. For example, many females who have a great desire and can work must stay home and lose their capacity. Besides, the country’s tourism industry has considerable potential due to its natural wonders and unique culture. Still, tourists fear to travel to Saudi Arabia because of its strict rules. In 2017 and 2018, Saudi females got new rights such as voting in municipal elections, competing in Olympic sports, obtaining a driver’s license, and attending football matches and stadiums (Sardar et al. 69). It is a significant step forward, though it is clear that the authorities should also put an end to the male guardianship system, which restricts millions of females.

What is more, society in Saudi Arabia is becoming more open to the world because of the Internet. While the government policies aim to alter the system, the Internet transforms social attitudes. A Saudi woman wants more freedom when she looks at the pictures of smiling people at the beach somewhere in California on Facebook or Twitter. She may also doubt whether it is fair to make her dress a burqa in 40-degree weather when women from the Western world can wear short floral dresses. Further, many of their husbands, brothers, and sons change their perspective over women’s rights and allow them to act according to their preferences.

In general, women have gotten more rights in the last years because of government actions. The Internet also makes a positive impact on the public opinion of what is right and what is wrong for Saudi women. However, the guardianship system still exists, and numerous females suffer from oppression and injustice. All the recent reforms in Saudi Arabia are only the first steps to gender equality, but they create a basis for further improvements.

The Representation in Mainstream Political and Media Discourse

Unfortunately, Saudi women are often misrepresented in mainstream political and media discourse. Most westerners rarely directly interact with them or lack knowledge of the culture of the Middle East. Hence, they form their perspective of Saudi women based on political and media discussions on conservative Islam, human rights abuse in the Middle East, terrorism, and oppressed women. However, they do not often hear the voices of Saudi females and ignore their points of view over their rights and position in society.

First, media discourse on women’s rights in Saudi Arabia is full of stereotypes. Journalists usually lack the understanding of the Middle Eastern culture and concentrate on the depiction of negative news, which is more likely to impress people. Rochelle states that Muslim women are more likely to appear in the media if they live in societies where their rights are disrespected (489). Therefore, numerous westerners regard any veiled female as abused and helpless and get used to the thought that it is normal to oppress them in their societies. Moreover, Rochelle believes that both the imagined link between Muslims and terrorism and their cultural threat makes an extremely negative impact on the perception of women from the Middle East and their rights (489). It results in a negative attitude toward Saudi females and males; hence, many westerners perceive them as ‘others.’

Second, such misleading representation also influences the actions of political leaders in the Western World. Despite, most of them eagerly supporting Saudi women and the recent reforms in the country in public, their decisions are based not on assisting the campaign for gender equality but on earning the approval of their voters. However, as mentioned before, most voters negatively perceive people from the Middle East and are more concerned about reforms in their own countries. “Exposure to media stereotypes of Muslims as violent increases Americans’ support for public policies that harm Muslims, such as military action abroad and civil restrictions at home” (Rochelle 491). Hence, the misleading representation of Muslim women and the focus on the negative harm of the elimination of gender inequalities in Saudi Arabia. People need to pay more attention to Muslim bloggers who are less subjective and challenge the stereotypes over Middle Eastern societies.

My Perspective on the Effects of the Issue

Women’s rights violations and extreme gender inequalities in the Middle East and Saudi Arabia have numerous adverse consequences. They affect not only females but also each citizen, including westerners who live and work there. Without any doubt, Muslim women suffer the most, especially if their families are abusive. However, the issue is so severe that it influences all aspects of life, such as the economy or education.

Saudi women have to stick to the rules, which may be unreasonable and follow their make relatives’ orders. Further, Saudi men are educated to consider females to be inferior and make decisions instead of them. It is a grave violation of human rights, and any individual should not endure it. According to the Global Gender Gap Report and Gender Inequality Index, the situation in Saudi Arabia is improving, but millions of individuals still suffer from gender inequalities (Global Gender Gap Report 301; Sardar 69). Unfortunately, only a small number of Saudi women can fulfill their potential, make their dreams come true, and achieve some goals. Moreover, many of them endure severe restrictions, oppression, abuse, and fear of speaking up for themselves. Most Saudi men, even if they are against gender inequalities, continue to violate women’s rights and be passive in eliminating the issue because of social attitudes.

Besides, expatriates in Saudi Arabia experience the problem as well. They avoid going out in public due to strict rules in Saudi Arabia. They think they can be insulted or arrested for the behaviors that are considered standard in the Western world, such as kissing or dressing scantily. “Just as stories about crime shape public opinion of African Americans, stories about gender inequality may shape public opinion of Muslims and the War on Terror” (Terman 500). Expatriates may also avoid interacting with Saudi women and men because of different stereotypes; thus, they do not assimilate into a new culture.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the social issue of women’s rights violations is of extreme importance in the Middle East and particularly in Saudi Arabia, where deep-rooted traditions influence everything ranging from culture to the economy. Millions of women suffer from different restrictions or even abuse, though they cannot speak up publicly about their problems or protest like westerners. Both the male guardianship system and social attitudes do not let them fulfill their potential and achieve goals. Fortunately, the first steps have been taken for the last years, and data suggests that the situation is improving. However, there is still much to accomplish to stop severe violations of human rights in Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, the representation of gender inequalities in political and media discourse is often misleading; thus, westerners often do not fully understand the problem or even ignore it. However, Saudi Arabia is transforming now, and the future of the campaign for women’s rights and gender equality is promising.

References

Global Gender Gap Report. World Economic Forum, 2020, Web.

Sardar, Ziauddin, et al. Muslim Societies in Postnormal Times: Foresights for Trends, Emerging Issues and Scenarios. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2019.

Terman, Rochelle. “Islamophobia and Media Portrayals of Muslim Women: A Computational Text Analysis of US News Coverage.” International Studies Quarterly, vol. 61, no. 3, 2017, pp. 489–502.

Women have always been striving to protect their civil and equality rights and achieve the results similar to men. Significant rise of equality rights movements was observed in second half of the eighteenth century with further breakouts in second hard of the nineteenth century.

Women, particular those occupying the procession of a writer or a poet, were struggling for the freedom of speech and independence from the male dominance, just as it was presented in their novels, essays, and poems. Specifically, both Mary Wollstonecraft, who lived in the times of French Revolution, and Virginia Woolf, a political activist and writer, strongly advocate the civil rights of women.

In their works called A Vindication of the Right of Woman and Professions of Women respectively, they express their vigorous desire to liberate women from the professional taboos to enter female authorship imposed by the male society and provide a new ideology and norms for women to pursue.

The messages delivered by both women are narrowed to the idea that fair sex should have the right to their personal opinion concerning the issues happened around them.

In particular, Virginia Woolf insists that writing and women is a dangerous mixture, specifically in the period of male domination; at the same time, it is quite reputable because it helps women understand their inner insights and needs. However, if women really want to indulge into this occupation, they should fight with the strongly imposed stereotypes, the so-called demons, which is the only way to write honestly.

Similar to Woolf, Wollstonecraft is operated by similar judgments because her main argument is premised on the necessity for delivering equal access to education for males and females, which can expand the boundaries of female authorship: “…the more understanding women acquire, the more they will be attached to their duty – comprehending it –for…their morals be fixed on the same immutable principles of that of man, no authority can make them discharge it in a virtuous manner” (Wollstonecraft 17).

In whole, both women strive to liberate themselves from the principles and morals of the male-dominated world.

Both Wollstonecraft and Woolf also seek to provide new educational frameworks for women because they believe it can enhance the society in general. They also admit that women chose to be subjected to male because it is much more comfortable to live and get along with their husbands. However, occupying no profession and taking no education deprive women of individuality and possibility to build plans and career perspectives for self-expression and professional growth.

With regard to this, Woolf emphasizes, “…before a woman can sit down to write a book without finding a phantom to be slain, a rock to be dashed again” (35). Interpreting this, women should overcome much more challenges in comparison with men whose dominance is predetermined historically.

In conclusion, both authors have greatly contributed to the development and enhancement of female authorships through representations of the women’s place in the male-prevailing society. In the texts at issue, they provide their conceptual frameworks expanding on their vision of education and civil rights for women as well as reasons for existing problems in these terms.

In addition, Woolf and Wollstonecraft are also concerned with presenting the connection between the writing and women within different periods, which allow to pursue the changes occurred to this problem.

Works Cited

Wollstonecraft, Mary. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. 1792. Reprinted with introduction, chronology, and bibliography by Charles W. Hagelman, Jr. NewYork: W.W. Norton and Company, 1967. Print.

Woolf, Virginia. Professions for Women. in Women and Writing. US: Women’s Press, 1979. Print.

Introduction

Catharine Beecher’s “An Appeal to American Women” is a discussion kind of piece that considers the power of women in office and how the issue should be approached. During this time, 1869, in America, women were slowly gaining the right to vote by state, but there was not yet a nationwide law (which would pass in 1920 in the Nineteenth Amendment) for women to vote. The excerpt from this article basically says that women should not spend considerable effort fighting to get into the office to represent women and women’s rights. This, Beecher says, is too much of an offensive mentality that would only cause more problems from the fighting process itself.

Beecher rather says that a set of principles, moral standards, or general perspective towards equality and a way of life should instead be considered. If this could be accomplished, then it would not matter who was in office. A mentality or set of principles towards equality or “a united petition of our sex, or even to a majority of the wise and the good” (Beecher p.343).

Beecher also introduced the American Women’s Education Association at the end of the excerpt. While Beecher calls for an educational process that involves the public, we must wonder, is calling for such a change of public perspective really less chaotic and controversial than women actively pursuing to modify legislation? Beecher’s entire rationalization for catering to a general mentality of equality rather than attempting to alter legislation was for the sake of avoiding conflict and controversy. However, a large-scale plan to actively attempt to modify the public opinion, even though the medium of education, would likely be on a similar level of conflict, controversy, and debate. While Beecher’s methodologies for equality through peace are admirable, it would seem she sacrificed the strength of her stance in an attempt for an increased level of tranquillity through another methodology that would still cause a significant level of debate within the public.

Analysis

Many things could be explained, mostly only with regard to background theory and related circumstances. Overall the text is not very confusing, even as an excerpt, and since no quantitative information is given, it does not require additional substantiation. There were no figures either, only concepts. More background information could have been given, and this would have provided for a better understanding of the changes Beecher was trying to describe.

It is likely, however, that the full document did have at least some additional background information. The full extent of the surrounding history and immediate issues in politics were likely not included while considered to be common knowledge to the audience at the time. Beecher likely assumed that the reader, should they be choosing to read the article, already has concerns and thus is aware of the issues immediately surrounding feminism. This information is all theoretical and opinion, so while it is not as subject to accuracy as information that is comprised of statements, assertions, and claimed facts or statistics, the opinion could still be considered valid or not in some regards.

Beecher’s stance on women’s rights is, in fact, one that stresses equality as she claims (she is not trying to seek more power for women, and thus not actively seeking true equality) while her means to equality is sensible. She claims that campaigning and effectively fighting for women’s representation may, in fact, provide women with the means to make changes that would allow for equality; however, the fight itself to make the achievement in such a manner in that sense would likely create additional problems or give life to a stronger sense of competitiveness which would only strengthen or maintain notions of segregation.

Beecher does not take a stance that is wholly against women being in the office; however, at the time she wrote the article, such an occurrence could not have taken place with any ease. Beecher claims instead that women should simply strive for a mentality that caters to equality that is adopted by a majority of people, which would eventually include or affect male politicians. Beecher says that it is this methodology that would be most effective. With regards to accuracy, this opinion is logical and persuasive. It does not appear that anything is inaccurate though Beecher’s claims nor even illogical in her opinion. As all of her content was either conceptual or opinion, Beecher did not rely on any kind of secondary material.

There was no specific event that Beecher was writing with regards to. It would be another 50 years before women’s rights became part of the U.S. Constitution. Beecher was writing for the entire gender of women, for the concept of equality, and for her American Woman’s Education Association. She wanted the general public to read her essay, likely even men. Naturally, she wanted the women to read it so that they would consider becoming part of her group effort, or at least consider her opinions. Whether or not women joined her group, through reading the paper, they would understand her viewpoint and perhaps not support the fight for women to attempt to take office.

As Beecher’s paper is generally informative in this manner, it is likely that she would have wished even for men to read her paper. While her effort was one of such a large scale, she likely would have wanted anyone who would take care to be informed to do so. However, it can be assumed that her focus was mostly on women. While women make up such a large portion of the public, and Beecher would have wished for men to read her work, all the same, to aid in the creation of a general mentality for equality rather than an offensive women’s rights movement, it is better said that her writing was more for the general public than it was for a specialized audience.

The spirit in which Beecher writes is unique because it is a combination of a call to action and peace at the same time. Beecher wants action, education, and change, all the while stressing the importance of peace, shared mentalities, and lack of an offensive position. Beecher’s spirit is one of benevolence, enlightenment, and optimism. She is not in a position of despair, while she apparently has enough faith in the human mind to patiently wait for the opportunities for the right course of action rather than take any available action towards the changes she describes.

Conclusion

The document did have some influence on people. Beecher is a commonly known famous figure who thus had a significant reach, while nearly all feminist or equality writers had some influence before women’s rights were integrated into the constitution because it was such a serious issue. Finally, 50 years later, women did gain the right to vote, and it was this that allowed for an equal mentality. Beecher’s mentality took effect to some degree, and later women would go into some offices as well. While it cannot be argued that Beecher’s writing, nor another other writer’s writing, was responsible for the movement toward women’s rights, Beecher’s essay did have an impact on the education and awareness movements that would cater to the eventual acceptance of women’s rights. Obviously, the influence for women’s rights was naturally inspired by a mentality of equality.

References

Beecher, Catherine. “An Appeal to American Women.” The American Woman’s Home. London: Rutgers University Press, 2002 [1869]. p.343.

Introduction

The struggle for women’s rights and abolition were intricately linked movements of the 19^th century. Professor Kelton in fact has argued that the former was in many ways an unintended outcome of the latter. Kathryn Kish Sklar is one of the women who were born in the early 19^th century and played a great role of ensuring that women achieve their equality with their male counterparts.

Thus, the 19^th century marked an era when this feminist views gradually came into play and greatly influenced gender interactions. Despite the challenges facing the women’s rights movement, the group is important movement that introduces women to equal opportunities with men.

Discussion

How the Anti-Slavery Movement Challenge Established Notions of Manhood and Womanhood

Kathryn Kish Sklar’s general idea in the book is to enlighten people on the role of women in the society during the 19^th century, how it changed dramatically, how women began to realize the various opportunities for them outside the domestic scene.

She demonstrates this by showing how the white women became sympathizers of the black women who were held as slaves and were fighting for their liberation. Gender equality was the driving force behind the pushing for the freedom of slaves. As a result, the traditional views of women were changing, hence bringing about the notion of feminism (Sklar 14).

On the other hand, Feminism precedes anti-feminism. This means that when one makes an effort to eliminate male dominion in the society, another tries to counter this efforts in order to maintain the status quo (Heilmann 51). The issue of feminism was countered by the United States government by abolishing slavery and giving the black men the rights to vote instead (64). This shows that the government was not ready to offer the women their rights as it decided to be gender biased.

What Led the Grimké Sisters to Conclude That They Should Pursue Women’s Rights and Abolition

Sklar (31) points out that the Grimke sisters had a growing belief that every human being is an independent entity and only subject to God and not to another human being. In 1829, the Grimke sisters traveled from South Carolina to Philadelphia where they found an opportunity of justifying the rights for women in addressing their issues in public.

They received oppositions from the clergy men from South Carolina’s men, thus making the Grimke sisters to form the women’s rights movement in Philadelphia as they knew that the Orthodox Quakers in Philadelphia did not only oppose the issue of slavery but were also not ready to deal with challenging social issues that would result to disunity among members of their community.

Despite the fact that they still had a challenge of addressing the issues concerning women equality, the Grimke sisters managed to convey their intended message using the biblical point of view. This is illustrated through Angelina who claimed that she did not recognize the difference between the rights of men and the rights of women since Jesus Christ does not advocate for inequality (Sklar 35).

Therefore, the Grimke sisters objected the slavery and their inequality with their male counterparts by basing their arguments on a Christianity point of view. By addressing their issues publicly, they managed to push for the abolition of various rules that worked to their disadvantage. Some of these rules included obtaining the husband’s consent while carrying out some activities, loosing of their names once they got married, loosing their property once the women got married, lack of power in controlling the children (Sklar 53).

The Grimke sisters played a critical role in facilitating the passing of the married woman’s property law in 1850.This law provided the married women with an opportunity of owning as well as inheriting property (Sklar 96). Through these movements, the women continued pushing for other things such as schooling. As a result, they acquired high skilled jobs such as doctors. More over, in the civil war period they served as nurses to soldiers (104).

What Women in the Women’s Rights Movement Wanted and the Reasons Why

Towards the mid 19^th century, during the time of economic growth the family unit begun to realize that they needed to work together to keep up with a changing world with new opportunities and intensified needs (Weiss and Marilyn 103).

Most men went to urban centers to work in industries and women were left at home to carry out domestic work which included raising children, cooking and cleaning and being there when the husbands return. This resulted into a new dynamic in gender roles where women increasingly felt that they needed to do more to contribute to the welfare of the household through earning an income. This can be seen as the origin of women’s right movement whose reception was not welcomed by their male counterparts.

The women however did not relent on the push for their rights. In 1834, various women’s societies which comprised of members from Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and New England collaborated in order to abolish prostitution as well as other types of women’s sexual harassment. The women in United States continued to fight for their rights to vote in 1848, hence leading to National Women’s Rights Convention in 1850 which was headed by male who supported this move (Sklar 109).

In 1858, the rights for women however went to greater heights as they demanded for their reproductive rights. In spite the fact that women contributed greatly in the anti-slavery movement, their participation was however controversial and this led to a division in the American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS) in 1839 after Kelley Foster was elected as a business committee member (Sklar 111).

Therefore, the anti-slavery movement created an avenue for the formation of the women’s right movement thus bringing about what women wanted; women public speakers such as Grimke sisters, and Abby Kelly Foster among others. Women perceived that by being in a position of public speakers will provide them with an opportunity of creating a considerable impact on social changes of the women in the society.

How the Issues of Race and Gender Complicate the Respective Abolitionist and Suffrage Movements and Then Ultimately Weaken the Latter

The issue of race in the abolitionist and suffrage movement came as a result of the black women been given the rights to vote. This made the white men to be scared of what would happen if a women’s government came in place (Sklar 112).This facilitated the spread of racism into the women’s right movement which was instigated from both within the groups as well as outside the group.

On the other hand, the white women feared that the black men would take up their positions in the political arena and hence they started to portray racism within the movement (Fluehr-Lobban 190). Hence, the issue of race and gender complicated the abolitionist and suffrage movement, thus weakening it in the latter through formation of black women rights movement and white women right movement.

Conclusion

From the above illustrations, Kathryn Kish Sklar’s demonstrates the power of the women’s rights movement by expressing the women’s words, deeds and life experiences. Women like the Grimke sisters who were the pioneers of the movement during the time of the anti-slavery movement have influenced the women of the 20^th and the 21^st century. The 19^th century marked an era during which the foundation of what today is referred to as “the independent woman” was laid.

However, in spite the fact that the Grimke sisters managed to fight for the role of women in the society, racism thereafter played a critical role in segregating the blacks among the whites, thus forming what we see currently; the white women activist movement and the black women activist movement.

Works Cited

Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn. Race and racism: an introduction. Lanham, MD: Rowman Altamira, 2006, pp. 186-194.

Heilmann, Anne. Anti-feminism in Edwardian literature. London: Thoemmes Continuum, 2006, pp. 46-93.

Sklar, Kathryn. Women’s rights emerges within the anti-slavery movement, 1830-1870. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000, pp. 113-12.

Weiss, Penny and Marilyn Friedman. Feminism and community. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1995, pp. 109- 99.