Category: Women’s Movement

Introduction

Women have been known to face oppression since time immemorial. The feminist groups came up in as early as the late 1960s to speak up against the oppression of women. These feminist groups took various forms of speaking up for these rights. Poetry was one of these ways. The power of the spoken and written word is known to possess infinite power. Slogans like The Personal is Political came up around this time too.

This slogan has been under scrutiny for the longest time, with various scholars trying to delve both the plutonic and deeper meaning. Kelly observes that the phrase the personal is political was conceived as connecting the womens experience of exploitation and oppression as political issues (p.122). This work seeks to look into the works of a poet and how they incorporated the phrase and its meaning into their works.

The concept of the personal being the political in a womans life is one that never gets tired or obsolete. It is a concept that defies time and is always relevant regardless of time and space. It applies to every woman as women are still facing some of the issues that these feminists were protesting against back then. This concept means that most of the personal problems that women undergo are not in their making or fault but are brought about by systematic oppression (Winter, para.5).

This means that women are not to blame for things they go through; also women should not feel guilty, contrary to what many of the women are brought up knowing. Many women in different cultures are put down and made to feel bad. All this is because they are women and that they exhibit female traits that are natural. Women are made to feel stupid, weak, emotionless, hysterical, mad and ashamed of their sexuality.

For the longest time, the society has sought to bring women down and lock them in cocoons so that they suppress their real power and potential. In many cultures, even today, women are still not allowed to hold leadership positions since they are considered weak and emotional hence they are prone to poor judgment.

The phrase The personal is Political establishes the notion that most problems that women are said to have are not their fault. This has only been forced upon the women. The phrase is still relevant in the world today as women are still not yet liberated totally. In fact, some are still bound by unreasonable cultures that demean their rights and dignity.

Thesis Statement: The poet Janice Mirikitani was protesting against the issues Violence, anger and silence which women put up with, as she argues the phrase The Personal is Political.

Janice Mirikitani

In her poem Breaking Tradition, Janice Mirikitani explores how every woman has a secret longing to break out of the inhibitions and restrictions that society locks them in and to break the shackles of silence, violence and anger that haunt them. This poem shows how each generation of women wants to break out of the cocoon they have grown up in, and which has also sucked their own mothers. Mirikitani brings out the issue of forced silence very strongly in this poem.

Line seventeen says I am like my mother she kept her room neat with silence and goes on defiance smothered, passion and loudness wrapped, steps confined& Such phrases are used to bring out the reality that women were there to be seen and not heard. Their opinions and feelings did not matter in any setting or environment. Most Mirikitanis poems cry out in protest against the internally or externally imposed silence on women (Lashgari p.292). Mirikitani says in her poem: Guilt was passed in our bones.

This means that women are brainwashed to think that they cannot think on their own and challenge existing ideals in the society. Therefore, they are forced to silence by that inward guilt. Externally, the society seeks to suppress the potential of women by making them feel stupid for possessing ideas, which promptly ensures they remain silent.

It is anger that pushes the persona in the poem to free her daughter. The persona understands the implications that the political aspect has had on her private life and how the two are interconnected. She wants to free her daughter form the same and ensure that she never has to face the same. She wants to tell her daughter of the room and about herself. Knowledge is power, and it is the only way women will be liberated.

The society has managed to keep women in shackles by withholding the truth from the. The truth about what women is that, they are not weak, stupid, and useless. Also, they can contribute to the society just like their counterparts, the men. The poem uses imagery of an open window that provides possible escape from the cocoon. Mirikitani has had her own share of the political influencing her private life.

The poet is embittered by her parents silence about what she went through while at a tender age. This is because of having survived violence and sexual molestation at a tender age (Ho & Antonio, p.376). That anger pushed her to fight for the liberation of women. Though she represents the persona in the poem, we cannot help but notice her desire to enlighten her own daughter. She looks determined to free her daughter from the prison of silence and oppression in which the society wants to imprison her.

The last part of the poem portrays civilization and a breaking of traditional ways and culture. The daughter of the persona is engaging in activities that the society she comes from might not approve. She is dancing to modern music Salsa, the Stones and Teena Marie. Mirikitani says that her daughter is copying her. She is breaking tradition and thus she will become free. The mere act of her daughter mirrors her own desires and wishes, and in this, she finds hope.

Conclusion

It is without question that women are not yet totally liberated, especially in some parts of the world, but we cannot ignore the fact that this liberation process has made quite some milestones. Women these days can be listened to in the society, some of the practices that undermined their dignity has been done away with globally.

The most glaring impact is in the fact that women can now take up leadership positions in societies, organizations, local government and even nationally. The battle for the liberation of women is still ongoing, but there is hope that women will one day be totally liberated and that the political affecting the personal will be a thing of the past.

Works Cited

Ho, Fred W, and Carolyn Antonio. Legacy to Liberation: Politics and Culture of Revolutionary Asian Pacific America. Brooklyn, NY: Big Red Media, 2000. Print.

Kelly, Christine A. Tangled Up in Red, White, and Blue: New Social Movements in America. Lanham [u.a.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. Print.

Lashgari, Deirdre. Violence, Silence, and Anger: Womens Writing as Transgression. Charlottesville [u.a.: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1995. Print.

Winter. Feminism 101: The Personal is Political. 2001. Web.

Today, women in developed countries have the right and opportunities to see a doctor regularly and monitor the state of their health. However, even nowadays, there is a high risk for a woman to feel uncomfortable while visiting a doctor because many topics regarding the womens health are not discussed openly. In this context, it is important to analyze the ideas regarding the topic claimed by Barbara Ehrenreich, a feminist, and by the representatives of Boston Womens Health Collective in the 1970s-1980s. These women were among the first activists of the womens health movement who drew the publics attention to the problem of sexism related to the provision of health services for women.

Three specific notions can attract the attention of the reader reviewing the first chapters of the work Women and Their Bodies presented by Boston Womens Health Collective in 1970. These notions are mystification, objectification, and alienation (Boston Womens Health Collective 6). On the one hand, it seems that these ideas have no relation to the issue of womens health and medical services. However, the closer analysis of the issue indicates that Boston Womens Health Collective were the first women who clearly stated that females can face such barriers while asking for the medical consultation as mystification because male doctors exaggerate their significance and power; objectification because women can be perceived as stupid sex objects even by doctors; and alienation because women experience barriers in discussing their personal health problems. Therefore, female patients are perceived as females, rather than patients. From this point, the booklet was important to present the information on womens problems when they visit doctors in a form understandable for each female, while avoiding sexism and biased notes.

The work by Boston Womens Health Collective had the revolutionary effect on the womens vision and their awareness of rights regarding the own health. In their article, Stephenson and Zeldes state that Women and Their Bodies helped women focus on their personal experiences and understand that many women have the same problems to be discussed openly (Stephenson and Zeldes 1742). The similar opinion is argued by Ehrenreich in her discussion of the womens health movement. Ehrenreichs position regarding the necessity to discuss womens personal health issues as social and political ones due to the helplessness of women to oppose the everyday pressure in the healthcare facilities sounds rather provocative (Ehrenreich par. 4). Nevertheless, it is possible to agree that the idea was a result of prolonged discussions of problems experienced by women in their struggle for the healthy life. Therefore, Ehrenreichs view on the problem was in line with the feminists ideas characteristic for the era of the 1970s-1980s.

It is possible to state that the authors ideas regarding the necessity of focusing the attention on the womens health experiences are ground-breaking for the late part of the twentieth century. However, it is also important to note that there was a need for starting the open discussion of the problems in the society in order to avoid the progress of such problems as discrimination, violation, victimization, and humiliation in the sphere of health care and medicine. The reason is that women need to know about their bodies and health as much information as men, and they have the right to receive the medical assistance without being derided and humiliated.

Works Cited

Boston Womens Health Collective. Women and Their Bodies (1970). Web.

Ehrenreich, Barbara. Body Politic: The Growth of the Womens Health Movement (1984). Web.

Stephenson, Heather, and Kiki Zeldes. Write a Chapter and Change the World: How the Boston Womens Health Book Collective Transformed Womens Health Then  and Now. American Journal of Public Health 98.10: 1741-1745. Web.

Towards the end of the 19th century, American society underwent numerous changes, which caused various social problems, especially due to industrialization in what was termed the Progressive Era. Therefore, politicians, journalists, and professionals came together to address some of these issues. Women activists at the time seized the opportunity to assert the important role that women could play in the advancement of society. The major problems that concerned women at the time included working under dangerous conditions, child labor, poor public health and safety, and lack of suffrage rights. Therefore, women were the best-suited candidates to address these issues through maternalist politics. This paper discusses how the women’s movement connected to the Progressive Era.

Women Movement in the Progressive Era

The reforms that were taking place during the Progressive Era coupled with emerging opportunities in the job market and changing lifestyles created an enabling environment for the thriving of the women’s movement. For instance, growing business due to industrialization opened new opportunities for women in the workplace and exposed women to the factory setup away from their homes. Additionally, mass production of goods created household conveniences thus availing more leisure time for women to engage in politics of the day. Importantly, educational opportunities allowed women to pursue careers of their choice and leave their traditional roles as homemakers (Durst, 2005). However, the male-dominated patriarchal system thwarted women’s efforts to assert their place in society. The Victorian view at the time, that women belonged to the kitchen, compounded the problem.

As such, women could not vote and in most states, they could not sign contracts or own property without the direct involvement of their husbands. In general, women had to overcome the deeply entrenched view that they were intellectually inferior to men. Therefore, they started organizing themselves to agitate for recognition and equal opportunities (Durst, 2005). Some of the functional women movements of the early 20th century included the Woman’s Christian Temperance Movement, the National Association of Colored Women, the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, and the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Notably, Jane Addams formed Chicago’s Hull-House to educate and support local immigrants. The objectives of the movement converged at addressing problems that women faced at the time as part of promoting the ultimate agendas of the Progressive Era as discussed in the next section.

Settlement House Workers

Jane Addams was one of the college-educated women to openly revolt against patriarchal systems of the early 1900s. Given that family structures were deliberately designed to limit women’s freedom, she founded the famous Hull-House in Chicago to accommodate and encourage ambitious women who chose to remain single or delay marriage. The center educated women about their rights before the focus shifting to politics to champion the end of child labor and fair treatment of immigrants on top of pushing for better working conditions. In 1912, Jane Addams addressed dignitaries at Bull Moose Party’s convention – the party was under the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt (Addams, 1931). Other key players at the center focused on different areas to advance women’s issues, which formed part of the broad agenda for the Progressive Era. For instance, Florence Kelly pursued the issue of poor working conditions for women, while Lillian Wald majored in improving public health care in the region. According to Muncy (1991), women pioneered the establishment of legitimate professions for themselves and supported each other to ensure their voices were heard. Ultimately, Jane Addams together with like-minded individuals took the opportunity presented by the Progressive Era to advance women’s rights at a time when society was opposed to such changes.

Suffrage Movement

In the early 1900s, women in many states across the US were not allowed to vote, and this was one of the main agendas of the Progressive Era – to ensure that everyone in society, including women, enjoyed the unalienable rights espoused in the Constitution. Therefore, different women organizations joined hands to advance the confirmation of women’s rights to vote. This goal was realized in 1920 with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment allowing women to participate in the voting process as a democratic right enshrined in the constitution (Thurner, 1993). The major women movement groups concerned with the issue of suffrage were the National American Women Suffrage Association and the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Even though these organizations existed long before the start of the Progressive Era, they were revitalized during this period because even some men who had opposed the idea of women voting had softened their stance. Moreover, other powerful organizations, specifically the Congressional Union, which was founded in 1913, injected fresh blood into the quest to advance women’s suffrage rights. Therefore, by aligning with the agendas of the Progressive Era, the women’s movement seeking women’s rights to vote became part of this wave of change.

Labor Unions

As aforementioned, before the start of the Progressive Era, women were treated as lesser human beings and subjected to poor and dangerous working conditions. Some women, such as Mary Jones, joined politics, especially the Socialist Party, to agitate for better working conditions for women (Fetherling, 1974). The majority of women worked in the coal mining industry where conditions were deplorably characterized by poor pay and long working hours. However, women were not the only ones subjected to such horrible working conditions as the problem affected all workers irrespective of race, gender, and age. Therefore, the women’s movement joined forces with other like-minded organizations to clamor for better working conditions and higher wages as part of the Progressive Era agenda. For example, Mary Jones led thousands of workers during the 1911-1912 and 1913-1914 West Virginia and Colorado strikes respectively (Fetherling, 1974). Another influential labor union at the time was the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and together with other interested unions and movement joined hands to agitate for workers’ rights. Therefore, the women’s movement under the banner of labor unions became important players during the Progressive Era.

Conclusion

Women’s movement existed long before the start of the Progressive Era in the late 19th century. However, as this wave of change unfolded the movement became key players in the advancement of the agendas of the Progressive Era. Almost all the issues that these groups sought to advance were constituents of the Progressive Era manifesto. The main issues that concerned women at the time were the deeply entrenched patriarchal societal norms that viewed them as lesser human beings. As such, women’s movements, such as the National American Women Suffrage Association and the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage became relevant within the larger manifesto of the Progressive Era. In other words, the women’s movement blended into the Progressive Era because this period marked increased calls for an equal society that focused on the welfare of human beings.

References

Addams, J. (1931). The second twenty years at Hull-House. New York, NY: Macmillan.

Durst, A. (2005). Of women, by women, and for women: The day nursery movement in the Progressive-era United States. Journal of Social History 39(1), 141-159.

Fetherling, D. (1974). Mother Jones: The Miners’ Angel. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press.

Muncy, R. (1991). Creating a female domain in American reform 1890-1935. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.

Thurner, M. (1993). Better citizens without the ballot: American anti-suffrage women and their rationale during the Progressive Era. Journal of Women’s History, 5(1), 33-60.

When I was growing up, the concept of feminism was not mentioned often in my surroundings. I cannot recall when I encountered it for the first time. However, I can remember that for many years this term, for me, was associated with the aggression of women and with the idea of women “acting out” or “not being traditionally feminine”. I remember that feminism was regarded as something ridiculous and useless. However, I am glad that this concept eventually made its way into my surroundings as something that needs to be re-evaluated and approached critically. Having started to wonder what feminism really represented and where it originated, I learned that this phenomenon has significant historical and social weight and value that should never be disregarded.

Unfortunately, the ideas that feminism is pointless and silly are still common. It is possible that they come from old-fashioned beliefs about gender roles and the so-called “male” and “female” spheres of careers, lifestyle, and even social behavior. As feminism first started to appear, many men felt threatened by it, as women seemed to claim for themselves many areas in which men used to dominate (Kimmel 262-264). Also, it is possible that the community where I was growing up took old-fashioned norms for granted. As it usually happens, people may stick to sets of beliefs and views that are passed from one generation to another without ever questioning them.

When it comes to my personal encounters with people who do not agree with feminism, I could share one story that is particularly memorable to me. A person whom I had considered a good friend for many years turned out to be quite a radical misogynist. He came from an old-fashioned patriarchal family. His father promoted the idea that women are only good for kitchen and cannot be trusted with anything else. Moreover, my friend was also sure that women shared his beliefs. Once, he tried to convince the mother of his other friend that cooking meals, being a housewife, and serving her husband was her only sources of happiness. When I tried to let him know that he was extremely offensive, he laughed and accused me of being “one of those feminists”. In response, I tried to explain that not all women are fond of being housewives, but he laughed again and called my statement nonsensical.

It is interesting to note that healthcare, as an industry, has seen a series of changes as the women’s health movement brought women into healthcare specialties. Naming five prominent historical moments that were parts of this movement, it is necessary to mention the Middle Ages when women practicing medicine were considered witches and banned from this field. The second key moment is the entrance of women into traditional medical practice in the 1800s. This event was followed by the formation of an official movement in the 1830s and 40s when “Ladies’ Physiological Societies” were created (Seaman and Eldridge 16). While in the 1860s the profession of a nurse was created, by 1890s women were forced to nursing specialties, a majorly oppressive breach of balance assuming that women are natural nurses who could not match the requirements of being a doctor, a predominantly male profession. The following timeline can reflect these key moments: Middle Ages (female healers are witches) – 1800s (women in official practice) – 1830s-40s (“Ladies’ Physiological Societies”) – 1860s (the establishment of nursing as a profession for women) – 1890s (women are forced to nursing specialties).

Today, there are many organizations focusing on female empowerment and support that deserve attention. One of them is EWDNA (Ethiopian Women with Disabilities National Association). This organization provides help to women who cannot access health care services on their own or require specialized education. EWDNA helps women with disabilities become more independent and self-reliant.

Works Cited

Kimmel, Michael S. “Men’s Responses to Feminism at the Turn of the Century.” Gender & Society, vol. 1, no. 3, 1987, pp. 261-283.

Seaman, Barbara, and Laura Eldridge. Voices of the Women’s Health Movement. Seven Stories Press, 2012.

Introduction

The Women’s Movement, also called the Feminist Movement and the Women’s Liberation Movement, includes a series of efforts by women in the world to fight for restoration of gender equality. The Movement began mainly in Britain and the United States, and went on to accelerate to a lesser degree in the former and to a tremendous degree in the latter. “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it’s the only that that ever has.” These sage words of famous American cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead is an appropriate elucidation of the Women’s Movement as it progressed from its humble beginnings to its stunning world-changing achievements, coordinated by a group of simple, ordinary women gifted with single-minded and dedicated zeal and steely determination to make the world a better place for women to live in. Starting from 1865, there have been many milestones in the successful progress of the Women’s Movement.

1865 – 1892

The Declaration of Sentiments that was signed in the immediate aftermath of the first women’s rights Convention held in New York on July 13, 1848 by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and others was greeted with widespread and scathing newspaper editorials. Its manifesto: “We declare these rights to be self-evident, that all men and women are created equal,”³ and its aim, to “end discrimination against women both within their households and beyond” was something unheard of. The violent backlash caused some women who had participated in the Convention to distance themselves from the ‘new Movement.’ But the majority of them did not back down and their stubborn stance paid off as something totally unexpected happened. The vitriolic newspaper reports actually struck a sympathetic chord in thousands of readers, and soon Americans in cities and towns all over the nation began taking increasing interest in the new topic of women’s rights.

The National Woman Suffrage Association was formed in May 1869 by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Its aim was to gain suffrage or voting rights through an official Amendment to the American Constitution by Congress. In November that year, Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell set up the American Woman Suffrage Association . Its aim was the same as the NWSA except that it planned to get it via official Amendments to different State Constitutions by state governments. Both suffrage associations soon decided it was in their best overall interest to join forces, and they did so in 1890 by merging into the National American Woman Suffrage Association . Its main objective was to concentrate efforts on gaining voting rights for women by a sustained state-wise campaign.

1893 – 1920

Susan B. Anthony led NAWSA until old age forced her to step down in 1900; under her leadership, a massive campaign was begun with the help of hundreds of political strategists, organizations, administrative staff and activists. All struggled valiantly as one team in the face of massive odds, employing unique strategies and ingenious methods to outsmart adversaries and maximize their frugal resources. The main leaders who assisted Susan B. Anthony were Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Lucy Stone, Esther Morris, Abigail Scott Duniway, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Anna Howard Shaw, Carrie Chapman Catt and Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

In addition to the NAWSA, many other women’s rights organizations began coming up. Notable among them was the National Association of Colored Women in 1896 under the leadership of Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, Mary Church Terrell and Anna Julia Cooper; the National Women’s Trade Union League in 1903 to press for better wages and working conditions; and the Congressional Union in 1913 by Lucy Burns and Alice Paul to pressurize Congress to grant women the right to vote by engaging in various forms of civil disobedience including picketing the White House .

The hard fought for right to vote was finally won when Congress passed the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1920, bringing huge elation to the Women’s Movement activists.

1921 – 1960

The Women’s Movement next targeted the lack of equality of laws based on gender and culture. Leaders like Alice Paul declared that the struggle for women’s rights had been exacerbated, and not satiated, by winning the right to vote. In 1920, the Women’s Bureau of the Department of Labor was set up to collect data about working conditions of women and press for improvement wherever necessary. Many former suffragists began a campaign calling for laws to safeguard women workers against abuse and hazardous situations. In 1923, Alice Paul who by then had formed the National Woman’s Party, took the bold step of publicly drafting a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution that would give women equal rights as men all over the country. Alice Paul insisted that women should penetrate political parties because the only way to achieve anything was from the ‘inside of political parties.’

Margaret Sanger spearheaded the organization of the American Birth Control League in 1921. It’s main declaration was that women had the right of control over their bodies particularly in matters relating to birth and sexuality; it not only meant letting women take their own decision when and if they intended become mothers, but it also involved educating them about prevalent ways of birth control. In what was seen as limited success of the efforts of the American Birth Control League, the U.S Supreme Court ruled in 1936 that birth control information could no longer be considered obscene, the American Medical Association approved birth control as a legal part of medicine in 1937, and the Food & Drug Administration approved the sale of birth control pills in 1960.

1961 – 1971

In 1961 the continuing efforts of Esther Petersen in fighting discrimination against women persuaded President John F. Kennedy to set up a Commission on the Status of Women with Eleanor Roosevelt as Chairperson. The Commission submitted a detailed report in 1963 listing instances of discrimination against women in nearly every aspect of American life, and suggested remedies such as paid maternal leave and cheap child care. This made state and local governments scramble to emulate the federal example and they set up their own Commissions to investigate discriminatory practices against women and suggest remedies.

In 1963 Betty Friedan released her book ‘The Feminine Mystique.’ Based on real-life surveys of women trapped in domestic seclusion with small children,the book listed the mental and emotional suppression that middle-class literate women endured due to scarce life options. The book was a huge boost for the Women’s Movement as it immediately turned into a massive bestseller and encouraged large numbers of women to seek satisfaction beyond the home. Also in 1963 the Equal Pay Act was enacted by Congress that directed employers to pay men and women equally for the same job.

In 1964 the Civil Rights Act was passed by Congress banning discrimination in employment on grounds of gender. Seeing that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission was not serious in checking infringements to the Act, Betty Friedan, other activities and the Chairpersons of different state Commissions on the Status of Women set up the National Organization for Women in 1966 as a central civil rights organization for women. Under its guidance and support, a large number of smaller organizations were formed, each catering to the requirements of certain groups of women such as African-Americans, Latinas, Asian-Americans, Lesbians, tradeswomen and professional women. In 1967 Presidential Order 11375 tightened measures against discrimination based on sex. It directed federal institutions and contractors to make sure that women got similar education and work chances as men.

1972 – 1991

In June 1972 the Education Amendment Title IX was passed, prohibiting discrimination in schools on basis of gender. It led to a spurt of widespread admission of women into athletics activities and professional schools. In July 1972 co-founder and editor Gloria Steinem launched ‘Ms. Magazine’ which gained such immediate and huge popularity that it turned into an important medium of expression for women and catapulted Steinem as a heroine of the Women’s Movement.

On January 22, 1973 the Supreme Court passed a landmark ruling in Roe v. Wade declaring that based on the right to privacy, a woman supported by her doctor had the right to undergo abortion without restrictions during the first trimester of her pregnancy, and with restrictions during the second trimester. The Court ruling nullified and cancelled the existing Texan law on abortion and effectively made the practice of abortion legal all over the country. Also in 1973 the Supreme Court ruled that gender differentiated advertisements in newspapers were unlawful; the ruling paved the way for women to submit applications for better-paying jobs for which only men were earlier eligible.

In 1974 the Equal Credit Opportunity act was passed, banning consumer credit discrimination on grounds of sex. In 1978 the Pregnancy Discrimination Act was passed, prohibiting employment discrimination against pregnant women; acts like firing, job denial and promotion denial on grounds of pregnancy were declared illegal. In 1984 the financial network EMILY’s List was set up to encourage pro-choice Democratic women interested in candidature of national political office jobs; its effectiveness was soon evident as more and more women began getting elected to Congress. In 1985 all states had passed ‘no-fault’ divorce legislations that permitted married couples to divorce each other by mutual agreement. In 1986 the Supreme Court ruled in Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson that sexual harassment was another type of unlawful job discrimination.

1992 to present

In 1992 the Supreme Court reconfirmed women’s right to abortion in Planned Parenthood v. Casey thereby effectively nullifying the 1989 Abortion Control Act which Pennsylvania was trying to legitimize even though it had been declared unconstitutional. In 1994 the Violence against Women Act was passed. It increased the punishment for perpetual sex offenders, provided funds to rehabilitate those traumatized by rape and domestic violence, and initiated special training courses for police officers on ways to deal with crimes of violence against women. In 1996 the Supreme Court ruling in United States v. Virginia making it mandatory for the male-only Virginia Military School to also enroll women, failing which it would not continue to receive federal funds.

In 1999 the Supreme Court ruled in Kolstad v. American Dental Association that a woman can seek punitive damages on grounds of gender discrimination even if the act in question was not particularly serious. In 2003 the Supreme Court ruled in Nevada Department of Human Resources v. Hibbs that federal agencies could sue any state on grounds of infringing the clauses of the Family Leave Medical Act. In 2005 the Supreme Court ruled in Jackson v. Birmingham Board of Education that Title IX which bans discrimination on grounds of gender also implies banning disciplinary action against anyone for protesting about gender-based discrimination.

Conclusion

Ever since Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s innocuous tea party launched a revolution, the Women’s Movement today has achieved all the targets laid down in the original Declaration of Sentiments. Besides having won the right to vote, women have brought about irrevocable changes in hundreds of laws thereby succeeding in breaking the restraining shackles that had been imposed on women’s personal hopes and aspirations, legal standing and position in society. Women have crossed each and every threshold, be it employment , military, clergy and newsroom. Women have achieved all this because they have contributed wholeheartedly and unselfishly to create the famous ‘completed mosaic’ earlier envisioned by Alice Paul: “I always feel the [Women’s] movement is a sort of mosaic; each of us puts in one little stone, and then you get a great mosaic at the end.”

Today, not everything has been totally achieved by the Women’s Movement. Injustices continue to plague women albeit on a much lesser and negligible scale. Women should take heart from the leaders of the Women’s Movement by continuing to tackle such injustices regularly, be it in the courts of law or in meeting rooms of organizations or within the walls of their houses. On the national front, a grey area still exists in that there are very few women leaders in Congress. However, judging by the formidable showing of two stalwarts , women are well on their way towards establishing a stronger presence in Congress and the White House.

References

Baker, Jean H. Sisters: The Lives of America’s Suffragists. USA: Hill & Wang, 2005.

Eisenberg, Bonnie & Ruthsdotter, Mary. “Living the Legacy: The Women’s Rights Movement 1848–1998.” National Women’s History Project. Web.

Imbornoni, Ann-Marie. “Women’s Rights Movement in the U.S.” Pearson Education Inc. 2008. Web.

Lewis, Jone Johnson. “Roe v. Wade Supreme Court Decision.” 2008. Web.

Matthews, Jean V. The Rise of the New Woman: The Women’s Movement in America 1875 – 1930. USA: Ivan R. Dee, 2004.

Introduction

Women play a greater role in the society today; their global population is more than that of men hence making them very important. The important duties undertaken by women in the society cannot be ignored because of the fact that their participation in provision on labor has increased over the years. Due to globalization, women have taken up new roles in the fast changing society as a means of survival (Chowdhry, 2008). The role of women in the family today has changed drastically with more women in the developed and developing nations taking the role of bread winners in their families. This change has been brought about by globalization and changes in the society especially in the developing nations.

Global Women

In Hochschild’s book we get to witnesses the role of women in different societies around the globe. The book discusses on issue to deal with feminization of migration, in the book the author delves into the issue of work and the effect on the lives of women in rich and poor nations. Research has shown that more women are in work today than they were twenty years ago; this paradigm shift in the society has seen more men out of work today and changes roles of women in the family (Antrobus, 2004).

For instance in the rich nations like the United States, women have taken up career jobs and today they make up close to 40% of the workforce there. As a result, traditional role of women as care givers to their children has been left to nannies and maids from poor countries such as Philippines and Sri Lanka. These women migrate from their countries due to poverty and low wage income since unemployment levels in their countries’ is high and their husbands cannot support their families (Ehrenreich, 2004).

Inequality and poverty in third world countries push women to work in developed foreign nations as nannies, maids or sex workers to meet the needs of their families and themselves. In the wealthier countries there is a care deficit and therefore foreign maids are hired to fill this void, they provide care to children of women who have devoted their time to employment. The change of women roles in the society today has created negative effects such as deprivation of maternal love on the side of migrant women nannies towards their families. Some of the migrant nannies, maids and sex workers are exploited by their bosses through mistreatment, sexual slavery; all these acts display an underside of globalization (Ehrenreich, 2004).

Issues facing Global Women

Hochschild’s book takes an in-depth look into women’s issues through life in the perspective of employment and care giving towards their families. The book contains several essays with examples of how women go about in realizing their roles in society and several challenges they face. The first essay we going to analyze is entitled love and gold, in this essay we encounter a woman by the name of Rowena who hails from Philippines.

She provides care to a child in USA as a nanny in order for her to feed her family back at home through remittances. Some of the challenges that concern Rowena include the fact that she stays away from her children for many years thus making her children lack maternal love (Ehrenreich, 2004). Rowena’s stay from her children has created a huge gap in the development of her children leading to poor grades in school and stress which could to fatal incidences such as suicide.

Rowena’s case raises the concern of love being a resource, because Rowena cannot be able to provide love for her children, she instead displaces this love to Noa. This case shows that parents in the First world give an opportunity to women from poor countries to redirect their love through care giving (Chowdhry, 2008).

By doing so, the women in the first world ignore the needs of people like Rowena to show love to their children. Another essay looks at Rudy Montoya; according to him he does not view her mother job in Hong Kong as abandonment in providing care for him. Instead he views her mother’s actions as a sacrifice made to him and therefore he draws affection from this act. Children like Rudy understand the reasons why their mothers migrated to work in Hong Kong and other First world countries. Though Rudy and other children like him did not experience love from their mothers, they resolve their emotional insecurity by working to repay the favors done by their mothers (Harley, 2007).

Globalization, Migration and Policies

Globalization and migration are related as witnessed in Hochschild’s book where the ever changing world has accommodated the feminization of migration. Due to globalization, women in the First world are now more engaged in employment and therefore have less time to take of their children and leave these duties to nannies and maids from poor countries. Globalization has affected many poor countries making life for their citizens more difficult and therefore women being the primary care givers in their societies are employed from poor countries as a means of catering for their families (Antrobus, 2004).

Women who work as nannies or maids in First world countries do this out of desperation, since they have no option but work due to the fact that they cannot secure employment at home. Globalization during the 1980’s led to developed nations growing at a fast pace leaving the poor nations to grow poorer through debts sourced from developed nations. As a result of development of First world nations most of their women took formal employment leading to a care deficit for their children thus they result to hiring nannies from third world countries (Fauve-Chamoux, 2004).

In order to addresses the inequality originating from globalization that leads to women from poor countries migrating to developed nations to do menial jobs, prudent policies have to be implemented. Due to the fact that love given to children by their nannies from poor countries is genuine and not highly appreciated, love is classified as a resource (Harley, 2007).

Therefore employers should show concern and acknowledge the help they receive from these women by allowing them to migrate with their small children. Employers as a sign of appreciation could pay these foreign workers better pay. Major laws should be ratified by all nations under special charters advocated by the United Nations; these laws will be used to protect women working in foreign nations. Some of the provisions of the laws that should include measures which curb against exploitation, mistreatment and recognition by law as workers in foreign countries (Ferree, 2006).

Countries should co-operate between themselves in a way that ensures that once women migrate to countries for foreign work, the first world countries will provide security for them and ensure that laws on minimum wage are enforced.

Personal View

The issue of globalization and the feminization of migration should be taken serious by all stakeholders and the global society. According to me, serious concerns of exploitation, sexual slavery, mistreatment or minimum wage should be addressed. The women who provide care to children sacrifice their love for their children in order to retransmit this love to their employer’s children. Due to the important role of care givers, the society should acknowledge and respect the duties undertaken by these women. In my view, laws should be set up under organizations such as the International Labor Organization (ILO), to protect nannies or maids and sexual workers from exploitation (Ferree, 2006).

Governments should also be forced to ratify these laws or else heavy penalties will be levied on them. Due to the social nature of human beings in my view, the developed nations should participate in uplifting lives of people in poor countries with an aim of avoiding the increased immigration of women to their countries in such of jobs (Fauve-Chamoux, 2004). As a result these women will get better jobs at their home countries.

Conclusion

The issue of migration of women to the First World to work as nannies or maids or to take up the role of care givers should be looked at from several perspectives. Most of these women are coerced to work in these nations due to poverty or unemployment and have no option but to take up these jobs. The monies remitted by nannies or maids are used in feeding, educating and uplifting lives of many people. Therefore their employers as well as their society back at home should give enough support to them through various initiatives and laws, for them to feel appreciated and their rights protected.

References

Antrobus, P. (2004). The global women’s movement: origins, issues and strategies. Chicago, IL: Zed Books. Web.

Chowdhry, P. (2008). Women, welfare, and development: a source book. New Delhi: Inter- India Publications. Web.

Ehrenreich, B. & Hochschild, A. R. (2004). Global woman: nannies, maids, and sex workers in the new economy. New York, NY: Henry Holt and Co. Web.

Fauve-Chamoux, A. (2004). Domestic service and the formation of European identity: understanding the globalization of domestic work, 16th-21st centuries. London: Peter Lang. Web.

Ferree, M. & Tripp, A. (2006). Global feminism: transnational women’s activism, organizing, and human rights. New York, NY: NYU Press. Web.

Harley, S. (2007). Women’s labor in the global economy: speaking in multiple voices. Cambridge, MA: Rutgers University Press. Web.

Introduction

The current essay’s purpose is to evaluate and analyze the following reading materials in terms of feminist studies and women’s movements: Adichie’s Ted Talk “We Should All Be Feminists” and the first chapter of Shepherd’s book “Gender Matters in Global Politics”. First of all, short summaries of the texts will be provided, and then the analysis will be produced by answering the assignment’s questions.

“We Should All Be Feminists” by Adichie

The author presents her experience of sexism and explains what she understood from it, how it affected her life. Adichie argues that the word “feminism” carries negative connotations, and, consequently, affects the deep meaning of the concept badly. She talks about children’s education in terms of feminism; the difference in men’s and women’s experiences of the term, and understanding the issue; the recognition of gender inequalities.

Concerning my personal experience with the word “feminism”, I share Adichie’s central argument that the concept carries several negative meanings. Mainly, it can be felt in conversations with older people. Some people see it as a threat to family institutions and traditional values. Others point out the exaggeration of the issue and do not believe that men and women are still not treated equally in many spheres. These common misconceptions can only be dispelled through education processes. It is crucial to explain from the early ages what exactly feminism is.

It is vitally important to mention that the term “feminism” is surrounded by numerous myths. However, if we look at the universal definition, it represents feminism, as the theory of economic, political, and social equality of the sexes. However, some other scholars highlight the fact of the female’s oppression in defining feminism. In my personal view, these two approaches do not contradict each other, as the conversation of gender equalities implies that the sexes are not always seen as equal. Thus, I hold the opinion that feminism is the belief that all people should have the same rights regardless of their sexes.

Feminism and Development

Another crucial topic in terms of the women’s rights discussion is the role of women in development. Women have only been included in global development recently (the second half of the 20th century), and up to these days, this does not apply to all countries. There are numerous issues concerning the exclusion of women from global development, such as the absence of universal legal protections, underrepresentation in the labor market, underpayments, harassment, and violence in the workplace. It is vital to examine the role of women, as it is beneficial for improvements in development. Economic equalities and education for women are highly advantageous to economies, as they can contribute to business processes. Moreover, by including women in economic development, the situation with women’s rights and gender equalities is highly likely to be improved. Consequently, from the points discussed above, it is clear that it is inevitably important to address development through the lens of feminism.

Shepherd’s Discussion on Women’s Movements

In her book, Shepherd addresses two women’s movements: The Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp and the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. The first one is a series of protest camps that were organized in England between 1981 and 2000. The movement was exclusively female and was established to protest the placement of nuclear weapons at RAF Greenham Common in Berkshire. The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the second movement established in 1977, is an association of Argentinian mothers who protested to get information from the government concerning their missing children.

Even though two groups were formed for different purposes, they also possessed similar ideas. First of all, it should be said that both movements relied on gender stereotypes. The Greenham women declared that women-only actions could guarantee that the movement does not carry any violence. Concerning the Mothers and their stereotypes, it is the way they have seen parental responsibilities. At that time, that was true that overall, mothers were involved in the life of their children more than fathers. Secondly, the two movements shared similar ideas of the importance of women’s participation, demonstrating that they have the rights and strengths to protest and protect their interests. For instance, the two groups stood out and challenged the social norm of those days that women should stay home and do nothing. They showed that they have the right to participate in politics and express their opinions rather than leaving it only for men. However, the two movements received different public reactions for violating and challenging existing social norms. The Mothers were more successful in their actions: in the media, they were described as courageous and fighting for human rights. Whereas the Greenham women were represented as criminals and deviants, as they cross the boundaries of social norms more extensively.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the present paper addressed the issues regarding the term “feminism” by analyzing the work by Adichie “We Should All Be Feminists”. Moreover, world development was presented through the lens of feminism. The last part of the essay was focused on Shepherd’s discussion on the two women’s movements. The work demonstrates the importance of a correct understanding of the feminist movement and its complex history.

Why did women and gays blur personal and public to be heard? What is the similarity between the homophile movement and the global campaign against violence and women? While there is little similarity in the homophile movement and the global campaign against violence against women, both groups initially referred to as minorities proved to arouse the global recognition of their existence. The campaign against violence against women motivated mothers, wives, and daughters throughout the world to express their problems. These courageous women stood up against the years of cruelty and violence at home and at the workplace. Women had to bring their personal life into the public to be heard. Gays and other people with untraditional sexual orientations blurred the personal and public as well. There is no need to mention that even today there are many people who oppose the whole idea that others may have sexual relationships with a person of the same gender. Nevertheless, lack of social support and overall negativity did not prevent gays from defending their political and social rights. Thus, the global campaign against violence against women and the homophile movement blurred the personal and public.

For many decades most women were patiently accepting the aggressiveness of their husbands, boyfriends, and even fathers. Nevertheless, the global campaign against violence against women started only recently. Why did women wait so long to speak about their person in public? Was it a matter of shame to tell the stories of their suffering to the world? Was it a matter of lack of power to deliver the message to the global audience? Most likely both of these matters played their role in delaying the development of the global campaign to stop the violence against women. It cannot be denied that only 50 years ago women did not enjoy the same freedoms and rights men. Females throughout the world, even in the most developed democratic countries, could not boast of having the same social and political position as men did. As a result, they were silent and their personal family life with aggressive partners remained unspoken.

A similar situation was common for the development of the homophile movement. Only in the early 1980s, gays started to speak about their rights and, more importantly, demand political recognition of their equality. Significant progress has been achieved in the last decade. Today gays can get married, adopt children, and are recognized as full members of society. Sexual orientation is a protected right and it cannot serve as a factor in employment-related decisions. Nevertheless, while politically gays and women are protected, the reality is not as colorful as the laws prescribe. Thousands of women become victims of domestic violence, as well as thousands of gays, who have to deal with prejudice and discrimination every day of their lives. Back in the 1960s, the legacy of left-wing movements was not recognized. Is the modern progress in both movements just a myth? Did anything change in the lives of gays and women?

Probably the keyword for both movements is visibility. For many years of women’s silence, the global community was unaware of the scope of the problem. Undoubtedly, the number of women who had to deal with aggressiveness and violence at home or at the workplace was no greater than it is today. Nevertheless, the male-dominated society preferred not to blur the personal and political. It was not right for the democratic society to have beaten and harassed women, was it? It was not right to speak about personal in public, was it? Probably, for the conservative society of the 1960s, it was wrong to raise such questions in public. The situation with the homophile movement is more complicated because the attitude toward gays has always been negative. While modern society has a mostly neutral attitude toward gays, most of the traditional families would not be happy to have a child who eventually starts relationships with a person of the same sex.

Back in the 1960s, sexual minorities and their rights were not recognized as well as were actively oppressed. As John D’Emilio argued, the society “adopted an ideology based on equal rights for minorities, engaged in direct actions techniques of protest, and affirmed the propriety of homosexuals and lesbians leading their own struggle for justice” (p. 150). As D’Emilio continues, “their confidence and determination won for the movement and for gay women and men generally a visibility that their predecessors had failed to achieve” (p. 150). In other words, prior to the 1960s, gays as a part of society were not visible. They were part of society but they were not accepted as such because they were not visible. Ironically, homosexuals and lesbians gained social support through active and sometimes aggressive protests while the global movement against violence against women was in essence anti-aggressive.

Furthermore, both women who suffered from violence and gays who were deprived of any rights and freedoms for several decades were not willing to blur the personal and political. Nevertheless, the relative status of personal experience has increased in public life. As D’Emilio highlights, not all homosexuals were ready or willing to discuss their personal matters because they did not want society to know about their ‘difference’ and they were not ready to the reaction of the society they lived in. “They didn’t want to hear about it. They would give you arguments: we don’t want people to know we look like everybody else. As long as they think everyone’s a screaming queer with eyelashes, we’re sage. We’re not suspected. We don’t want publicity” (D’Emilio, p. 158). Therefore, gays were not ready to speak up because they cared about their security. Probably, women kept silent for many years because of the same fear. Women preferred living with daily aggression and violence instead of speaking about their personal experiences in public. The reaction of male-dominated society was unpredictable and women could find themselves in a worse position. Nevertheless, homosexuals and lesbians managed to unite their efforts to gain the support of gays as well as society, in general, to be able to protect their rights granted by laws. Gays as well as oppressed women blurred the personal, public and political and turned their personal concerns into matters of global importance.

The first organized movement against violence against women started in the 1920s with the establishment of the Inter-American Commission of Women. The goal of this Commission was to get the provision of equal rights for women into the UN Charters and commending the formation of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. The campaign against violence against women as well as the homophile movement developed through the network of non-governmental organizations. Interestingly enough, both movements increased in scope in the 1960s. For example, “ideas originating with feminists in the United States and Europe sparked global debate” in the early 1960s (Keck and Sikkink, p. 168). These ideas resulted in the draft of the Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 1967. It was only the beginning of the long and difficult campaign against violence against women. It is important to add that NGOs played a greater role in the development and global spread of the campaign against violence against women than in the emergence of the homophile movement.

With the help of networking and the support of NGOs, the campaign against violence against women became global. Women throughout the world formed networks and organizations with the single aim to increase the awareness of the problem of violence against women and to give women hope for a violence-free future. Moreover, the campaign against violence against women was more organized than the homophile movement. Women organized regular conferences in diverse parts of the globe to inform societies about the problem and to empower women suffering from violence to fight against it. As Keck and Sikkink noted, “International conferences did not create women’s networks, but they legitimized the issues and brought unprecedented numbers of women from around the world” (p. 169). Furthermore, these regular personal encounters helped women speak about their personal issues and speak about them aloud. International conferences were personal and public at the same time. They generated the trust, information sharing, and discovery of the common concerns that gave impetus to the formation of local networks. Some of the achievements in the 1990s are highlighted by Keck and Sikkink:

• NGO meeting in Mexico City encouraged women to found the International Tribute Center (women used mailing lists to keep in touch with oppressed women around the globe)
• NGO meeting at the Nairobi conference spawned new regional networks including three on women, law, and development (focused on violence against women)
• Latin American Committee for the Deference of Women’s Rights
• The Asia-Pacific Forum on Women, Law, and Development
• Women in Law and Development in Africa

These were only several out of many conferences and committees established by women and for women who suffered against the violence but were no longer willing to keep silent. Unlike gays, women realized that it was necessary to blur personal and public to be heard. Moreover, women took full advantage of the opportunities NGOs offered in terms of global reach and social support.

Keck and Sikkink argued that “the movement to combat violence against women also has roots in local actions in the developing world” (p. 175). Gays, on the other side, started the homophile movement in democratic countries, the ones where they could freely express their opinion in public. Nevertheless, the focus on the democratic movement deprived homosexuals and lesbians of the opportunity to ask NGOs for assistance because non-government organizations are focused on developing countries more. While this statement can be debated, it cannot be argued that historically non-governmental organizations worked more with the developing world than democratic communities. As the issue of violence against women gained global recognition, women’s networks started to appear in the most remote regions of the world. Locally based projects and coalitions such as GABRIELA in the Philippines, Mujeres por la Vida in Chile, and various groups in India and Bangladesh had begun to work on issues of violence against women (Keck and Sikkink, p. 175). Networks and groups gained the support of local women very quickly because in these countries women suffered from violence the most.

While all communities throughout the world agreed that violence against women was morally, socially, and politically wrong, the homophile movement was not based on social support. On the contrary, the gays had to fight against the social isolation and overall negative image of homosexuals and lesbians. The personal experience and personal life affected the political and social reactions to the increasing scope of the homophile movement.

Earlier in the 1940s, “one important indication that changes had occurred in gay life … was the publication of The Homosexual in America, by Donald Webster Cory” (D’Emilio p. 33). This book has caused significant social debate on the matter. Cory wrote about the years of his personal experience as a homosexual. Thus, the book became the public expression of his personal life. He described the hostility and aggression he encountered as a gay man, the persecution and discrimination he faced, and the institutions of the gay subculture. One of the important arguments made by Cory was the declaration of the minority status gay men had. Homosexuals and lesbians were denied civil liberties and had to deal with almost legal discrimination against them.

In conclusion, the global campaign against violence against women and the development of the homophile movement occurred at the same time in the 1960s. Both movements required the blurring of personal and public, of the personal life and political issues. The NGOs played a special role in the emergence of global support for the campaign against violence against women while gays did not enjoy the same level of social support. While today gays and women are protected by law against violence and discrimination, the fight for equality and protection of rights was long and difficult.

References

D’Emilio, John (1998). Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities, 2nd edition Keck, Margaret and Kathryn Sikkink. Activists Beyond Borders.

Introduction

This article seeks to outline the effort of women in India towards the inequality index. The women are here seen to be struggling with inequality and being side-lined at the expense of men to levels that even force the woman from the opposing party family to join them in the battle. They do manage to come up with various organizations for the main purpose of ensuring that they can deliver something reasonable and that is related to the need of running the riots. These face opposition that is very strong and they vow never to call it quits as the structure they have embraced does allow them to work on different opportunities simultaneously and based on a variety of perspectives. The activists that rally behind the Indian women are themselves aware of the uselessness of expending that much energy as these women try to impose the strategic accord.

Main body

The women groups are calling for public action on the people who perpetrate violence against women as well as the improvement of women’s access to education and the technical training that is needed for one to be employed in the organized sector. Advocating for a greater expenditure by the government on women and infants health care concerns as well as the minimum wages law implementation for female gender is what the women movement was out to seek. The assents of the Equal remuneration act of 1976 as well as the Child and Marriage Restraint Act of 1978 were some of the documents that too influenced the need of women to riot.

Moreover, they wanted there to be governing policies that sought o reserve jobs for the feminine gender and guarantees of jobs after these women have gone to the training colleges. These variables and the need of having poor women’s credit availability raised are the factors that were mobilizing women into a movement that was meant to spur the government into action. All that Indian women were seeking was the transformation through the local access to the economic ways and the need of being free from violence as well as the realization of the ability to make individual decisions in their daily lives.

The author used various methodologies to explain what was supposed to be delivered by this research. An inductive approach is what was preferred here and it gave the author the room to formulations of various statements to govern the research question and its realization in general. This was an open reassert where the needs that were influencing the riot were analyzed and the likeliness of them being accomplished was to counter check. The research has covered the different perspectives that were used by women in India as they tried to spur the government into action to their benefit. Such an umbrella style is applied by the qualitative research methodology and covers various perspectives of inquiry that are meant to facilitate the conception of social matters. In addition to this, the methodology is too supported by the researcher’s interest in what women needed through the assumptions of meaning.

This article is written to outline the need for women’s empowerment and their roles in society. It argues that women are underestimated on their potentials and they are left to stay in the village as opposed to the powerful men who are based in the town and which hold high ranking and powerful posts. Due to the discrimination of women, the activists are pulled into the battle as well though they have already realized that it is fruitless to have women on the streets rioting for empowerment and freedom.

Conclusion

This research is very productive and does to a greater extent influence the perceptions of the reader. It has managed to convince the readers that women in India were underrated and all they were out to seek was government intervention and support for them to be able to be recognized as human beings in the same magnitude as the male gender. Furthermore, the research methodology has made it possible for the investigations of the women and the movement politic that was practiced in India. If the author had used a different kind of writing style, it would not have been as effective as this approach; hence, it is right to conclude that this research has been successful. This success is attributed to the sources that were used as well as the format or methodology that the author had in mind and applied in the research.

Discussion questions

1. Was what the Indian women were seeking justifiable?
2. Was it realistic and within the societal norms for the women to seek empowerment and favoritisms from the government of India?
3. Put yourself in the shoes of the disadvantaged Indian women and formulate a way forward that will save you and the rest from the agony of being underrated, uderestimated, and ignored by your government. Would you adopt the women’s formula?

References

Women and Movement Politics in India Leslie J. Calman. Far Eastern Survey (1960) 29 (10): 940–958.

The movement towards liberation is a controversial topic in many scientific fields. Outcomes of violent actions for a given community can be challenging to foresee. Even though there is no consensus on this topic, it can be stated that the Japanese women’s independence movement has, indeed, failed. In this post, the connection between using brutal force and achieving liberty will be discussed, presenting personal views on the Japanese female’s campaign.

The relationship between liberation and violence can be extremely complicated to explore. Some authors state that there is an erroneous perspective viewing independence and the fight for freedom as a part of the process in which brutal force is necessarily applied (Correm, 2019). However, utilizing severe methods of achieving one’s goal is not always obligatory (Correm, 2019). For example, in my community, most people believe that it is possible to gather a successful freedom campaign without extreme measures. I feel that society’s perception that liberation is necessarily connected to violence can evolve if more positive examples of prosperous and peaceful autonomy movements are provided. Thus, it is possible to change certain beliefs harmoniously, avoiding excessive risks.

In my opinion, the Japanese women were not able to succeed in their campaign. Even though some changes towards gender issues can be observed in modern Japanese society, many of the world’s populations now consider violence an obligatory byproduct of a feminist liberation movement. These beliefs might have been part of the reason why the Japanese women decided to join the Sekigun. For the public, they were unfavorable members of the society, persecuted by the police (Shigematsu, 2012). Additionally, they might have had an intense devotion to the cause they were fighting for, so the future luxuries were less significant for them.

References

Correm, T. (2019). Hannah Arendt on national liberation, violence, and federalism. In K. Hiruta (Ed.). Arendt on freedom, liberation, and revolution (pp. 139-169). Palgrave Macmillan.

Shigematsu, S. (2012). Scream from the shadows: The women’s liberation movement in Japan. University of Minnesota Press.