It should be stressed that the current report on the National Strategy for Counterterrorism has been significantly improved in comparison with previously introduced strategies. Particular reference should be made to presenting the importance of considering the threat of domestic terrorism. The strategy pays closer attention to the strategies addressing this safety of citizens with regards to potential domestic dangers. Despite the fact that many European countries have already outlined safety measures taken to prevent domestic terrorism, the need for domestic counterterrorism strategies have recently been outlined by the U.S. authorities. Therefore, this new measure has significantly strengthened the defense position of the Americans and has provided a solid ground for building future defense mechanisms.
One more strength of the presented strategy for counterterrorism lies in promoting the policy of adhering to the core values of the American people. The emphasis is specifically placed on protecting and respecting human rights and privacy, and striking the balance between security and transparency. Introducing such policy contributes to enhancing moral and ethical considerations because excessive focus on security presents people from sustaining a favorable social environment within the United States. Besides a strengthened moral spirit of the American people can become a powerful instrument in fighting with the terrorist dangers and creating a winning international coalition. The strategy was not observed in the reports on national strategies in 2006 and 2010 years. The previous CT reports were primarily oriented on expanding the defense mechanism and enhancing economic and financial recourses. Specifically, 2006 report introduced the strategies for facing the challenge of globalization and enhancing and sustaining the U.S. economic growth whereas the national strategy outlined in 2010 was more concerned with building powerful networks for opposing the terrorist attacks and integrating technological and scientific advances into building military technologies. Overall, the recently introduced report is a balance between military and cultural needs of the American society.
The Main Weaknesses of the Strategy
The United States has currently faced a great number of challenges and problems related to the counterterrorism strategies introduced on June, 2011. Certainly, the plan provides comprehensive and systematic strategies for fighting against Al-Qaida adherents and affiliates by promoting military operations in such countries as Iraq, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Libya. However, the military engagement of the U.S. armed forces in these countries undermines significance of financial expenditures because the cost of the American counterterrorism is incalculable. Besides, excess emphasis on safety and security of the country imposes a potent impact on other important events, including the 2012 US Presidential election.
Excess attention to the Presidential campaign prevents the government form focusing on the most urgent issues of counterterrorism strategies. Ignorance of the current economic pitfalls within the governmental and political system can become a serious obstacle on the way to enhance America’s counterterrorism strategies and deploy armed forces beyond the domestic boundaries. Hence, the deplorable situation with the American economy can lead to the failure to provide sufficient defense mechanism for struggling with internal domestic terrorism. Aside from domestic and economic weaknesses, the U.S. government might not be able to defeat terrorism and create a safety nation platform for cooperating with its international partners, which can also become vulnerable to al-Qaeda attacks.
Assessing Obama Administration’s Progress
An in-depth evaluation of the 2011 National Strategy for Counterterrorism has revealed significant improvements in the policy regarding military defense campaigns and overall economic and political atmosphere in the country. Specifically, military forces directed against al-Qaeda groups have turned to be successfully and, therefore, the military power of the United States leaves no doubts. Hence, by increasing American advantage in high technology and airpower weapons, the Obama administration has limited significantly their military objectives and, as a result, it has contributed to a peaceful situation within the U.S. boundaries. Overall, the 2011 policy achievement has brought in two main advantages for the Obama administration.
First of all, the National Security Strategy has introduced a new defense mechanism that relies more on special military forces, including naval and air powers, and less on ground forces that are necessary for accomplishing the U.S. defense mission. Moreover, death of Osama bin Laden, one of the most dangerous terrorist leaders, significantly dismantled al-Qaeda groups and weakened Moammar Quaddafi power. The specified events underscore the benefits of introducing shifts to the security strategy has created a peaceful atmosphere in the United States and provides the citizens with a greater awareness of the positive outcomes of the counterterrorism campaign.
Second, a new defense orientation embraces a more sustainable course in politics of the United States that enables to meet international responsibilities at moderate financial costs, as well as tolerable risk to the lives of the Americans. Hence, a strategy contributes to solving the problem of security through integrating less costs and risk and keeping the global partnership on a safe ground. Hence, strengthening partnership with European countries can enhance control of the actions and operations held in the Muslim world.
Overall, the approaches and techniques chosen to stand the terrorist threat seem to be justified because they allowed to reassert the respectability and credibility of the Obama administration and the American military power. While comparing the strategies initiated in 2002, a decade ago, the president and his affiliates have managed to build a new powerful and strengthened network capturing all technological and scientific possibilities for security protection.
Recommendations for Improving the Strategy
With regard to existing strengths and weakness of the 2011 National Security Strategy for Counterterrorism, specific emphasis should still placed on the rational allocation of resources and findings, as well as domestic policies related to internal terrorist attacks. Hence, the economic growth of the United States has a potent impact on developing sustainable strategies and military techniques and preserving the credibility and reliability of the political and social infrastructure within the domestic boundaries. Another viable recommendation to the strategy is the necessity to introduce practical rather than theoretical approach to dealing with the problem. Despite the fact that the goals have been strictly defined, no concrete information is outlined concerning how those goals can be accomplished. The report mentions the urgent need for inviting local and regional, and international network into struggling with the terrorism, but it fails to identify the approaches and measures to be taken to put these ideas in practice. Therefore, the strategy should strike the balance between theoretical and practical implications. Specifically, the Obama administration can introduce specific reports revealing the information about specific military campaigns and training programs aimed at reducing the threats and enhancing the overall safety of the American population. In addition, disclosing specific international goals is also imperative for introducing strong partnership and support at the international level.
Bibliography
“2002 The National Security Strategy”. 2002. The White House. pp. 1-35.
“2006 The National Security Strategy”. 2010. The White House pp. 1-54
“2008 The National Defense Strategy”. 2008. US Department of Defense. pp. 1-29.
“2010 The National Security Strategy”. 2010. The White House. pp. 1-60
“2011 The National Security Strategy for Counterterrorism”. 2011. The White House. pp. 1-26.
Experiences that people undergo in their lives shape how they perceive the world. In essence, worldview varies from one person to another depending on childhood experiences. Childhood experiences happen at the family level and at the societal level. Existence of varied childhood experiences implies that family and society play a significant role in shaping how people perceive the world. The nature of parenting that children receive coupled with cultural values and ethics that children learn effectively shape their perception of the world. Thus, worldview is a product of cumulative experiences that a person undergoes from childhood through into the adulthood. By examining worldview of a person, one can easily predict childhood experiences that have contributed to such a worldview. Therefore, this essay analyzes the interview of Condoleezza Rice, former Secretary of State, with the objective of identifying childhood experiences that have shaped her perception of intercultural events in the modern world.
The family background really shaped how Rice viewed the world. Rice’s father was a Christian, a Presbyterian minister while her mother taught science and music. Owing to the Christian background, Rice was able to view the society in terms of good or evil. From the perspective of Christianity, Rice struggled to ensure that the good triumphed over the evil. From the interview, Rice is “smart, tough, and deeply religious woman who sees the struggle against the enemies of the United States as a fight of good versus evil” (Couric & Rice, 2006, para. 18). The religious background of Rice made her to view the world from the perspective of Christianity. Thus, Rice viewed that the United States supported Christianity by ensuring that it struggled for the human rights as enshrined in the constitution. In contrast, Rice viewed that anyone who went against Christianity was evil and an enemy of the United States.
Rice did experience acts of terrorism in her childhood, which consequently influenced how she perceived the world. In the interview, Rice confessed that she remembered how she experienced the ordeal of bombings in the church when she was barely eight years old. As the racists decided to bomb innocent children in the church, it resulted in the loss of three girls who were her close friends. In her argument, Rice observed that the bombing of innocent girls by racists was an act of terrorism, homegrown terrorism, which aimed at terrorizing communities (Couric & Rice, 2006). Basing on such childhood experiences of terror, Rice understood that terrorism constitutes inhuman acts that any society should not condone. Thus, Rice became a true believer of the antiterrorism ideology of the United States. Rice supported the antiterrorism war in Iraq and Afghanistan, which has led to the democratization of these countries.
During her childhood, Rice experienced racial discrimination. The Whites treated African Americans as inferior people who did not deserve the same privileges that they enjoyed. In essence, the Whites saw that African Americans were immature people who did not understand democracy because they were unable to use their votes wisely (Couric & Rice, 2006). Hence, when Rice noted the privileges she enjoyed and remembered the racial experiences she underwent, she began to appreciate the need of an equal society. Therefore, racial experiences did make her fight for the rights of African Americans and create an equal society where the rule of law overrides racial biases.
From the interview, it is evident that childhood experiences that Rice underwent have made a significant impact on her perception of intercultural events in the world. Some of the notable experiences are Christian parenting, the bombing of innocent children, and racial discrimination. The cumulative experiences of her childhood have made Rice to advocate for human rights, support war on terror, and believe in democracy, as central elements that are essential in creating stable societies and countries.
References
Couric, K., & Rice, C. (2006). Condoleezza Rice Profiled. Web.
Splinter group of Islamic State stages attacks across Paris;
The attack considered the deadliest since World War II;
Islamic state had carried other attacks in the country;
Law enforcement agencies were unprepared;
The intelligence agencies were blamed for the attack;
Poor communication among the security apparatus contributed to the attacks.
On November 13, 2015, a splinter group of the Islamic State from Iraq staged a series of terror attacks in France’s capital killing 131 people and injuring at least 400 others. Security experts and historians consider this assault one of the most deadly to have happened in the country since World War II (Cruickshank). In the past, the Islamic State had carried out numerous attacks across Paris like the infamous Charlie Hebdo. However, the one that took place on November 13 would be regarded the most horrible due to the number of casualties and the fact that it caught law enforcement agencies flatfooted. A parliamentary commission established to investigate the factors that contributed to these attacks cited failure by the intelligence agencies as the main problem. Poor communication between security organs made it hard to supervise the activities of the terrorists, bearing in mind that some had already been designated as a threat to the nation. This paper will give a historical account of the November 13 attacks and give recommendations on what could have been done to prevent the killings.
An Account of the Attacks
On November 13, 2015, terrorists hired three cars to use for attacks;
Some Minutes before 9.00 pm three terrorists arrived at the stadium;
France and Germany teams were having a friendly football match;
Stadium had at least 80,000 spectators, including the president of France;
Terrorists tried to enter into the stadium;
Security guard prevented them due to lack of tickets;
One of the attackers concealed an explosive vest with a Bayern Munich jersey;
One terrorists tried to access stadium several times;
At 9.20 am, terrorist exploded his vest outside the stadium;
Police found forged travel documents from the dead radical;
Five minutes later, another team attacks revelers in two cafes;
They stopped they stopped their vehicle and started shooting at people indiscriminately;
At 9.30 pm another explosion was reported near the stadium;
Another attacker blew up himself but there were no casualties;
Twenty minutes later, another terrorist explodes his vest near a McDonald’s eatery;
At 9.32 pm, terrorists open fire on customers at Bonne Biere and Casa Nostra cafes;
Four minutes later, they attack people at La Belle Equipe restaurant;
At 9.42 pm, one of terrorists blew up himself in a terrace;
At 9.42 pm, three terrorists arrive at a concert hall;
One of them sent a text to their leader;
Police discovered a phone dumped in a garbage can;
In the concert hall, the attackers carried out coordinated assault;
They had sufficient knowledge of the hall;
One of the attackers guarded the emergency exit.
According to investigations carried out after the killings, on this fateful night, the terrorists hired three cars which they used to carry out attacks in different parts of the city. Some minutes before 9.00 pm, one of the cars, a Renault Clio with three occupants pulled up in the parking lot of the national stadium where France and Germany national teams were expected to have a friendly football match (Cruickshank). The arena was packed with at least 80,000 spectators, including President Francois Hollande (Cruickshank). The three men came out of the car and made their way to the stadium’s foyer. However, the security personnel at the gate could not let them in because they lacked tickets.
Eye witnesses narrated that one of the attackers was wearing Bayern Munich jersey, which he used to conceal an explosive vest (Cruickshank). A security officer at one of the gates claimed that one of the terrorists tried to make his way into the stadium on several occasions without succeeding. At 9.20 am, the suicide bomber (an Iraqi citizen) realized that they were getting late and decided to detonate himself outside the gate, killing one person (Cruickshank). Police found a forged Syrian passport bearing the name Ahmad al Mohammad close to a mutilated body of the attacker. Five minutes after the blast, another group of terrorists opened fire on customers of Carillon and Cambodge hotels killing 13 people. Bystanders claimed that three terrorists stopped their car in the middle of the road, came out, and started shooting indiscriminately at motorists and café patrons.
At around 9.30pm, another explosion was reported in the stadium. A second attacker blew up himself near Gate H, but there were no people around. Twenty minutes after this attack, the third suicide bomber exploded his vest close to a McDonald’s bistro, injuring at least 50 people (Cruickshank). The group that opened fire at Carillon and Cambodge cafes got back into their car and drove to another location. At 9.32 pm, the same team was reported to attack customers at the Bonne Biere and Casa Nostra restaurants, killing five people. They again drove and four minutes later attacked customers of La Belle Equipe hotel, killing 19 revelers (Cruickshank). The attackers spend off and 8 minutes after the shooting, one of them was seen walking into a covered terrace before he blew up himself.
At around 9.42 pm, three terrorists; Mohamed-Aggad, Samy Amimour, and Ismael Omar Mostefai drove to a concert hall in Bataclan. One of the terrorists used his phone to send a message to their leader informing him that they were about to start the attacks (Cruickshank). Police later found the phone dumped in a garbage can near the scene, which helped them to identify the masterminds of these attacks. Inside the Bataclan concert hall, the terrorists carried out synchronized attacks to ensure that they killed as many people as possible. They appeared to have adequate knowledge of the architectural design of the hall, making it difficult for their victims to hide or escape. One of the terrorists even waited for people at the emergency exit to prevent them from going out.
People Scampering for safety.
Image of dead revelers.
Image of customers outside one of the cafes.
More images of victims of the attack.
Steps to prevent the Attack
Security experts have identified steps that could have prevented the attacks
Efficient recognition and prioritization of threats
Intelligence failed to monitor attackers who posed threat to the nation
The need to share information maid European nations
France and Belgium should have shared information regarding the whereabouts of the attackers
Staffing and funding intelligence apparatus to improve their functions
Security experts have identified numerous measures that the French intelligence agencies could have taken to prevent the November 13, 2015 attacks. One of the steps that could have foiled the killings is effective recognition and prioritization of threats (Chrisafis). In spite of the intelligence agencies classifying some of the attackers as potentially dangerous, they failed to prioritize them, thereby not monitor their activities. Another strategy that could have prevented the attacks is sharing of information between European countries. Analysts argue that had France and Belgium shared information regarding the movement of these terrorists, it would have been difficult for them to engage in any activity without the knowledge of the law enforcement agencies (NATO Review). Allocating resources and increasing the number of intelligence officers could have also aided in effective monitoring of terror suspects (NATO Review). The French intelligence community is understaffed, making it hard for law enforcers to track all the criminals under their watch list.
Goemans, Hein E. War and Punishment: The Causes of War Termination and the First World War. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000. This is a research on the study of the reason that led to the termination of the First World War. Goemans’s theory is based on four of the main combatants of the war: France, Germany, Great Britain, and Russia. The study placed extensive stress on the role of domestic politics and tenure of the leader in escalation of the world war.
The study states that domestic politics had played a major role in the termination of the war so abruptly. It ultimately supports the convergence theory of war termination, with inclusion of domestic political condition as a moderating factor. The regime types and the situation of the domestic politics have a role to play in the termination of the war. Goemans believes that regimes are of three categories – dictatorship, mixed regimes, and democracies (39). The regime types influence the decision to end and the time to end the war (39). Goemans described domestic cost as the punishment the leader faces if they lose a war and they devise strategies that may minimize the punishment.
He postulates that the leaders in the moderately repressive regimes who face the maximum punishment as opposed to leaders from a nonrepressive and highly repressive regime (39-40). This book directly addresses the research question for the present study as it demonstrates the need the study the reason for termination of First World War from the international relations perspective as well as a plausible argument for the termination of the war.
Lieber, Keir A. “The New History of World War I and What It Means for International Relations Theory.” International Security Vol. 32, No. 2 (2007): 155–191. The article by Lieber shows that the traditionalist theory based on the defensive realism i.e. the concept based on security dilemma, spiral model, and offensive defensive balance (156) is not enough to answer the reason for the origin of the First World War in the face of new evidence. Lieber’s research points out that the Germans went to war with proper plan and strategy in place. Escalation for the German leaders was not a defensive strategy but a strategy that aimed at attainment of their futuristic aim of becoming the European hegemons.
This idea is a departure from the traditional belief of the origin of the conflict that dominated the international relations literature and therefore is important for this present research as it is necessary to understand the origin of the war to understand why it terminates. Therefore any research on First World War, be it on the origin of the war or termination of the war, need to undertake the study conducted by Lieber.
Reiter, Dan. How Wars End. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. The book by Reiter is a study of causes of termination of wars short of total victory. Reiter argues that two factors shape the war termination decisions – information regarding the balance of power and the distrust of the other side’s commitment to peace settlement. The book discusses many of the wars from the American civil war to the Second World War. In case of First World War Reiter argues that it was to regain power of control over Europe and due to the distrust towards the British and French commitment to peace settlement, did Germany continue its aggression in the west even after securing peace with Russia. This book is important for the present study as it points out to a different reason for the termination of First World War that was based on the mutual distrust theory based in the anarchist theory of international relations.
Slantchev, Branislav L. “How Initiators End Their Wars: The Duration of Warfare and the Terms of Peace.” American Journal of Political Science Vol. 48, No. 4 (2004): 813–829. This article is based on the new theory of endogenous war termination and shows that initiators of war will have a greater chance to lose a war if their duration in it is longer. This article is a quantitative analysis of the estimate of war duration and the chances of the initiator to terminate the war. The research is based on the data available on warfare from 1816 to 1991. According to the endogenous war termination theory, leaders who expect optimistic result out of a war will tend to initiate it (814).
Slantchev argues that at least two states are required to start a war, and one of them has to misjudge to get an outcome of the war. However, this cost benefit analysis goes wrong for the state who miscalculates the outcomes. The study based on endogenous war termination theory suggests that initiators will initiate a war when they are certain of high chances of victory, and will end the war, the longer the duration of the war (827). The study findings demonstrate that there is a great connection between the might of the initiator and that of the delaying of the escalation. Further, the study shows that the initiators will have a greater chance to lose if the duration of the war is longer. Given this understanding of the endogenous war termination theory, the present article uses the theory to determine the possible causes that may have moved Allied and the Central forces towards the termination of the First World War.
Stevenson, David. “1918 Revisited.” The Journal of Strategic Studies Vol. 28, No. 1 (2005): 107 – 139. Stevenson re-evaluates the reason for the termination of First World War by studying the origin of the armistice of 1918, by exploring the French, German, and British primary sources. Further, this article uses the previous theories developed by international relations scientists on war termination. Stevenson researched two potent questions – why Germany asks for the armistice and why the Allied powers grant it.
Stevenson argues that the reason for the termination of the First World War was the German campaigning in early 1918 on the western front and the diplomatic mistrust between the German opponents viz. the US, Britain, and France. This tension, Stevenson believes, brought about the convergence of the interests among the parties. This article provides the perceived convergence theory of the termination of the First World War and therefore is important for the present study.
Stevenson, David. “Britain, France and the Origins of German Disarmament, 1916–19.” The Journal of Strategic Studies Vol. 29, No. 2 (2006): 195 – 224. This article studies the disarmament of Germans in the First World War by the terms of Treaty of Versailles of 1919. In this article, Stevenson points out that the British and French policy during the first world war and the nature of American diplomacy and the reasons for the forced disarmament of Germany and a proposal for a larger disarmament.
In this article, Stevenson even more clearly shows that there was major mistrust among the Allied powers that destabilized the stability of the disarmament settlement. The article by Stevenson points out that the Allied powers were mistrustful of each other’s intentions and therefore led to an abrupt end of the First World War, even when they were sure that Germans would be defeated eventually. This article helps to establish the anarchist theory’s relevance behind the termination of the First World War.
The activism of Cuba and Vietnam outside their boundaries placed a lot of pressure on the policy of the third world at a period when there were opportunities for the perpetuation of socialism outside Europe created by decolonization. During this time, most of the leaders became preoccupied by the conflict with China. They had started a revolution that was gradual but positive regarding the views of the party on the potential for the third world’s socialist revolution.
The Cuban and Vietnamese intention to confront the United States awed and irritated them. There was a long duration of uncertainty in the third world policy of the Soviets which led to three subsequent periods of euphoric engagement, disappointments and doubts, and activism. There was more consistency in the third world policy of the United States. As the US began getting wired in the Vietnam War, a sense of hysteria that had existed in the Congress administration began to decline.
The political incidences in the third world appeared to be separate from the jeopardizing Soviet Union and were the cause for lowering of the tone. Military coups in most developing nations seemed to take the states away from the Soviet embrace and instead direct them to some kind of engagement with the United States. In most cases, the military coups won without any intervention from the US apart from some cases where China or the Soviet Union intervened and gave support such as in the Vietnam case (Westad 159-160).
After a momentous war between 1954 and 1955 that saw the defeat of the French against Vietnam, a stage was set for the Geneva conference. The negotiations between America and France that ended that year saw America get involved in the struggle with the Vietnamese communists. This struggle continued for two decades and led to the victory of the communists. The US has rarely experienced such defeat at the hands of foreign enemies (Anderson 1-2).
Tracing through the administrations of several of the past US leaders, it is possible to come up with a case for a number of turning points with regard to the policy of the US towards Vietnam. It is argued that the reason for their concentration on the presidency of Eisenhower is that when he was in leadership, between 1953 and 1961 after the French military had departed from Vietnam, the south of Vietnam had the Republic of Vietnam existing there. The southern regime was then patronized by the United States.
This raises several questions as to whether the American assistance to Vietnam was based on ignorance and innocence. It also raises the question of whether Eisenhower’s administration was out to resolve the issue in Vietnam or was actually managing it for purposes that were political and domestic. The American aid to both Saigon and the South is argued to have been misplaced. The Eisenhower administration’s actions did not necessitate the intense intervention of the American military in Vietnam.
The decisions of John. F. Kennedy and Johnson to expand and escalate the military assistance and involvement were clearly their own actions and should not have been taken. There were alternatives that they could have taken. Again, the Eisenhower administration’s eight years formed a basis for the subsequent resolutions to intervene, set a pace for America’s public opinion to admit intervention and really enlarged the commitment of the US towards South Vietnam. There was great peace in America for the eight years of Eisenhower’s tenure in comparison to the casualties and hostilities endured in Vietnam later on during the period of the New Frontier – Great Society (Anderson 2; Marshall Cavendish Corporation 1620).
The years of Eisenhower were a period of pause between the two Indochina wars. Whereas Harry S. Truman resolved to assist France in Vietnam, Johnson sent not only combat divisions but also American bombers. Rather than being a lapse between these two events, the Eisenhower tenure acted as a link between them. His leadership held the line in Vietnam by causing the South to ensure that Vietminh did not enjoy the full fruits of triumphing over the French and hence buying time for strengthening another alternative against the communists. Whereas the negative objective of ensuring that the communists were held at bay succeeded, the positive goal of coming up with a new southern nation did not succeed. The Republic of Vietnam became a government rather than a nation in 1961.
Earlier on (within the 1950s), America had envisioned Southern Vietnam as a partner in an area that was strategically valuable and this concept appeared to be in line with the foreign policy of America (Anderson 3).
Mutual Support between the US and Japan in the Vietnam War
The American involvement in the Vietnam War is one of the most important developments in Asia in 1965. The government of Japan under the premiership of Eisaku Sato clearly declared its support for the United States in the war and allowed the United States to make use of its bases in Japan. These were to be used as rare bases (Shiraishi 29). As a result, the economy of Japan grew as a result of the war. Although the already expanded economy did not increase as a result of the expenditure by the US military, as had been the case during the Korean War in the 1950s, Japan had indirect economic benefits from the war.
Japan made investments in the neighboring nations where the military needs and aid were met by the heavy spending by the United States. Although the private investments of Japan in Southern Vietnam were almost not existent, the exports of Japan to that nation increased greatly in 1966. The military and political instability of South Vietnam had made the Japanese companies afraid (Shiraishi 30).
Several regional and international organizations in the western Pacific were established and sustained by Japan. Some of them include the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The coming into existence of these organizations in 1966 is not a coincidence. They were strategically established to contribute toward purposes such as the economic and military needs of the US military base in the Vietnam War.
With regard to the ADB, Japan’s role was leading. Besides the US, Japan became one of the bank’s main financiers. After the end of World War II, the Japanese government hosted an international meeting in Tokyo in 1966. The meeting was a ministerial conference. The invitation to the meeting was made to all the South Asian nations apart from North Vietnam. South Korea initiated the organization of the Asian and Pacific Council with other countries participating such as Australia, Japan, South Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Taiwan and New Zealand. The intention of South Korea was to rally those anti-communist nations that had supported the US in its war with South Vietnam. Nonetheless, Japan, being aware of the political agenda that South Korea had, attempted to link economic rather than political-strategic importance to ASPAC (Shiraishi 30).
As a way of recapitulation, after the two decades following the end of the Second World War, Japan made use of favorable conditions and became Asia’s major economic power. Apart from forming bilateral relations with East and Southeast Asian countries, Japan also did a lot to ensure that regional organizations had been established.
The United States welcomed these Japanese moves and it expected Japan to be financially responsible in Western Asia where America was attaching strategic significance as the Indochina China conflict escalated. The economic intentions of Japan were explicitly unveiled. She also had intentions to support the consolidation of the strategical and political framework of the US in the region.
After President Nixon declared the Guam doctrine in 1969, the economic role of Japan was intensified in the area. During this time, the overcommitment of the US to the Vietnam War was not only causing a financial crisis but also a lot of protests at home. As a way of dealing with these problems, the American President suggested the “Vietnamization” of the ensuing war and also a reduction of the military and economic burden in the region. In this new policy, the US expected that the Japanese should take over most of the financial roles in the region (Shiraishi 31).
Roosevelt’s Plan for Vietnam
Although Japan served as America’s rare base in Vietnam and was accorded America’s special procurements in the 1960s, the expenditures of the US military did not have a greater impact on the economy of Japan compared to the impact it had in the 1950s during the Korean War. The procurements of the US were a small addition in comparison to the greater way in which the economy had expanded. Through special procurements and military and economic aid, the US made great financial contributions both to South Vietnam and to other neighboring non-communistic nations. These were especially those that allowed the US bases in their own country or send troops to South Vietnam (Shiraishi 31).
During World War II, the thinking of the US on Vietnam was dominated by strategic interests. However, not all officials from the US had a common assessment of the interests. During wartime, the diverse understandings of Vietnam’s potential did not conflict. After the war had come to an end, when Vietnam’s strategic significance had diminished, there was a reasserting of the previous points of view that were held by the US towards Vietnam as well as communistic concerns. A blend of these legacies would enable the policymakers in the US to make a decision regarding the support of the return of French colonialism regardless of the encouragement and assistance granted to Ho Chi Minh by the American military during the time of the war (Young and Buzzanco 126).
After the United States had officially entered the war, the strategic importance of Vietnam emanated from the potential that troops that were allied could make an attack to Japan from China via Vietnam. The decisions to be undertaken by the US officials were therefore several. One of them was whether to cooperate with the French in hope that the French soldiers that had remained in Vietnam would assist them. Another alternative was whether or not to give support to the anticolonial Vietnamese in hope that they would see the sense and accord them needed assistance.
The latter solution is where the US remedy tended towards. However, the support of the US towards the anticolonialism of the Vietnamese was always not strong. It was undermined by promising France that an allied war would make France go back to its colonies. One of the reasons why the policy was contradictory was that albeit Roosevelt had indicated that the French did not deserve to get back their colony since they had not been colonial rulers who were effective. When vital military demanded, Roosevelt was also willing to compromise this principle (Young and Buzzanco 126).
Indicating that France should not continue governing Vietnam did not imply that Roosevelt was anti-colonial rather like other Americans, he considered colonialism as not only old-fashioned but also inefficient. He had a belief that colonialism would slowly diminish after the war and wanted to control the entire process for the advantage of the US. Roosevelt had consistently made a push for Vietnam’s trusteeship earlier on and his emphasis on the same explains his sentiment that colonialism would fade away so that he could manipulate the whole process for America’s advantage.
What had been the policy of the US to the Philippines is what formed the basis of Roosevelt’s perception of Vietnam: a country that’s disinterested, benevolent and developed and ruled over another nation though for the main aim of enlightening its people for self-government. The United States and China would be the trustees for Vietnam with the latter assuming the leading role. Several people were not enthusiastic about the whole plan, including the leader of the Chinese Nationalist government. He referred to the Vietnamese as a difficult lot. This was another time that the policy of the United States had not taken into account the China – Vietnam antagonism that had lasted for a long time in the past.
The trusteeship plan was not favored by the French. The British also perceived it rightly as a strategy through which all colonies have to be governed at the end of a war. On the other hand, there was no reason or the Vietnamese to embrace the trusteeship plan since it was another way of saying that they had not yet attained the capability of governing themselves. Roosevelt’s anticolonialism had hereby reached its limit as he had well believed that colonialism was outdated and yet upheld that both Africans and Asians still deserved to be guided for several decades before being able to govern themselves (Young and Buzzanco 127).
During the same time, some other US officials still partook in this limited anticolonialism. A few in State Department still rallied for the interests of the French even though Roosevelt was trying to come up with a policy that was different. Other officials encouraged the anti-colonial movements of the Vietnamese and believed that the Vietnamese had what it takes to govern themselves.
Some members from the Office of the Strategic Services in China during the end of the Second World War had a meeting with Ho Chi Minh and got to consent with him regarding his ability to organize resistance against both the French and the Japanese in Vietnam. Some of these members traveled within Vietnam and availed a lot of weaponry towards the followers of Ho Chi Minh.
Later on, assistance from the OSS was regarded as part of the efforts in the war. After the surrender by the Japanese, it became clear that the potential of the US to support the Democratic Republic of Taiwan was eliminated by a blend of three legacies: anti-communism, mutual perceptions and the broader strategic importance. The successful United States’ island-hopping campaign in the pacific made certain the fact that Japan’s invasion would originate from the Pacific Ocean instead of coming from China via Vietnam.
Vietnam’s strategic importance was declined with the concern of the US regarding who could give support to the effort of the allied war. However, Vietnam was still strategically significant to those who were organizing the post-war. Fresh threats in the region would call for the United States to use stable countries to access military bases and the base in Vietnam could be suitable due to its location between China and Southeast Asia.
The US officials had greatly anticipated a threat from the Soviet Union due to the defeat of Germany. The leader of the Free French had already warned Roosevelt of the same in advance.
America drew from the images of Vietnamese formed in the 1920s and 1930s to assert that the Vietnamese did not have the ability to self-govern themselves. Earlier on, the US had perceived the war against communism as a global one. The consequences of this view to the Vietnamese were two-fold. First, making France appear as a bulwark in Europe against the expansion of communism implied that Vietnam’s strategic importance was still based on colonial rule. Secondly, the officials of Washington did not believe that they had the power to make certain distinctions despite the OSS officials who had asserted that the communism of Ho Chi Minh had been tampered with (Young and Buzzanco 128).
The Turning point
The involvement of America in Vietnam was gradual. When North Vietnam invaded Laos in 1958, it appeared that if communism was given a small opportunity, it would do much harm. The American policy was one that hinged on containment such that isolating a regime that was communist would not only make it not spread but also would make it not survive again. The main goal of the American policy was to ensure that communism was confined among the communistic countries (Carlisle 70). As the war proceeded, a lot of resources were utilized for containment. In 1961, the Special Forces from the US were authorized by Kennedy to put on green berets and as a result, they became synonymous. They were then to be special advisors to the Sothern Vietnamese. The secretary of defense then suggested that in response to the NLF attacks, 200, 000 troops be sent and further that the defense of North Vietnam would be stifled by the NLF attacks.
One year afterward, the foreign assistance act was signed by Kennedy which complimented the US policy of assisting those nations that were under attack from communism. What informed their feelings about Kennedy were the unsuccessful talks between him and Khrushchev and the belief that Southeast Asia would be a battlefield between America and the Soviets. The People’s Republic of China was communist in this context. The policymakers in America could face a lot of opposition from the experts on Southeast Asia for allegedly believing that communistic Vietnam would be a puppet for communist China (Carlisle 71).
In 1963, there were calls from some Americans that Vietnam be fought to a clear triumph or it is left alone. Barry Goldwater, Arizona’s Senator affirmed that Vietnam needed an aggressive approach. He then used this as part of his platforms for campaigning for the presidency in 1964. This was done against Johnson who was the vice president and successor to Kennedy. The election was won by Johnson and he had the challenge of making a decision on Vietnam ought to be dealt with. The turning point of the war was the incident that occurred in early August 1964 at the Gulf of Tonkin. Attacks on the USS C. Turner Joy and the USS Maddox which were destroyers on the Gulf of Tonkin were blamed on Northern Vietnam. There is a part of the gulf that the US had claimed was in international waters whereas North Vietnamese had claimed that it was their territory.
Irrespective of the accuracy of the territorial dispute, the Maddox was hit by a single bullet after avoiding a fired torpedo implying that the attack was not organized at all. Secretary McNamara presented the case for retaliation before Congress. The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was then passed which empowered Johnson to make decisions including deploying armed forces in Southeast Asia (Cato Institute 185; Khong 105). This step allowed the conflict in Vietnam to go on and increase without having been a declaration of war (Carlisle 72).
Works Cited
Anderson, David. Trapped by success: the Eisenhower administration and Vietnam, 1953-1961. NY: Columbia University Press. 1993.
Carlisle, Rodney. America in Revolt during the 1960s and 1970s. California: ABC-CLIO, Inc. 2006.
Cato Institute. Cato Handbook on Policy. Washington DC: Cato Institute. 2005.
Khong, Yuen. Analogies at War: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam decisions of 1965. NJ: Princeton University Press. 1990.
Marshall Cavendish Corporation. America in the 20th Century, Volume 12. NY: Marshall Cavendish. 2003.
Shiraishi, Masaya. Japanese Relations with Vietnam, 1951 – 1987. Cornel: Southeast Asian Program. 1990.
Westad, Odd. The global Cold War: third world interventions and the making of our times. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2005.
Young, Marilyn and Buzzanco, Robert A. Companion to the Vietnam War. MA: Blackwell Publishing Company. 2006.
The National Response Framework (NRF) locally oversees the public security and emergency reaction to dynamic crises and catastrophic events. The NRF’s primary objective is to oversee, train, and spotlight responders to convey and apply reaction strategies during an emergency, for example, disaster regulation, response teams, clinical groups, and government agents. The effect of disaster preparedness on the public level is estimated by security, reaction, moderation, and avoidance. Disaster readiness creates strategy frameworks that enhance association within the crisis management teams. The NRF integrates knowledge, surveillance, correspondence, and other strategic reaction units to solve occurrences that negatively influence national security. National disasters, such as earth tremors, fires, drought, and floods, are generally frequent in the United States and cause enormous harm to human beings. The National Incident Management System (NIMS) needs to control all non-legislative, governmental, and private area organizations to forestall rates that may hurt the environment or cause a death toll. Strategies are put in place to decrease disasters and coordinate response plans for crisis management; these strategies include communication systems used during a crisis response between cities within the same jurisdiction.
Memorandum of Understanding
A memorandum of understanding (MOU) is an agreement contract that binds two or more parties in a mutually beneficial partnership, although it is not legally binding. An MOU allows the state parties to work together towards a common goal. It highlights the parties involved in the partnership and explains each party’s projects, scope, and role. For an MOU to work effectively, parties involved need to have corporate engagements since the understanding is not legally binding. An MOU needs to be stated clearly and straight to enhance the corporation and engagement of both teams; roles and responsibilities, financial concerns, and timeline of the understanding are factors that may lead to minimal corporations between parties.
The MOU between Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and Corporation for National and Community Service (CNCS) is an example of an efficient agreement. The document highlights the responsibilities and procedures to be carried out by both parties during a disaster, the agreement’s duration, description of the project, eligibility, and background. The MOU is a disaster-based response cooperative agreement that is beneficial in situations where disasters occur (“CNCS internal procedures,” 2008). The document systematically states the framework of the disaster, which the MOU covers was designed in 1999 and is continuously updated, indicating corporative engagement between the two parties. Another example of an MOU agreement is corporative conversations among the U.S. Department of the Interior, the Department of Agriculture, and the Department of Commerce (“Partnership for cooperative conservation,” 2010). The agreement highlights the different sections of an MOU but fails to indicate the involved parties’ key responsibilities, exhibiting concerns over collaborative engagement. The agreement was signed in 2009 by the involved parties, unlike the FEMA-CNCS agreement.
Mutual Emergency Response Agreement
Reciprocal emergency response is an agreement between jurisdiction boundaries on managing crises in towns. Reciprocal emergency response is also commonly known as mutual aid agreement, which helps in providing and sharing resources such as responders, supplies and equipment, facilities, and workforce to manage emergencies. Mutual aid agreements enable towns to handle extreme emergencies by providing a means to enhance resources. Emergency response agreements are made between governments and non-governmental organizations. The NIMS provides a guideline and critical elements required to implement the agreement’s operational layout plans. The agreements’ main aim is to establish systems that enhance disaster preparedness and identify potential gaps in operations and planning within states that share boundaries. The purpose of these agreements is to share response resources, coordinate planning, ensure timely arrival aid, arrange for specialized resources, reduce litigation and liability, and strengthen relationships between towns (Bryant et al., 2019). During a crisis in towns, responders share and multiply resources between the two states sharing boundaries.
Mutual aid agreements promote access to required resources within states to minimize disaster impact within the shortest time. Various types of mutual aid agreements are established within states to ensure that resources needed are reciprocated during a crisis, depending on the agreement made. Some common mutual aid examples include local, regional, interstate, and international mutual aid. A local automatic mutual aid is an agreement permitting the required resources’ automatic response with minimal incident approvals. The local automatic mutual aid is nearly critical when there is limited time to save lives and minimize human suffering. For instance, a fire department may respond to a nearby state fire incident to minimize the damage.
The local mutual aid differs from the local automatic aid as it entails a formal resource request covering a broader scope of the area compared to the local automatic aid. A regional emergency response agreement, sponsored by the council of governments, enhances disaster preparedness by incorporating assets in both states (Doan & Shaw, 2019). For instance, the mutual aid box alarm system is structured to manage fire incidences by deploying medical services and rescue teams across several states. Interstate mutual aid is a typical emergency response between states to offer disaster management support.
Search and Rescue Plan of Operation
The ICS organizes structures to mitigate disaster areas’ response and manage the rescue and search plan process. The search and rescue plan of disaster operation is a significant part of disaster preparedness to ensure that the various teams work as one unit to regulate and minimize disaster damage in the region and save human lives. Command system frameworks uphold each of the four ICS branches’ tasks by illustrating occurrence goals, operational objectives, and duration of events (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019, pp. 15-16). The ICS arranging team is liable for supervising the crisis event-related information, combining and breaking down the incident-related information, and dealing with the reaction framework by planning information.
The search and rescue operation plan is majorly executed by the incident command system’s operations team. The logistics category strengthens disaster management’s command structure by using its resources and workforce and implementing technical activities. The operational team develops detailed rescue and search strategies with procedures and actions to accomplish set targets in mitigating damage caused by the crisis. The operations unit also implements structures to achieve the goal of the response. The finance supports command and operations activities by carrying out tracking expenses’ administrative duties.
Communication During Disasters
Communication plays an essential part in disaster management by reestablishing secure channels to disseminate critical information to the public, responders, and the operational team. Emergency communications services are responsible for coordinating with telecommunications companies, protecting national data, and providing updated information concerning the emergency. The incident system’s command section ensures that the communication mode is useful during a disaster. For responders at the crisis site, satellite phones and two-way (walkie-talkies) radios are the most commonly used form of communication to avoid any mishaps using mobile phones (Ahmad et al., 2018). Nevertheless, the public uses mobile phones and social media to create awareness of the disaster and request additional community resources. Responders prefer using satellite phones instead of mobile phones due to the convenience, security, and reliability of walkie-talkies. In emergencies, the need to disseminate information efficiently to the response team without networks or any threat caused by hacking communication systems is essential. Command systems personnel require a communication structure with minimal delay between conversations and one that does not use networks if there is a disruption of the network in the region of disaster.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the NRF includes adaptable, versatile, and flexible techniques and coordinates the national incident management systems in adjusting the vital obligations and roles across the regions. During a crisis, a continuous flow of data and status reports are vital for the ICS branches to facilitate their dynamic. The operational and command sections of crisis management are an essential part of disseminating information to the public and the responders during a crisis. Several teams work together to mitigate the damage caused; in this case, a memorandum of understanding may be formed by two parties to share the roles and responsibilities for efficiency. However, states within the same jurisdiction can mutually agree to manage emergency response during a disaster. The comparison between the two MOUs indicated varies significantly by the agreement’s in-depth detail. One agreement clearly shows the parties involved highlighting the responsibilities, procedures, and detail of the projects to be followed during a disaster, while the other agreement states the duration and sections of an agreement without indicating the parties’ responsibilities. Agreements between parties and the town ensure that seeking help and resources is fastened, minimizing the damage and potential costs of outsourcing resources.
References
Ahmad, H., Agiwal, M., Saxena, N., & Roy, A. (2018). D2D-based survival on sharing for critical communications. Wireless Networks, 24(6), 2283–2295. Web.
Bryant, J. L., Sosin, D. M., Wiedrich, T. W., & Redd, S. C. (2019). Emergency operations centers and incident management structure. In S. A. Rasmussen & R. A. Goodman (Eds.), the CDC field epidemiology manual (pp. 307–318). Oxford University Press.
CNCS internal procedures: FEMA mission assignments, disaster deployments and reimbursements. (2008). Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs. Web.
Doan, X. V., & Shaw, D. (2019). Resource allocation when planning for simultaneous disasters. European Journal of Operational Research, 274(2), 687–709. Web.
Operational clarity implies that the counter-insurgent forces have a clear idea of the purpose of their actions. Moreover, the command system must be effective and unified enough so that measures undertaken in an emergency situation would only have one clear direction.
Unified effort means that there must be a consistent strategic idea that would help coordinating counter-insurgent actions.
Intelligence system is crucial to the efficiency of the operations.
Sound intelligence work presupposes that various units provide valid information on the insurgency that would create a coherent image of its motivations and help predict the behavior.
Resolute leadership involves having a clear understanding of the operation and the nature of the issue. This feature, as well as ethical perspective and national issues, constitutes an important part of a counter-insurgent approach and should be developed in the U.S.
From the emergency management perspective, among the best counter-insurgency practices are resolute leadership, intelligence system, unified effort, operational clarity, and military force structures (Goswami, 2012, par. 3). The latter presupposes the development of an appropriate and efficient system of military mechanisms.
Implementation
In order to improve the efficiency of counter-insurgent measures, it is necessary to incorporate innovative technology solutions into the intelligence structures.
Moreover, maintaining the right balance between economic aspect and military security presence is necessary in order to avoid insurgents taking advantage of a flawed institutional organization (United States Government Interagency Counterinsurgency Initiative, 2009, p. 27).
Developing an efficacious intelligence system is of utmost importance, as well as a unified effort needed to reach the goal or a compromise. The unit must be headed by one officer with a right to make the most important decisions.
Terrorist Groups
The latter include assassination, arson, hijacking, bombing, kidnapping, raids, and sabotages (Global Security, n.d., par. 5).
Kydd and Walter (2006) single out several types of logic that terrorists employ in order to reach their goal (p. 49). These include attrition, outbidding, spoiling, intimidation, and provocation.
The latter is used when the terrorists want to influence the public opinion and convince the society that they are trustworthy, as opposed to their adversaries, as the latter were provoked to behave in an aggressive way. Intimidation serves as a threat and a promise in order for everyone to remember that terrorists are to be taken seriously.
Spoiling is a rather interesting method, as it involves persuading the public that their moderate wing is not trustworthy. Thus, any attempts of reaching a compromise are thereby spoiled.
Terrorists’ objectives usually include intimidation, provocation, coercion, as well as recognition (Global Security, n.d., par. 3). More often than not, terrorist actions involve insurgency support.
Terrorists’ demands are often put in a simple form. Various techniques are used in order to force the government to act in their favor.
Response to Terrorists’ Action
The unpredictable nature of their actions leaves the global community restless and in panic.
That is why the most important thing to do is to remain as calm and focused as possible.
The military force structures and emergency management teams are created for the exact purpose of managing the unpredictable and menacing situations.
It is rather difficult to work out one universal course of action as a response to terrorism because the latter is unpredictable.
However, it is possible to emphasize the priorities in order to ensure the necessary action: remain calm, focused, and never let fear overwhelm you.
The question of how should the world respond to the terrorists’ actions has been a burning issue for a long time.
The constant increase in the number of foreign terrorist organizations poses a severe threat to the security of the United States. This paper examines the profile of al-Qaeda, one of the well-known and dangerous extremist groups that unite supporters of radical Islamism. The organization is over 30 years, and during this time, it has not changed its intention to fight with Western countries, particularly the United States. Al-Qaeda’s resources and reach are crucial reasons to strengthen the country’s homeland security. Due to the 9/11 attacks, the government began targeted work to counter extremist threats.
As a policy addressing this objective, the Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework for Countering Terrorism and Targeted Violence has been reviewed, which was ratified in 2019. The assessment of how this framework works and whether it is relevant in the context of its objectives has been performed in the context of countering al-Qaeda. Recommendations for strengthening the policy are given, particularly the emphasis on improved training of the personnel involved, the expansion of intelligence capabilities through foreign partnerships to combat terrorism jointly, and bipartisan support.
Introduction
Countering the threats of terrorism is an urgent task of the national security bureaus of many countries due to increased extremists’ activities in recent years. The United States, being one of the world leaders in various indicators of economic, social, political, and other forms of development, has more than once become the target of foreign criminal groups. The terrorist attack of 9/11 became the starting point in the country’s active fight against terrorism, and confronting al-Qaeda, as the organization responsible for that bloody attack, is one of the US priority goals in the framework of ensuring homeland security. Al-Qaeda is banned on the territory of most world countries. However, being created in the late 1980s, it has developed into an extensive structure that includes many countries – Syria, Libya, the states of the Arabian Peninsula and the Caucasus, and other regions.
As a potentially viable initiative to counter the al-Qaeda threat at the national level, a dedicated framework has been adopted by the Department of Homeland Security. The value of this policy lies in the fact that it addresses an immediate terrorist threat from the largest extremist groups, whose goal is to undermine the authority and integrity of the Western world (U.S. Department of Homeland Security).
Countering al-Qaeda is one of the main purposes of this program that does not separate targeted violence from extremism. A deeper analysis of this framework can help identify its features and make recommendations for strengthening. Although al-Qaeda opposes globalization, it itself uses the fruits of this strategy for its own purposes actively, and addressing the threats emanating from this terrorist organization is of fundamental importance for the US homeland security.
International Terrorist Organization’s Profile: Al-Qaeda
Today, al-Qaeda is one of the most dangerous foreign terrorist organizations, whose activities pose a threat to both the security of the United States and the entire world. According to Burke (2021), al-Qaeda is translated from Arabic as the basis or foundation. This is an international terrorist organization that professes the Wahhabi direction of radical Islam. The group was founded by Osama bin Laden at the end of the 20th century, and today, it includes a wide range of groupings, mainly within Muslim countries (Burke, 2021).
The main goal of the organization is to fight against the Western world and the governments of those Muslim countries that cooperate with the West. Al-Qaeda was one of the first to be listed as a foreign terrorist organization in 1999, and since then, the group has remained powerful and dangerous (U.S. Department of State, n.d.). Although today its influence has diminished due to the growth of other extremist groups, such as ISIS, al-Qaeda remains one of the most dangerous foreign terrorist organizations.
Al-Qaeda emerged in Afghanistan in the late 1980s, and its founder and spiritual leader was Osama bin Laden, who was later recognized as the number one terrorist in the world. Burke (2021) researches the story of the organization and notes that in 1992, the Saudi Arabian authorities expelled Osama bin Laden from the country, and he found refuge in Sudan, where the Islamists were in power at the time. However, Saudi Arabia soon revoked his citizenship and froze his accounts, and the Egyptian Islamic Jihad that, together with bin Laden stood at the origins of al-Qaeda, collapsed in Egypt. In 1996, Osama bin Laden was expelled from Sudan and had to return to Afghanistan. In the same year, he and his followers declared war on the United States.
The main goals of al-Qaeda are the fight against the United States and Israel, the overthrow of the Western-oriented ruling regimes in Muslim countries, as well as the approval of Sharia law in them. Bin Laden stated that he wanted to unite all Muslims and establish a world caliphate. As Ibrahimi (2017) states, according to a 1998 fatwa, every Muslim is to fight Americans and Jews. Those who do not heed this call are declared apostates and traitors to the faith.
As a result, bin Laden can be called the first who was able to turn terrorism into a global tool of geopolitics. Al-Qaeda has clearly demonstrated that one organization can challenge and successfully counter the entire might of the West, including its financial, military, and technological advances. This allowed al-Qaeda to establish control and subjugate many extremist Muslim groups around the world that had previously been independent.
Al-Qaeda pays great attention to the psychological training of future fighters. According to Tominaga (2017), a person is instilled with the idea that death while completing a mission or in battle is not a loss but luck and a privilege that every faithful should strive for and want. It was this group that first organized the preparation of suicides as a continuous process (Tominaga, 2017). A massive and effective recruitment system was also established inside the organization.
To do this, today, al-Qaeda is actively using the latest communication technologies, particularly social networks, to involve followers and deliver the necessary messages. Moreover, the organization publishes videos of crimes in the public domain, thereby expressing its confidence in impunity. The proliferation of social media is a significant barrier to the identification of the group’s extremist activity.
Al-Qaeda is funded from various sources, and one of the main ones is private donations that come from individuals and various organizations. The organization adheres to a complex scheme for transferring funds when not large amounts are transferred from one account to another, often within several countries (Burke, 2021). Another powerful source of income for al-Qaeda is the drug trade (Burke, 2021). In addition, the organization is involved in illegal trade in minerals, smuggling, human trafficking, and some other forms of crime. Part of the funds through dummies is invested in legal businesses – banks, food production, equipment, or trade (Burke, 2021). All these activities help al-Qaeda earn money and invest in the accumulation of a resource base, including weapons and the training of its followers.
The main tactics al-Qaeda adheres to are the organization of terrorist attacks in regions that are fighting extremism and the constant replenishment of the group with new members. Due to constant ideological work, new terrorists are constantly joining it. In addition, al-Qaeda is regularly fighting for new territories and conquering regions with an unfavorable environment, establishing Sharia law in them and proclaiming its leadership based on the principles of religious extremism.
The criminal activities of the extremist group began in the early 1990s. The first terrorist act organized by al-Qaeda was an explosion in a hotel in Aden, the capital of Yemen, on December 29, 1992 (“Al Qaeda,” 2021). Then bin Laden sponsored the Islamists of Algeria, which led to widespread violence in the country, and the victims were numerous (“Al Qaeda,” 2021). However, the authorities succeeded in suppressing the attacks of the terrorists. Bin Laden allocated money to the Afghan Taliban movement, which he needed to continue the civil war in this country (“Al Qaeda,” 2021). The turning point in the history of al-Qaeda was August 7, 1998.
On this day, powerful explosions thundered near the American embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Nairobi, Kenya (“Al Qaeda,” 2021). Hundreds of people died, and only a few dozens were Americans. The US intelligence services found out quickly that al-Qaeda was behind these crimes. After these events, Osama bin Laden was included in the top ten most wanted terrorists by the FBI, and al-Qaeda acquired the unofficial status of the number one terrorist organization in the world.
However, the largest terrorist attack organized by al-Qaeda took place on September 11, 2001. According to Wright (2016), on that day, four groups of terrorists were managed to hijack four American passenger planes. Wright (2016) gives a chronology of the events of that day. Two of the planes were sent to the towers of the World Trade Center in New York. The target of the other airliner was the Pentagon building.
The fourth plane fell in a field in Pennsylvania – its passengers were trying to take control of terrorists. As a result, almost three thousand people were killed, which is the most massive terrorist attack in the history of humanity. Al-Qaeda initially denied any involvement, but the FBI, almost immediately after the tragic events, provided the evidence of the involvement of bin Laden and his organization in the attacks.
The 9/11 attacks triggered a chain of events that began the US campaign against terrorism. Soon, the Americans launched an invasion of Afghanistan and, together with units of the Northern Alliance, defeated the Taliban, al-Qaeda’s main allies in this country (Tominaga, 2017). However, fighting between government forces and Islamists continues today, with Taliban resistance only growing. As Susilowati et al. (2018) note, in 2003, the United States accused Saddam Hussein of supporting al-Qaeda and participating in the preparation of the 9/11 attacks, which was the reason for the introduction of troops and the fight against extremists.
In a few weeks, the Iraqi army was defeated, and the Hussein regime fell. The US invasion has become one of the main reasons for the emergence in the future of a new terrorist organization – the Islamic State (ISIS). The destruction of bin Laden was a priority goal of the American special services, and as a result of a complex operation, the number one terrorist was eliminated in Pakistan in 2011. Nonetheless, the loss of the spiritual leader did not break the extremists, and they continued to seize territories and establish Sharia law.
As a result, al-Qaeda can be described as a foreign terrorist organization with large resources, which poses a threat to America due to the clear line of extremists to fight the Western world. The long existence of the group has allowed it to attract numerous supporters globally and carry out a series of successful attacks on civilians, realizing its criminal goals. The continuous recruitment of new forces and active propaganda through various communication channels make al-Qaeda extremely dangerous for the civilized world.
U.S. Homeland Security Policy: DHS Strategic Framework
One of the recent federal programs ratified as a policy aimed at countering external terrorist threats is the Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework for Countering Terrorism and Targeted Violence. According to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (2019), the framework was introduced in 2019. It lists “the tools and expertise that have protected and strengthened the country Secretary of Homeland Security from foreign terrorist organizations to address the evolving challenges of today” (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019, p. 2).
Kevin McAleenan, who represents national security interests, emphasizes that this program addresses not only international terrorism but also targeted violence, which is an integral component of extremist activity (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019). The principle of the program is based on a constant assessment of potential threats with an annual analysis of terrorist activities that pose a threat to the United States. The framework defines the principles of resource allocation, threat mitigation practices, and optimal responses to possible attacks from extremist groups. The DHS program mentions al-Qaeda as one of the most dangerous organizations that need to be confronted in the context of ensuring the country’s security.
The ratification of this project at the national level is of great importance for the United States. Although Guittard (2019) notes that many ordinary Americans pay little attention to domestic terrorism, focusing on the threats of al-Qaeda and ISIS, the DHS program is an adequate policy to respond to the constant threat of attacks from radical Islamists. In addition, the author argues that the country’s legislation began to pursue a biased anti-terrorism policy after the 9/11 attacks, focusing exclusively on external threats (Guittard, 2019).
Nevertheless, the considered policy is a convenient and adequate framework that allows continuous monitoring of extremist activities while not creating undue pressure on the budget and not spending colossal resources. The core principles of the framework are observation and regular reporting, designed to identify threats timely and address real risks but not abstract problems. Without such work, the identification of upcoming terrorist attacks is impossible, and any intelligence activity is meaningless. Therefore, the policy summarized the main steps to be taken to ensure the national security of the United States and protect its citizens.
One of the main advantages of the program in question, ratified by the Department of Homeland Security, is the fact that it addresses not only foreign but also domestic terrorist threats, being a universal framework. At the same time, as Miroff (2021) argues, the program has received little attention from the White House, although, in general, the policy includes reasonable and financially low-cost tasks to implement. The author also adds that a weak focus on the proposed framework could be one of the reasons for the terrorist attack in one of the shopping centers in El Paso, Texas (Miroff, 2021). Particularly, the intelligence services were unable to identify and prevent the massacre.
The DHS program of 2019 mentions domestic terrorism and focuses on “white supremacist violent extremism, one type of racially- and ethnically-motivated violent extremism” (p. 15). In the light of aggression on a religious basis, pro- and anti-Muslim movements cause significant contradictions within the country, which, in turn, is a catalyst for terrorist attacks. Therefore, the presented framework contains valuable provisions that address different threat channels and help build a sustainable mechanism of ensuring the country’s homeland security.
In relation to the aforementioned foreign terrorist organization al-Qaeda, the DHC policy of 2019 offers clear guidelines for addressing danger. The Department classifies al-Qaeda and ISIS as the major threat actors and classifies these organizations as Islamic terrorist groups (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019). One of the challenges the policy sets in the context of targeted work is to monitor the capacity building of the organization in view of its changed activity since 2011. After the death of bin Laden, al-Qaeda shifted its focus from aggressive attacks to and accumulating resources through the seizure of new lands (US Department of Homeland Security, 2019).
The involvement of more and more followers in the group poses a threat not only to the US but also to world security because al-Qaeda expands its sphere of influence, earning credibility and forming an anti-Western coalition. In the context of globalization and free access to remote communication, the danger is increasing since this is much more difficult to control the activity of the organization than it was some time ago. Thus, the policy in question includes al-Qaeda as one of the main adversaries to confront.
When assessing the effectiveness of the policy under consideration, one can observe that not all decisions of the Department of Homeland Security justify the threat from al-Qaeda. For instance, Miroff (2021) criticizes the DHS for being overly passive and notes that with existing resources, the board could have put in more efforts. The author remarks that the Department “and its agencies have nearly eight times as many employees as the FBI” and encourages the DHS “to play a more muscular role” (Miroff, 2021, para. 7).
In light of the attack on El Paso, this criticism does not seem unfounded, and strengthening measures to counter Islamic extremism is a sensible task. The Department has the technical capacity, human resources, and political clout to mobilize efforts and take the necessary action to counter al-Qaeda. Therefore, objective recommendations for strengthening work in the direction of the threat of extremism and targeted violence are essential.
Particular attention should be paid to intelligence practice as one of the components of the activities aimed at countering foreign terrorism. In line with this policy, the DHS plans to expand its engagement with the Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTFs) (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019). However, domestic work is not enough to address the threat of foreign extremism. The Department should expand its contacts with international organizations and create a sustainable reporting base that includes different participating states. This will allow conducting intelligence activities more efficiently and not missing important events related to the movements of al-Qaeda fighters.
In addition, the establishment of an international network can help reduce terrorist activity in other countries through increased control, thereby mitigating the risks of terrorist attacks and addressing the threat of open recruitment performed by the terrorist organization. The more countries involved, the less likely al-Qaeda will be able to expand its sphere of influence unhindered and build capacity. Therefore, maintaining partnerships with national security agencies globally can complement the Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework for Countering Terrorism and Targeted Violence.
Another valuable recommendation for improving the effectiveness of the proposed policy is the emphasis on training employees involved in the fight against foreign terrorism. According to Miroff (2021), the Department of Homeland Security receives data from FBI investigators, the police, and private contractors. At the same time, none of these parties have sufficient experience and training to effectively work to prevent external threats due to a shift in focus on domestic security (Miroff, 2021).
Building a productive educational base for members of the program is an objective step to take to avoid relying on unverified data. Open-source materials may be false, incomplete, or contain ambiguous information. The more qualified investigators, the more likely the policy members will be able to address the risks of attacks timely due to the professionalism of the staff involved. Thus, to strengthen the framework, more attention should be paid to the training of its participants working in the anti-terrorist direction.
Finally, another important initiative to take to make the policy in question work more effectively is to ensure that it is supported by both Democrats and Republicans. Guittard (2019) notes that the steps taken by Barack Obama to counter violent extremism were perceived as weak by Republicans. More aggressive attempts by the Donald Trump administration to provide homeland security were focused primarily on safety at the national level (Guittard, 2019). To make the Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework an effective program, bipartisan support is needed to provide assistance and funds to counter violent extremism. In this case, the framework will become a truly national program and will be able to fight foreign terrorism more successfully due to joint efforts.
Conclusion
Targeting terrorist threats from al-Qaeda, one of the most dangerous foreign extremist groups, is an important US national security challenge. The analysis of the structure, tactics, resources, goals, and other factors related to al-Qaeda confirms the extreme threat posed by this organization. Being responsible for the New York terrorist act, the group continues to build capacity even without its spiritual leader, eliminated by the US intelligence agencies in 2011.
As a policy addressing the threat, the Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework for Countering Terrorism and Targeted Violence can be considered. This program includes a number of objectives and measures to counter foreign terrorism. However, for it to work more effectively, building partnerships with global agencies, focusing on training the involved participants, and bipartisan support are valuable recommendations to follow.
Susilowati, I., Yunus, N. R., & Sholeh, M. (2018). United States intervention against terrorism in Iraq. SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i, 5(1), 1-10. Web.
Tominaga, Y. (2017). There’s no place like home! Examining the diffusion of suicide attacks through terrorist group locations. Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy, 11(2), 355-379. Web.
U.S. Department of Homeland Security. (2019). Department of Homeland Security Strategic Framework for Countering Terrorism and Targeted Violence. Web.
U.S. Department of State. (n.d.). Foreign terrorist organizations. Web.
Wright, L. (2016). The terror years: From al-Qaeda to the Islamic State. Vintage.
The founder of Al Qaeda – a militant Islamic network
Organized multiple terrorist attacks
Took responsibility for the tragedy of September 11, 2001
Early Years
Was born on March 10, 1957 in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia
Was a son of Mohammed bin Awad bin Laden, a multi-millionaire construction magnate
Attended the most prestigious school in Jedda – Al Thagher Model School
Al Thager influenced his radical views and shaped his personality
He obtained a degree from King Abdul Aziz University
Creation of Al Qaeda
Was founded in 1988
Al Qaeda – “The Base”
Mission – “to correct wrongdoings according to Islamic law” (Richardson, 2019, p. 38).
Based on the principles of extremist Jihad
Al Qaeda is responsible for terrorist acts in Somalia, Saudi Arabia, the United States, East Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, etc.
Goals and Activity of Al Qaeda
The goal of bin Laden: to launch a holy war against American citizens and Jews
Al-Zawahiri – bin Laden’s successor
Major terrorist acts:
1997 – massacre of tourists in Egypt
1993 – World Trade Center bombings in New York
2004 – bombing in Madrid
2005 – bombing in London
9/11 Attacks
A series of four terrorist acts:
Aims:
The World Trade Center
The Pentagon
The White House/ the Capitol (the airplane did not reach the target)
Osama bin Laden was the prime suspect
In 2004, he claimed responsibility for the attacks (Wallace, 2019)
9/11 Consequences
Victims: Around 3000 people killed.
Economic consequences: The destruction of the 110-story, 417-meter towers in the heart of New York; $75 billion damage (Wallace, 2019, p. 24)
Bin Laden’s Later Life and Death
Special operations aimed at capturing bin Laden were organized by Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations.
Bin Laden spent his last years of life
He was killed on May 2, 2011, in Pakistan
Bin Laden’s death was announced by President Obama
Al Qaeda remains the threat to international peace and security (Richardson, 2019)
Impact
“The age of terror”
Killing of civilians
Economic damage
Negative influence on the political and social spheres of life
Reinforcement of national security
Importance of addressing the problem of terrorism
References
Richardson, C. (2019). Bin Laden, Osama (1957/8-2011). In P.L. Reichel (Ed.), Global crime: An encyclopedia of cyber theft, weapons sales, and other illegal activities (pp. 37-39). ABC-CLIO.
Wallace, J. (2019). Tragedy since 9/11: Reading a world out of joint. Bloomsbury Publishing.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze several sources that will be used to provide information for a discussion on the Haqqani Network. The sources selected will either support or oppose the thesis statement that the United States should increase the presence of troops and strengthen the coalition with the local governments in North Waziristan to mitigate the threat that the Haqqani Network presents to the country. Overall, the sources will support the idea that the local communities are critical for any positive engagement and mitigation of the stated terror group. This suggestion is given against the backdrop of the numerous unsuccessful attempts by the US government intelligence agency to counter the Network’s attacks. Arguably, these attempts have been unsuccessful due to an insufficient number of troops on the ground.
The source provides details on the key statistics of the Haqqani Network. It was selected because it highlights critical numerical data that will also be used in the report. One of the factors that make the Haqqani Network dangerous is the number of recruits it has achieved to attracted. The group has a hierarchical structure with the son of the founder currently leading the organization after his father’s retirement due to old age. The source also provides significant information on the structure, leadership, strategy, and interactions of the group. Further, a detailed map of the organization’s activities is presented. It allows for one to analyze and shape discussions on the communities that have been attacked, and to some extent, also encourages predictions for future attacks. Additionally, the authors provide a list of the Network’s terror activities. This has been divided into the first, largest, and most notable terror events. The stated information is important in determining whether the troops that were on the ground in the different areas were enough to have prevented the attacks.
Similar to the first analyzed source, this one gives a detailed background on the Haqqani Network. However, the author also provides methods, tactics, and a timeline of the organization’s work. It can be argued that a limited number of US troops in different regions can be tied to the methods and tactics selected by the terror group. For example, assassination as a terror tactic is significantly common in Afghanistan. It has also been used extensively by the Haqqani Network. Debatably, the fact that few soldiers can, first, track where assassinations are expected to happen and two, capture members of the Network before the assassinations increases the chances of the vice happening. The source also provides critical information on terror groups and attacks in other countries. This information will be used for comparison purposes.
Tan argues that the nature of terrorism is changing. The changes are often due to the newer ways of dealing with terror that ally countries such as the US have employed. Further, these changes have also been encouraged due to technological advancements. For instance, terror is not just about public assassinations but also cyber terror. The source has been selected because it offers some of the alternatives that counter-terrorism agencies have employed to deal with groups such as the Haqqani Network. In addition, the author analyzes the impact of local authorities and communities in aiding such stated agencies in counter-terrorism activities. It provides a different overview of how the US can also incorporate working with locals to achieve their goals.
Interestingly, Felbab-Brown (2017) confirms that Donald Trump was keen on increasing American troops in Afghanistan as a strategy to counter-terrorism. However, Felbab-Brown is categorical in noting that this is the only consideration that the former president suggested that was based on the law as all other policies made the situation worse. The source has been selected because it offers a clear example of how political ideology can affect the decisions made regarding counter terrorism. The author explains that even with a significant amount of troops on the ground, other policies that enhance Afghanistan’s governance have to be considered for the suggested tactic to work. This challenges the thesis of the project as it (thesis statement) does not factor in any correlation between other forms of Afghanistan’s governance with an increase in American troops.
The source selected analyzes the peace deal between the US and the Taliban. It is important to point out that the Haqqani Network is part of the Taliban. However, it has an independent structure. The peace deal is critical for the discussion because it encouraged the US to reduce the number of troops in Afghanistan. To be precise, the deal sought to remove 5400 soldiers from the region. Verma (2021) notes that NATO, which was also included in the negotiations, promised to remove all its troops from the region by 2021. In return, the Taliban (as a culmination of all smaller groups such as the Haqqani Network) agreed to start a dialogue and peaceful negotiations to stop terrorism. This deal also encouraged the release of prisoners from both sides. One of the reasons this source was selected is that it offers a different perspective on some of the solutions that have already been tried.
This source also focuses on the Taliban as a whole, not just the Haqqani Network. However, as explained, the Network is part of the larger Taliban organization. Critically, the author discusses a key element of understanding the foreign policy of the US – politics. Fatah (2017) argues that national interests are the number one motivator of any type of foreign policy. These interests are often swayed by the political party in leadership. Therefore, one can argue that the current Democratic leadership can seek to change some of the policies that were passed by the previous Republican leadership. Interestingly, the author blames these political interferences for the creation and growth of the Taliban. The debate on how the cold war led to the rise of such groups is also discussed. Arguably, the author offers limited information in regards to whether the US should add or remove troops in the region. However, the different line of thought allows for a rich discussion on whether the increase of troops can be seen as a disruption of the communities within the region, therefore, increasing the desire by the Haqqani Network to terrorize.
Unlike the other sources that have been presented, this one looks at Pakistan’s foreign policy. The source was selected because it offers a different perspective – from the country that hosts the Taliban. It is critical to note that there has to be political goodwill for the US troops to be effective in any country where they are deployed. This goodwill is rooted in the host country’s foreign policy. The debate on an increase in troops in Afghanistan in an attempt to enhance the US counter-terrorism efforts is, thus, heavily linked to Afghanistan’s foreign policy and the community’s need to be supported by a foreign nation.
The authors debate that there are various reasons why counter-terrorism efforts by both the Afghani government and other authorities (such as the US counter-terrorism agencies) have failed to curb the menace that is an insurgency. One such reason is the support that is given by neighboring countries, which offer the terrorists safe harbor. Indeed, one can argue that an increase in troops in the region will also protect borders so that insurgent sympathizers are also monitored. Critically, more troops in Afghanistan will also affect the country’s neighbors. Political goodwill is critical in ensuring that these neighbors do not hinder any progress that can be achieved through an increase in troops.
This source looks into how the narrative of “host” countries can be manipulated to show that they are propagators of terror. In this particular case, the author has focused on Pakistan but with a worldwide overview of similar nations that are dealing with terrorism. Afzal (2018) argues that even though the media has portrayed Pakistan as a country of radicalized individuals, the true nature of the communities is peaceful. The publication offers a discourse on how the Islam religion should be detached from terrorism. Arguably, one can state that the terror groups use Islam as the basis of their actions. This source gives a different view on how such narratives (tying Islam and terrorism) have also been supported by foreign nations and how this has harmed the development of these nations.
This publication was selected because it offers a holistic view of terrorism in the Asia-Pacific region. One can argue that to come up with ideal suggestions for improving counter-terrorism efforts, one also has to understand the operational aspect of terrorism in the same region. The authors look into the evolution of threat and how this has been used by counter-terrorism to develop strategies. Further, the book presents a discussion on the impact of modern technology on terrorism. One of the reasons this source was selected for review is the fact that it offers an in-depth review of how different internal and external factors have contributed to the development and growth of terror activities within the region.
Prudent to note, Kilcullen was a former soldier who had been deployed in numerous terrorist zones. The author gives an inward view of how America has to protect itself from terrorist groups. One of the elements that come out strongly in the publication is the ever-changing nature of terrorism. One can argue that initially, terrorism was regional, and these insurgents would act within a region. Today, the recruitment of terrorists happens in countries such as the US, where citizens are manipulated to view their government as the one at fault. This landscape has created adversaries to terrorism and allies to the US. To manage the situation, the US has to ensure that it increases the number of troops on the ground.
This book also relates the cold war to the current war on terror. The scholar explains that the results of the cold war led to a paradigm shift that various nations took advantage of, including the US. The sovereignty of other nations should be engrained in their democratic process. However, the US, which is the world’s superpower based on the results of the cold war, puts sanctions on nations that do not adhere to the US’s school of thought. One can argue that it is this premise that has contributed to the rise of insurgent groups. The increase of US troops feeds into this narrative but also shows why it is prudent for the US to commit more soldiers to the fight against terrorism.
References
Afzal, M. (2018). Pakistan under siege: Extremism, society, and the state. Brookings Institution Press.
Ayaz, A. (2017). Foreign policy imperatives for Pakistan. Defence Journal, 21(3), 69-70.
Fatah, M. (2017). The Taliban conundrum. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 22, 21-26.
Felbab-Brown, V. (2017). President Trump’s Afghanistan policy: Hopes and pitfalls. Brookings
Gunaratna, R., & Kam, S. Y. (2016). Handbook of terrorism in the Asia-Pacific. World Scientific. Haqqani network. (n.d.). Web.
Kilcullen, D. (2020). The dragons and the snakes: How the rest learned to fight the west. Oxford University Press
Maghercă, T. & Bălăceanu, I. (2019). Current considerations about insurgency and counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. National Defence University Publishing House.
Mitchell, A. L. (2016). The democracy promotion paradox. Brookings Institution Press. National Counterterrorism Center. (n.d.). Haqqani network. Web.
Tan, H. T. A. (2018). Evaluating counter-terrorism strategies in Asia. Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism, 13(2), 155-169.
Verma, R. (2021). The US-Taliban peace deal and India’s strategic options. Australian Journal of International Affairs, 75(1), 10-14.