The article that was selected for analysis is titled “Captured ISIS Fighters’ Refrain: ‘I Was Only a Cook’” by Rod Norland, and it was published in The New York Times International on October 1, 2017. Norland describes how the Kurdish forces in Iraq are dealing with a recent influx of possible ISIS fighters who attempt to flee the battlefield under the guise of refugees. He uses a variety of vivid images and descriptive text to create a more personal perspective on the process.
Throughout the article, Norland uses those images to elicit an emotional response from the reader, while describing a few scenarios that he encountered. This paper will provide an analysis of the images and scenarios that the author utilizes in the article.
Images and Tone
The first rhetorical strategy can be seen at the very beginning of the article. The first paragraph describes the suspected ISIS fighters as “dirty and disheveled” (Nordland). These descriptors create a judgmental tone that can be felt throughout the article. However, the descriptors are not inaccurate, as the photographs confirm that the condition of the suspected ISIS militants and the checkpoint that they come to is poor. Therefore, it seems evident that the author is attempting to paint a realistic image of the situation. The quality of the floor, types of clothing, and positions in which the suspects sat were all described in detail, creating a vivid image of the conditions there. The author describes multiple encounters and all of them receive the same level of detail.
The author justifies his use of a judgmental tone, however. Throughout the article, Norland reminds the reader that the majority of the people he is writing about have a high chance of being actual members of ISIS who were involved in beheadings and other atrocities (Nordland). The strategy of logos is used, but indirectly. The author does not state that he judges the suspects but instead uses the clarifications about their potential involvement with ISIS to justify a less impartial approach to the text, despite there being a chance of false accusations.
Scenarios
The previously mentioned images are used to enhance the description of scenarios present in the article. One of the scenarios describes a short scene from an interrogation where the interrogators try to get a confession from a suspect while threatening him with a pipe. The prisoner’s arms are tied behind his back with a scarf because plastic cuffs have not arrived yet. The suspect eventually says the titular line of the article, “I was only a cook,” to which the lieutenant responds with a laugh because they have already apprehended tens of others who were supposedly cooks (Nordland).
The scenario allows the reader to understand the desperation that these people feel as they try to come up with ideas to reduce their punishment but come up short. The reality is that they most likely were fighters but felt that defeat was inevitable and took their chances with surrendering to the Kurdish forces. The author does not tell that to the reader, but the scenario allows the reader to imagine the rest.
Another scenario explains why the suspects went to the Kurdish forces specifically. The scenario shows the commander of one of the Kurdish forces addressing the newly arrived group of suspects. Instead of judging them, or trying to instill fear, he assures them that no harm will be done to them and their families at this checkpoint. The author points out the sullen stares of the soldiers after the commander leaves to show that the soldiers still hold a grudge against the former ISIS fighters, but he then also points out how important the proper treatment of captives is for the Kurdish forces.
He then finishes the article by putting these events in context with the recent news of the Kurdish vote for independence. Norland points out that despite the vote, the army is not changing its stance on military cooperation against the ISIS forces in the region (Nordland). This scenario paints the Kurdish forces as dedicated and civil soldiers that restrain their anger in order to deal with the enemy properly.
Significance
Personally, I found the tone of the article slightly distracting. I am aware of how many horrible actions ISIS has taken (Bolon et al.; Chan; Callimachi et al.), and the tone felt off-putting or even slightly patronizing. However, the article is successful at capturing an important moment in the fight against ISIS in that region. This is the first time that members of ISIS have given up in such large numbers, and it could lead to the further surrender of their forces.
The vivid scenarios that the author describes are also new to me, as I have not previously read about how such interrogations are performed in the Middle East. The focus on the humane treatment of the captives is also important as it may inspire other members to surrender. The news from the past year has focused on the successes in the war against ISIS (Arango; Barnard), and I am glad to see some signs of the organization crumbles.
Conclusion
“Captured ISIS Fighters’ Refrain: ‘I Was Only a Cook’” by Rod Norland provides a look into the life of a military checkpoint controlled by the Kurdish forces. The use of detailed descriptions and vivid images by the author allows the reader to more accurately picture the way that interrogations of ISIS suspects are conducted. However, it also highlights the first steps toward the end of ISIS. Hopefully, in a year the acronym ISIS will be used only in the past tense.
Asymmetrical warfare is a significant problem in the contemporary world, which affects the stability of the Government and causes human rights violations in the affected countries. Terrorism is a form of asymmetrical warfare that is evident in many countries. It is particularly prevalent in the Middle East, where there is a great variety of extremist groups that are in constant opposition with the local Government.
Lebanon is among the countries most affected by terrorism, and Hezbollah, or Hizballah, is one of the most prominent terrorist groups in the region. Although the group dates back to 1982[1], the paper will focus on Hezbollah’s activity in Lebanon from 2013 to 2017, since these years show an increase in violence as a result of the Syrian conflict. The paper will present an account of asymmetrical warfare between the Lebanese Government and Hezbollah, highlighting the strategies used by both parties over the years.
Background
Lebanon is a small country in the Middle Eastern region, which borders Israel and Syria. It remained under the rule of the French Government until 1943 when it was established as a parliamentary republic[2]. After gaining independence, Lebanon has experienced decades of political instability, which culminated in a civil war that lasted from 1975 to 1990[3]. The country’s foreign and internal politics were greatly influenced by the neighboring states, notably Syria, since it maintained a military occupation of Lebanon for a period of thirty years between 1975 and 2005[4].
The primary point of conflict that affects the relationships between Lebanon, Israel, and Syria is that the borders between the countries are yet to be resolved[5]. As a result, the local extremist groups, including Hezbollah, have connections to the Syrian Government. According to the 2017 Country Report on Terrorism, Hizballah received funding, training, weapons, and other forms of support from the Syrian Government [6]. Such close ties with other countries’ governments strengthen the position of the group in Lebanon, making it harder for local counterterrorism forces to address the situation and prevent further violence.
The Lebanese Government consists of three key agencies: the President, the Prime Minister, and the Chamber of Deputies, who represent the parliament[7]. Since Lebanon is a religiously diverse country with a large share of Muslim and Christian groups, the Government consists of members of different religions. The President is a Maronite Christian, whereas the speaker of the parliament and the Prime Minister are Muslim and represent two principal branches of this religion, Shia and Sunni[8].
Religious diversity plays an essential role in the prevalence of terrorism since radical Islamic groups often target the Christian population in their attacks. Moreover, the presence of people from multiple religions in the Government, while ensuring adequate representation, could hinder counterterrorism efforts if certain persons express support of radical Islam.
While the Government of Lebanon is considered to be free from regional influences[9], there are some concerns associated with human rights violations perpetrated by government agencies or their affiliates. For example, the Lebanon 2017 Human Rights Report indicates that there have been incidents of unlawful killings and allegations of torture by the Lebanese security forces[10]. Most of these violations occurred as part of the country’s counterterrorism efforts.
For instance, the counterterrorism operation of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) in June 2017 resulted in the detainment of over 350 Syrian men, and four of them died while in custody, allegedly as a result of torture[11]. This and other human rights violations perpetrated by government officials in Lebanon did not result in legal punishment, which could contribute to public unrest. Other human rights violations that affect political stability in the country include corruption, restriction of free speech, criminalization of certain forms of political expression, and privacy rights violation[12].
Additionally, although the Lebanese Government expressed the country’s openness to Syrian refugees, it took little action to investigate the abuse of refugees[13]. Given the association of some terrorist groups with Syria, this could have a detrimental effect on the state’s counterterrorism strategy. All in all, the complexity of the political situation in Lebanon and the unlawful actions of some government officials create an environment of instability, which has a positive effect on the activity of terrorist groups, including Hezbollah.
Hezbollah and Lebanon 2013
The spike of terrorist activity in Lebanon is linked to the civil war in Syria, which started in 2011 as a result of public unrest. According to the 2013 Country Reports on Terrorism, “Lebanon’s security situation deteriorated in 2013 as a result of the spillover from the violence in Syria, the involvement of Lebanese fighters in the conflict […] and continuing internal political deadlock” [14]. The civil war in Syria had a critical impact on terrorism in the region because it impaired border security in Syria, allowing terrorist groups to receive weapons from Syria and travel between the countries.
The political situation in Lebanon prevented the country from responding to this threat adequately. Between 2013 and 2016, the state was affected by the obstruction of political participation by the parliament, which took measures to postpone elections[15]. This impaired the country’s ability to respond to the increased threat of terrorism due to the absence of a functional government supported by the public. The report by the United States Bureau of Counterterrorism notes this influence, stating that despite the ongoing cooperation of the Lebanese officials with international counterterrorism efforts, the political stalemate in the country limited the progress in this area[16]. This provided the opportunity for terrorist groups to commit more attacks in Lebanon.
Although Hezbollah’s close ties with the Syrian Government meant that the group’s efforts during this year were largely based in Syria, there was still evidence of multiple attacks targeting Lebanese civilians and government officials. Most of these attacks were not officially linked to a particular terrorist group, which is why it is hard to identify the ones perpetrated by Hezbollah. However, since Hezbollah gained support from Shia populations in Lebanon and allegedly used Shia-dominated regions to enter Syria[17], it is unlikely that the attacks targeting this part of the community were committed by Hezbollah. It seems plausible that the organization would target Christian and Sunni groups instead, which allows suspecting its involvement in some specific attacks in Lebanon.
First of all, on August 22, 2013, two Sunni mosques in Tripoli were targeted by car bombs, resulting in the death of over 40 people, with several hundred more injured[18]. Secondly, another car bomb exploded on December 25, 2013, next to a Palestinian refugee camp[19]. It is reported that the attack targeted the supporter of Sheikh Ahmed al-Asir, who is a well-known opponent of Hezbollah.
However, the attack did not result in any deaths, although it caused some material damage. Lastly, an attack on December 27, which targeted the former ambassador to the United States and advisor to the former Sunni Prime Minister Saad Hariri, could be attributed to the activity of Hezbollah. In line with other cases, the attack was perpetrated using a car bomb, and it resulted in the death of Mohammad Chatah and seven other people[20]. All three attacks are examples of asymmetrical warfare because they were unexpected and performed by a terrorist group resisting the current Government of the state.
Efforts to counter the threat of terrorism in Lebanon involved both policing and financial initiatives. Following the attack on August 22, 2013, seven suspects were identified, three of whom had been arrested by October 2013[21]. There is no information as to whether or not the other two attacks resulted in any arrests. The state’s attempts to counter the financing of terrorism involve three bills, which enhanced compliance requirements for Lebanese banks and improved the regulation of electronic and cash transfers[22].
Because Hezbollah relies heavily on foreign financial supporters and money laundering, these changes had a limiting effect on its activities. One major drawback of the Lebanese Government’s strategy that decreased the effectiveness of these measures was that it did not require banks to freeze the accounts linked to Hezbollah and affiliated groups[23]. As of 2013, the Government did not recognize Hezbollah as a terrorist group, and thus some efforts targeting terrorism financing did not apply to this organization. As a result, the state lost the opportunity to drain Hezbollah’s financing options and prevent future attacks.
Hezbollah and Lebanon 2014
In 2014, the situation in Lebanon worsened as the Syrian conflict grew in scale. In particular, the involvement of Hezbollah in Syria had contributed to the opposition between the organization and various Sunni terrorist groups, causing the latter to target Shia-dominated regions in Lebanon. According to the 2014 report of the United States Bureau of Counterterrorism, “in retaliation for Hizballah’s actions supporting the Asad regime, Sunni militant groups have carried out more than two dozen suicide attacks against Shia population centers and LAF targets from June 2013 through the end of 2014” [24].
Hezbollah also continued to perform attacks and Lebanon, adding to the persistence of terrorism in the country. On October 7, 2014, Hezbollah used a roadside bomb to target Israel Defense Forces soldiers[25]. There were two other attacks during this year that could be attributed to this terrorist group. First, on June 20, 2014, a suicide bomber targeted the Internal Security Forces of Lebanon, killing one person and injuring 32 more[26].
Secondly, on December 2, 2014, Lebanese Armed Forces soldiers were attacked near Ras Baalbek, resulting in six deaths[27]. The rather low number and scale Hezbollah’s attacks this year could have been caused by its continued activity in Syria. With the vast part of its forces and resources in a different country, the organization had decided to perform targeted attacks in Lebanon instead of engaging in more prominent activities.
Another reason for the decreased number of attacks was the relative success of the Lebanese Government in combatting terrorism. The country’s security forces had been working closely with the FBI and other foreign agencies, resulting in the disruption of some terrorist networks[28]. The involvement of the U.S. also enabled reduction financing to Hezbollah since it prompted several Lebanese banks to close the bank accounts associated with the terrorist group[29]. However, since the Lebanese Government continued to exclude Hezbollah from the list of terrorist organizations, targeted activities to disrupt its networks had not been made in 2014.
Hezbollah and Lebanon 2015
In 2015, the number of attacks decreased further, both due to the escalation of the conflict in Syria and the effect of counterterrorism activities in Lebanon. There were four separate terrorist attacks in Lebanon during this year, and only one of them is attributed to Hezbollah. On January 28, 2015, two anti-tank missiles were fired by Hezbollah fighters at the IDF, resulting in two deaths and multiple injuries[30].
The other three attacks were perpetrated by Sunni militants, and at least one of them targeted civilians living in Shia neighborhoods, which are closely associated with Hezbollah[31]. The considerable decrease in the number of attacks between 2013 and 2015 can be seen as the success of the states’ counterterrorism efforts, although the Lebanese Government did not target Hezbollah as part of its strategy.
The 2015 report of the United States Bureau of Counterterrorism suggests that the key obstacle to overcoming the presence of Hezbollah in the region was the Lebanese Government. As of 2015, the organization had a number of safe havens all over the country, where it stores weapons and conducts training[32]. Although the Government recognized the role of Hezbollah in some terror attacks, it did not make any attempts to disarm the organization. This was mainly because Hezbollah had many supporters in the Government, who had limited the opportunity to take legislative initiatives against the organization[33].
Nevertheless, some counterterrorism efforts carried out in Lebanon and internationally that did not target Hezbollah specifically also had an influence on its operations. For example, the Hizballah International Financing Prevention Act of 2015 had restricted the funding to the organization, reducing its freedom in recruiting and purchasing weapons[34]. Local regulations on compliance and exchange of financial information had also enhanced the efficiency of financial reporting in Lebanon and made it easier for the banks and the Government to identify money laundering and fraud[35].
The state had also attempted to prevent recruiting and counter extremist messages by amplifying moderate voices in mass media[36]. Given the number of Syrian refugees who were admitted to Lebanon between 2011 and 2015, as well as the large proportion of Shia people in the country, reducing extremism and recruitment was an important part of Lebanon’s strategy.
Hezbollah and Lebanon 2016
Hezbollah’s position in Lebanon has not changed since 2015, although the overall counterterrorism landscape in Lebanon became more prominent in 2016. The U.S. Bureau of Counterterrorism notes that Lebanon had a significant influence on the success of the international operation against ISIS during 2016, providing various means of support to other countries’ agencies[37]. ISIS and al-Qaeda affiliates in Syria posed the most significant threat to Lebanon at this point since border security was still a pivotal issue[38].
However, the year also brought some significant changes to the Lebanese Government, which improved its functionality and capacity in counterterrorism. In October 2016, Michel Aoun was elected as the President of Lebanon, which ended the political deadlock in the country and allowed for improvements in power structures[39]. This enhanced the effectiveness of the Lebanese Armed Forces in addressing the issues of terrorism and border security. For instance, the country had managed to improve the screening of flight passengers arriving into the country and ensure compliance with the U.S. Hizballah International Financing Prevention Act of 2015[40].
The Central Bank of Lebanon took action to ensure that bank accounts associated with Hezbollah could be frozen without delays, thus draining a significant share of funding from the organization[41]. This action was considered to be the cause of an attack on the Bloom Bank in Beirut, which was allegedly perpetrated by Hezbollah[42]. The attack did not result in any casualties or injuries but damaged the bank’s structure, causing a disruption in operations.
A series of attacks that could be attributed to Hezbollah occurred on June 27, 2016, in the Christian village of al-Qaeda in the Bekaa valley[43]. The attacks were perpetrated by eight suicide bombings, resulting in five deaths and 28 injured persons[44]. The other three major terror attacks of 2016 were committed by members of other terrorist groups, including ISIS.
Hezbollah and Lebanon 2017
In 2017, the counterterrorism landscape in Lebanon remained unchanged, with the vast part of efforts targeting ISIS and its affiliates. The Lebanese Armed Forces attempted to strengthen border control further to prevent fighters from entering Syria and Israel, but Hezbollah had maintained its military presence in Syria[45]. This was mainly because the territories controlled by the organization remained outside of the Government’s control, making it challenging for LAF forces to secure the border in these areas.
To this day, Hezbollah is not included in the list of terrorist organizations in Lebanon, which limits the power of the Government in combatting it. However, the organization was indirectly affected by the counterterrorism initiatives in the area, which helped to decrease the number of attacks carried out in Lebanon. In 2017, there were only two terrorist incidents, which resulted in one death and several injuries[46].
Another terror attack at a coffee shop in Beirut was successfully prevented by the Lebanese security forces[47]. In 2017, the Lebanese Government continued to ensure compliance with HIFPA, which helped to counter the financing of terrorist organizations in the country, including Hezbollah. Nevertheless, the political power of Hezbollah remains prominent, and Lebanon still does not have broad and full counterterrorism legislation in place[48]. This could limit the country’s future efforts, especially if terrorist organizations find ways of addressing the financial barriers created by the Government.
Conclusion
All in all, the discussion of asymmetrical warfare between Hezbollah and the Lebanese Government provided several valuable insights into the topic. First of all, the terrorist organization is unique in terms of its political connections, and this limits the success of the Government in combatting it. Secondly, the activity of Hezbollah was greatly influenced by the Syrian civil war, and it is possible that the group will commit more attacks in Lebanon after terminating its efforts in Syria.
Moreover, the fact that Hezbollah maintains territorial control over some regions of Lebanon means that the organization has more resources to oppose the Government than other terrorist groups. General counterterrorism efforts of the Lebanese Government were effective in reducing the number of terror attacks in the country and improving national security, mainly due to strengthened financial regulations. Nevertheless, the complete elimination of Hezbollah would not be possible unless its political and territorial powers are limited by the Government.
Bibliography
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism. Country Reports on Terrorism 2013. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2014.
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism. Country Reports on Terrorism 2014. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2015.
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism. Country Reports on Terrorism 2015. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2016.
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism. Country Reports on Terrorism 2016. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2017.
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism. Country Reports on Terrorism 2017. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2018.
United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Lebanon 2017 Human Rights Report. [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State 2018.
United States Bureau of Counterterrorism, Country Reports on Terrorism 2017, [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State, 2018.
United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Lebanon 2017 Human Rights Report, [Washington, D.C.]: United States Department of State 2018.
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, “U.S. Relations With Lebanon,” U.S. Department of State. Web.
Strategies used by terrorists often involve materials that cause harm to people’s respiratory system, skin, or other internal organs, not only during the attack but also long after it is over. Many of these weapons fall under the category identified as CBRN (chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear) threats and are investigated by federal and international agencies as a separate set of dangers to the public (Janssen et al., 2018). These materials can produce different outcomes – short or long-lasting, massive or targeted, damaging or lethal.
One of the biological organisms known for its use as a terrorist weapon is anthrax. Otherwise called Bacillus anthracis, anthrax is a “toxin-producing microbe,” discussed as an example because of its previous history of use in bioterrorism (Janssen et al., 2018, p. 112). The prevention of attacks that use this agent is a challenging task that has not yet been thoroughly researched. Thus a prevention strategy may be difficult to outline if one bases one’s plan on isolated local actions. Situations in which anthrax is used as a weapon have to be prevented on all levels, starting with major efforts to end the proliferation of this pathogen, and effective communication between officials and the public.
Selected CBRN Agent Background
As was mentioned above, anthrax is classified as a biological weapon because it is based on a bacterium. Bacillus anthracis can affect animals and humans, and the outcomes of the infection are often lethal (Ruggiero, 2016). The spores produced by the bacteria do not make people infectious to one another, although this does not mean that anthrax is difficult to spread across communities. In order to weaponize this agent, one can produce anthrax powder – a substance that can quickly move through the air and reach a person’s skin and respiratory organs.
Moreover, this particular organism can negatively affect virtually any part of the body, thus making it versatile and deadly. For example, if anthrax comes into contact with someone’s skin, this person will develop lesions and ulcers. Although rarely fatal, these blisters can irritate the outer layer enough to infect the person’s blood (Moayeri, Leppla, Vrentas, Pomerantsev, & Liu, 2015). Moreover, an individual can inhale infectious spores, acquiring pulmonary anthrax. This form of the disease is much more dangerous than others and has the highest mortality rate, even when the afflicted person receives timely treatment (Moayeri et al., 2015).
This toxin was chosen because it has been previously used as a bio-weapon on numerous occasions. The most prominent example is the series of incidents which occurred in the US in 2001, possibly connected to the previous attacks of September 11 (Janssen et al., 2018). In the autumn of that year, multiple publications, as well as two government officials, received envelopes containing different forms of the bacteria, which led to several deaths and hospitalizations. Thus it is confirmed that anthrax is a known CBRN threat. Furthermore, there are scenarios in which attacks based on this agent were not prevented, thus providing a platform for both terrorists and law enforcement agencies to investigate further strategies.
However, some possible drawbacks of using anthrax as a weapon should be noted as well. While this agent is poisonous and deadly, criminals may have a difficult time trying to produce and transfer it. As it is a living organism, it requires significant time, effort, and knowledge to grow (Janssen et al., 2018). Therefore only skilled professionals can use this material as a weapon, limiting the possibility of terrorist acts. Also, production of weaponized anthrax may require sufficient financial support to purchase the bacteria, as well as protective gear and equipment for spore growing. Another barrier to using anthrax is its slow effect. In contrast to explosives and poisonous gasses, anthrax does not produce an instantaneous result, instead affecting people’s health over the course of days and weeks (Moayeri et al., 2015). If a terrorist group relies merely on the shock factor of each event, it may be unlikely to make use of biological weapons such as anthrax, rather than firearms or bombs.
Proposed Terrorist Scenario
As with other terrorist attacks, a scenario involving anthrax can happen in a crowded place with limited exits and points of entry. In many cities, a subway system may become an inviting target for such actions. However, because Denver, Colorado, does not have this type of transportation, other locations such as large malls and office buildings could be considered. While anthrax can be utilized to perform targeted strikes on particular individuals, it is also possible to spread the airborne version of the bacteria by using a powdered form to infect multiple people. For example, a container with anthrax powder could be sent to a publication, a government agency, or another public office.
It should be noted that anthrax may be difficult to obtain and cultivate for people who do not possess the necessary connections or knowledge. The spores are most easily produced at a special laboratory equipped with all the required materials. The infectious powder can be loaded into devices that disperse it into the air upon receiving a signal. The proposed situation may involve multiple persons releasing anthrax in different parts of the mall, for instance. This can also be done in such areas as a cinema to decrease people’s level of awareness.
The attack itself can be fast, but it is not as panic-inducing as an explosion. Nonetheless, it may produce discomfort and some stress if the powder or its container are noticed by people. Terrorists could enter a mall using small non-metal containers to avoid detection and place them in different parts of the mall in locations that are not highly visible, but close to crowds. Then these persons could open them and either leave the facility or remain behind, depending on their intentions and ideology. The spores will be released into the air and individuals will inhale or come into contact with them after some time.
Prevention Strategy
While this attack may not seem as severe as some other accidents, the high level of uncertainty and lack of preventative possibilities present a challenging case for law enforcement agencies. Thus the focus of government agencies should include strategies that address the proliferation of biological weapons. The problem that terrorists encounter with anthrax lies in its procurement. Therefore the government should monitor all possible channels through which this agent can be obtained. For instance, all scientists who work with anthrax for research purposes should be documented and routinely monitored to ensure that their materials and findings are secured inside their workplace facilities. Furthermore, their activities should be assessed as well in order to prevent collaboration with terrorist organizations. This preventative step may play a major role in stopping terrorist attacks with anthrax.
Communication with citizens is another important step in preventing such crimes. Enforcement agencies need to educate people about the dangers of terrorist attacks and provide information about how these substances are detected and overall awareness of suspicious persons and objects. This knowledge should be based on critical thinking and precise sets of procedures that people should follow – contacting authorities, relaying important findings, and acting cautiously (Ruggiero, 2016). While people will not become the main barriers against such events, they can help prevent them from happening.
Communication between officials is also essential, as such plans can be discovered in their preparatory stages (Ruggiero & Vos, 2015). The symptoms and overall pathology of anthrax has to be discussed among law enforcement agencies to help them understand how these bacteria can be detected. Then essential channels of reporting should be addressed to let local agencies know how they can contact people who can stop anthrax proliferation and production. If an attack is in its final stage, special contamination prevention teams should be trained to prevent or minimize damage to the public.
Conclusion
Biological weapons may become the weapon of choice for terrorists who are more focused on long-term effects and slow-acting agents. Therefore anthrax is not likely to be the most popular biological agent for many groups. Nevertheless, law enforcement agencies should be prepared to mitigate the effects of such attacks. More importantly, they should know how to prevent them. Stopping the proliferation of anthrax itself and knowledge of its production can be identified as one of the most effective prevention measures. This bio-weapon should be inaccessible to terrorist organizations. While it may be impossible to completely disrupt all forms of production or proliferation, efforts should be made to lower the risks of the public becoming infected. Educating citizens and law enforcement officials to communicate about suspicious practices and objects is also essential for preventing terrorist attacks from happening.
References
Janssen, L., Johnson, A. T., Johnson, J. S., Mansdorf, S. Z., Medici, O. R., Metzler, R. W.,… Szalajda J. V. (2018). CBRN respiratory protection handbook. Pittsburgh, PA: National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health.
Moayeri, M., Leppla, S. H., Vrentas, C., Pomerantsev, A. P., & Liu, S. (2015). Anthrax pathogenesis. Annual Review of Microbiology, 69, 185-208.
Ruggiero, A. (2016). Making communication strategy choices in a fast evolving crisis situation — Results from a table-top discussion on an anthrax scenario. Social Sciences, 5(2), 19.
Ruggiero, A., & Vos, M. (2015). Communication challenges in CBRN terrorism crises: Expert perceptions. Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, 23(3), 138-148.
In the eighteenth chapter of their book, O’Reilly and Dugard describe the point in time when WWII was nearly over, with the German troops capitulating, yet the long-lasting confrontation between the United States and Japan had not ended yet. The preparation for the launching of the atomic bombs is taking place. O’Reilly and Dugard spend a significant amount of the chapter on the description of the bombs and the mechanics behind the implementation of the plan. For instance, the unceasing supervision of the process with the assistance of Captain Parsons. The latter interacts with the people involved in the process actively, with the preparation for the launch of the bombs being in development.
Main body
In the meantime, the Japanese government and its emperor Hirohito remain unsuspecting of the events that are about to happen. O’Reilly and Dugard mention that the situation observed in Japan could be summarized using the local term “bukimi,” or the state of uncertainty (p. 272). Due to the presence of the political tension in the relationships between the U.S. and Japan, the feeling of impending doom permeates the atmosphere of the Japanese society, affecting the way in which people interact.
However, remarkably enough, Emperor Hirohito remains calm throughout the entire time, managing the issues of home and foreign politics. While Japanese citizens follow their daily routine, the test for the Trinity A-bomb is performed in the New Mexico desert, thus concluding the preparation stage and leading to the next step of the Manhattan Project.
In the U.S. setting, the impression that the Manhattan project, which was started by Oppenheimer and was about to be implemented by Colonel Paul Tibbets was not merely an inevitable evil but a crucial step toward world peace. The air of unease between the participants of the mission piques as the aircraft is about to be piloted to Hiroshima: “There is tension between the two men, for Enola Gay was Lewis’s aircraft before Tibbets chose to change the name and fly it on this mission” (287). O’Reilly and Dugard switch between the discussion of the mission in the U.S. and the calm and peaceful daily life of Japanese people to juxtapose the environments and emphasize the scale of the tragedy that is about to take place.
For this purpose, the next chapter is dedicated to the description of Japanese citizens’ lives, specifically, the plans and aspirations of sixteen-year-old Akira Onogi, twenty-year-old Akiko Takakura, and other innocent people. As Japanese citizens hear the siren, Enola Gay flies above the state and drops the first bomb on Hiroshima. A minute later, Little Boy, the second bomb, is dropped on Nagasaki.
However, after the bomb is dropped, the internal problems within the U.S. government remain unresolved. The lack of trust between President Truman and General Douglas MacArthur stays a point of concern, with most Americans remaining unaware of the ethical implications of the Manhattan Project. In Japan, Hirohito is rather morose. Finally, the second bomb, the Fat Man, is dropped on Nagasaki, leading to even more devastating results.
Even though Hirohito considered joining forces with Russia to oppose the U.S. after Hiroshima had been destroyed, the final attack leaves Hirohito in shambles. As Bockscar completes its mission, the U.S. plans to drop the third bomb on Japan, yet the message received from Hirohito indicates that the empire is about to collapse, and Hirohito discusses the idea of the complete surrender with his subordinates. Being manipulated by his prime minister Hideki Tojo, Hirohito finally yields, and a range of uncomfortable truths about the Japanese government and especially Tojo is exposed, the ugliest one concerning the “comfort stations” and the infamous “Unit 731” (O’Reilly and Dugard 363-366).
The U.S. suggests that Japan should surrender, while Hirohito will remain protected from further trial. With the introduction of Russian troops into the picture, the process of managing the military confrontation remains problematic for the U.S. troops. In their attempts to locate Hirohito, the troops search the entire area of the underground bunker, yet to no avail. Finally, President Truman receives a message from the Japanese government stating that Hirohito surrenders, which leads to the conclusion of the war.
While the Japanese society is trying to process the defeat, the United States Navy creates premises for the U.S. to display “a massive show of force” (O’Reilly and Dugard 395). However, the war continued for Hideki Tojo, who continues struggling for victory. Tojo attempts suicide, yet his plan is thwarted, and the war is finally declared to be over. During the International Military Tribunal, several Japanese men are sentenced to death, while the latter is imprisoned for life for their war crimes (O’Reilly and Dugard 418).
Connecting Three Themes: Hirohito, Oppenheimer, and Stimson
Being one of the most devastating tragedies of the 20th century, WWII infamously ignited conflicts between countries across the entire globe, leading to horrendous outcomes and prompting completely inhumane acts of violence.
The conflict between the United States and Japan, which ended in the notorious atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, is worth exploring as the scenario that created a significant ambiguity regarding the surrender of Japan in the global community (Reed 89). Furthermore, the scenario created by Oppenheimer and implying the immediate bombing of Nagasaki after the attack on Hiroshima is worth questioning whether the way in which WWII ended was a necessity or whether it was a tragic mistake that should have never taken place in the history of the humankind.
It would be an understatement to claim that the Pacific War was fuelled and sustained by a large number of political figures. However, in the described events, Hirohito, Oppenheimer, and Stimson seem to be the key players that defined the way in which the events of the bombing took place. Exploring the outcomes of Hirohito’s choices, one will have to concede that his figure was by far the most controversial one.
On the one hand, his misguided attempts at taking charge of world politics, at the same time remaining in blissful ignorance about the Manhattan Project and its implications for Japan are deservedly scorned by the global society. On the other hand, given the fact that Hirohito was, in fact, a shadow puppet of Tojo, his lack of concern for American politics and the impending doom of the U.S. attack can be seen as quite predictable.
Thus, when assessing the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, it impossible to pin down the weight of responsibility for the lives of innocent people on either of the parties. The project that Oppenheimer developed was a shocking and despicable concept, yet the lingering belief in its necessity as the crowning achievement in ending the global confrontation was an understandable rationale for addressing the ostensible threat (Sullivan 217).
Oppenheimer, in turn, was a much more controversial figure. Looking back at the concept of the Manhattan Project, it was evident that the lives of millions of people were sacrificed for the sake of reaching a dominant position in a political confrontation. The overall tone of his message during his speech to the American people was self-congratulatory rather than containing any semblance of bitter necessity:
Robert Oppenheimer stands before an auditorium filled with the scientists who designed and produced the atomic bomb. Clasping his hands over his head like a boxer entering the ring, he tells the cheering audience that it is “too early to determine what the results of the bombing might have been, but I’m pretty sure the Japanese didn’t like it.” (O’Reilly and Dugard 323)
Thus, arguably, Oppenheimer created the platform for the idea of the Manhattan Project to become not only palatable but also acceptable in American society. In retrospect, the roles that Oppenheimer, Hirohito, and Stimson played in the tragic events were closely connected to one another, each representing a link in the chain of events that led to the deaths of millions of people.
Conclusion
Therefore, it can be assumed that the events of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing, which took millions of lives and was marked as one of the greatest tragedies in world history, could be seen as the effect of the anxieties and decisions of two powerful states and two powerful people colliding. In the grand scheme of events and the tremendous role that both Hirohito and Oppenheimer played in the implementation of the project (O’Reilly and Rooney 175).
While Oppenheimer, who planned the bombing and made the necessary decisions, and Hirohito, who chose the line of behavior that led to the bombing, embodied the political powers that tore Japan asunder, Stimson represented the attempts at reconciling the sides of the conflict. Nonetheless, each of the three parties contributed to the aggravation of the conflict, fuelling it until it reached the point of no return.
Works Cited
O’Reilly, Bill, and Martin Dugard. Killing the Rising Sun. Henry Holt and Company, 2016.
O’Reilly, Charles T., and William A. Rooney. The Enola Gay and the Smithsonian Institution. McFarland, 2015.
Reed, Bruce Cameron. “The Ongoing Story of Hiroshima and Nagasaki: Decades After the Use of a Previously Unthinkable Weapon, a Consensus on Making That Choice Remains Elusive.” American Scientist, vol. 106, no. 2, 2018, pp. 88-95.
Sullivan, Neil J. The Prometheus Bomb: The Manhattan Project and Government in the Dark. University of Nebraska Press, 2016.
The essay “Thank God for the Atom Bomb” by Paul Fussell provokes some controversial feelings, since the use of nuclear weapons was undoubtedly one of the cruellest acts of war. At the same time, the author gives many justified reasons that force readers to think about the necessity of using the most dangerous weapon in the world. However, many of Fassel’s arguments in favor of the use of the atom bomb against Japan seem doubtful, since they are built on the hypotheses of the possible development of events without its application.
Nuclear weapons have a lethal power that destroys everything around its explosion and does not distinguish the guilt or innocence of people. Fassel’s main point is that although the use of the atomic bomb was a tragedy for Japan and the world, it stopped the war and thereby saved even more lives. In addition, the author claims that if a similar scenario had been played a few years earlier in Nazi Germany somewhere at the command headquarters, millions of other lives would have been saved.
However, the evidence are just a guess, and although they are based on some logic, human cruelty is often not amenable to the arguments of the mind. For example, an atom bomb would have been dropped in Germany and taken thousands of lives, but Nazi leaders could have hidden, and even if they died, their furious followers might have taken their place. There are too many assumptions in this scenario which no one can prove.
The atom bombs that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed thousands of people, and the civilian population suffered the most. Undoubtedly, such power of the American army and the number of victims pushed Japan to surrender, but other facts could also lead to such a decision. Nazi Germany and its allies had already lost their positions and the war in Europe mostly finished, so it can be assumed that Japan also had to retreat soon. For this reason, a crime against innocent people does not justify the possible acceleration of the process of ending the war.
The only positive consequence of the use of the atomic bomb, I see in fact that countries are afraid to use them, knowing about their power. This thread allows heads of states who own weapons to maintain balance and hold each other. However, this power could be shown by military testing, and the media propaganda could intensify and keep people’s fear, so human sacrifice for intimidation was not necessary. For this reason, I would like my country to possess nuclear weapons only as a measure of protection and threatening but does not to use it. If the world begins to fight with atomic bombs, then in a week only ash will remain from it.
Thus, the use of the atomic bomb in Japan had terrifying consequences for millions of ordinary people. The hypotheses that this event helped to accelerate the end of the war, and could do it even earlier, are only hypotheses, even if the author finds several convincing arguments for them. World politics, and especially internal politics, is a big secret, and only a few people are aware of the possibility of alternative developments. However, neither scientists nor historians can check and verify any assumptions related to the use of atom bombs against Japan.
It is possible to state with certainty that the topic of the imprisonment of the Japanese American population during World War II is paid significant attention in the academic literature due to the magnitude of the problem. The issue has been discussed by researchers from various scientific spheres, such as history, politics, social science, and anthropology. However, the book by Tetsuden Kashima, entitled “Judgment Without Trial: Japanese American Imprisonment during World War II,” makes a highly significant contribution to the identified topic.
It is worth mentioning that the author combines a thoroughly academic approach to the topic with a deeply personal motivation (his father was imprisoned) for the investigation of various processes related to the imprisonment of Japanese Americans during the wartime period. However, one of the primary advantages of the book is that it does not focus solely on the wartime period. Instead, the author traces the underlying reasons and preparation processes back to the 1920s.
Employing the newly obtained evidence, Kashima argues that the imprisonment of the Japanese American population was not caused by the wartime hysteria within the American society. Oppositely, this process was planned by various agencies led by political and military leaders decades before the outbreak of the war. Another advantage that should be mentioned is that the book provides a detailed description of the different experiences of Japanese American imprisoners during World War II. For example, the author describes the loyalty questionnaire, which was supposed to segregate “loyal” Japanese Americans from “disloyal” ones (p. 160). As the example of the most severe camp among others, the author states that the Tule Lake segregation center’s inmates “endured a life of terror” (p. 167). It could also be mentioned that Kashima does not only focus on well-known camps that were also described by other scholars, but he also mentions other, less-recognized examples, such as Alaska, Latin America, and Hawai. The author goes into a great number of details, describing the prewar period of rivalry between the FBI and the US Army for the control over the imprisonment of the Japanese American population.
Even though the book is an example of thorough and detailed scientific research, it is possible to mention one of the book’s few disadvantages. It should be stated that the overall purpose of the research, which was implemented successfully by Kashima, makes the book a considerably difficult read for people who are not profoundly familiar with the history of Japanese American imprisonment. Many details that are given in the book are not sufficiently explained for people who are might not be familiar with the topic. Therefore, it would be difficult for some people to appreciate the effort of the author.
In general, it should be mentioned that the book is an outstanding example of historical literature. The author conducted extensive research, employing information from other scholars, but most importantly, from newly obtained records about the wartime period of Japanese American imprisonment as well as the period of secret preparation for the upcoming war with Japan. Even though the book might appear to be confusing or complicated for some readers, it is possible to recommend making an effort to profoundly. investigate it. The reason is that the author provides a renewed, more comprehensive perspective on the Japanese American imprisonment during World War II.
References
Kashima, T. (2004). Judgment without Trial: Japanese American Imprisonment during World War II. University of Washington Press.
Global terrorism is one of the most crucial problems nowadays. Even though all militant communities harm the lives of civilians, the most dangerous one is The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIS. One of the harmful terrorist attacks of this group was a shooting in Orlando gay nightclub in the year 2016. The United States had to cope with the tragedy, which led to the creation of new policies and other necessary actions. This essay describes the event and examines how the terrorist organization impacts the US through the event.
On June 12, 2016, Omar Mateen entered the Orlando night gay club, Pulse, where he killed 49 people and wounded many others. Mateen proclaimed himself a part of ISIS and demanded that the United States should stop bombings in Syria. Specifically, he pledged allegiance to “the leader of the virulently anti-gay Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, a group that releases propaganda videos of gay men being thrown off buildings” (Fitzsimons, para. 2). However, that was not the only reason why Mateen decided to start shooting people.
The killer specified that the other motive for his attack was the death of Abu Wahib. This person was “one of the more visible leaders of the terror group” (Frosch & Hong, 2016, para. 2). Therefore, the terrorist wanted to take revenge by causing harm to civil people. In addition, the officials found out that Abu Wahib was known as “one of the group’s more Internet-savvy leaders, often appearing in propaganda videos” (para. 4). Therefore, there might have even been a threat of an online attack behind the killer’s actions. According to Bradley (2019), US companies invest a tremendous amount of funds in cybersecurity annually. The country tends to apply any possible forces to prevent the attacks.
The US government quickly responded to the situation by releasing new policies to protect citizens. First, Buddy Dyer, the mayor of Orlando, declared a state of emergency for the city. Also, Sacks et al. (2016) claim the attack to be “a hate crime against LGBT people” (para. 7).
Thus, the mayor of New York City ordered the deployment of New York Police Department officers to protect LGBT communities. Newman and Clarke (2010) argue that providing well-trained officers is one of the key factors for preventing military attacks. Moreover, the government started developing more policies related to gun control in the country. It seems that the actions taken by the government were effective and made the power of ISIS weaker (Sands, 2016). The organization has lost a significant number of its members, and it has also suffered financial losses.
ISIS is a Salafi jihadist militant group that has been defined as a terrorist group by the United Nations. The group announced the formation of the Islamic Caliphate on June 29, 2014. According to Kagan, Kagan, Cafarella, Gambhir, and Zimmerman (2016), one of the main intentions of ISIS is to spread its control not only over Middle Eastern territories but also overdeveloped countries. Particularly, they target the United States, where they want to establish their norms and ideology. The shooting in Orlando is an example of how the extremist organization tries to influence the powerful country and impose its own values and wishes. By killing civilians, Mateen demanded that the US should stop the war in Syria and counter-terrorism activities.
To conclude, terrorist attacks are extremely dangerous not only because they cause many deaths but also because they keep other people in fear. The shooting in Orlando organized by ISIS demonstrated how much influence ISIS ideology might have on a person and a community. Even though it is impossible to bring dead people back to life, the government coped with the situation with as much strength and dignity as possible. However, the officials have to continue creating policies that will help to defend citizens.
Kagan, F. W., Kagan, K., Cafarella, J., Gambhir, H., & Zimmerman, K. (2016). US grand strategy: Destroying Isis and al Qaeda, report one: Al Qaeda and Isis: Existential threats to the US and Europe. Washington, DC: The Institute for the Study of War.
Newman, G. R., & Clarke, R. V. G. (2010). Policing terrorism: An executives guide. Darby, PA: Dianne Publishing.
Sacks, C. A., Malina, D., Morrissey, S., Campion, E. W., Hamel, M. B., & Drazen, J. M. (2016). In the wake of Orlando — Taking steps against gun violence. New England Journal of Medicine, 375(9). Web.
Sands, T. (2016). Strategies for combating Islamic State. Social Sciences, 5(3), 39. Web.
Americans remember the 1960s for 3 reasons: an international landmark was achieved, an important social change took place and three crucial political events occurred.
The U.S made international headlines when its Apollo 11 mission landed on the moon and its astronauts Neil Armstrong and Edwin Aldrin became the first humans to set foot on the moon.
In the book, The 60s Experience, Edward P. Morgan explains about the social change in America where civil rights were ultimately granted to African-Americans in the aftermath of massive led black demonstrations that will always be remembered on account of several incidents: the Rosa Parks incident, where 95% of the black population in the city staying “off the buses”, the student sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina, the news of which spread quickly “with the aid of national news coverage and the network of SCLC movement centers”, and the James Farmer inspired Freedom Rides.
The three political events were the Cuban missile crisis that almost caused nuclear war, the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and American involvement in the Vietnam War.
The highlight of the 1960s is the year 1969, and the highlight of that year is the Vietnam Antiwar Protests.
American President Lyndon Johnson promised the nation that their country’s involvement in Vietnam “isn’t really war” but that American troops were being sent there merely “to save Vietnam from the Vietnamese”. This statement is undoubtedly the grossest understatement of the century. By the time the U.S policy makers had recognized the inevitable and begun pulling out American troops in the latter part of the year from Vietnam, Americans had already paid a massive price for their country’s misguided adventure. Out of nearly 3.8 million American troops involved in the war, 58,000 lost their lives and over 303,000 were wounded P 127. Many of the survivors became victims of psychological disorders – 700,000 displayed signs of traumatic stress, 38% of married service people got divorced in less than 6 months since their withdrawal from Vietnam, around 25% of heavy combat soldiers was arrested on various criminal charges, while another 25% started taking drugs. American society as a whole was badly dented as the Vietnam War spawned a “deep and wide polarization” in it.
Meanwhile, there were massive numbers of Americans who did not take part in the war, some of them despite being eligible for military service. Labeled generally as protestors, they were classified as direct rule-violators (93, 250 military deserters and 500,000 draft dodgers), active protestors (numbering around 172,000) who participated in antiwar demonstrations, and passive protestors (about 100,000 persons) who preferred to immigrate to foreign nations, with Sweden and Canada emerging as the most popular destinations P 128. Active protestors included people from different sectors of American society such as church activists, leftists, socialists, labor union members, battle-scarred veterans, and young people with military drafts hanging over their heads and grieving dependants of those killed in the war. Their single plea to the government was printed on thousands of placards that they flourished during the demonstrations: “Support Our G.I’s…..Bring Them Home Now”.
Several crucial reasons have been identified as the causes of the Antiwar Protests.
The first was the helpless fury of Americans as they saw loved ones being made to forcibly endanger their lives in a war that had no connection with the American people. Parents were separated from their offspring, students were forced to give up their studies, young men and women were compelled to give up their jobs and careers, and even veterans were forced into active military duty. People realized that the U.S policy makers were not only solely responsible for the massive upheaval in the lives of all these people, but also for the massive number of dead or wounded American soldiers in Vietnam.
The second reason was painful disillusionment. Alienation from the American culture increased rapidly. Millions of people who had pinned their hopes and faith on the American Dream found the ugly realities of the Vietnam War shattering that dream.
The third reason was the improper, dubious and high-handed government interaction with the public on war issues. The government’s capacity to deliberately and blatantly conduct brutal and oppressive actions was startlingly revealed . As American involvement in the war intensified, it became increasingly clear to the public that government claims and realities in Vietnam were very different. Peaceful moralistic petitions from the public to concerned government officials were rudely rebuffed with rhetorical replies garbed in official language; in some cases the petitioners had to even bear the brunt of police violence. The overall result was heightened public perception of not only government officials, but the very purpose of American involvement in Vietnam as immoral as well as undemocratic. People’s trust in bodies of authority like Congress, the Presidency, military, business entities and trade unions dropped dramatically.
The last reason was the special disillusionments felt by different groups of protestors. Black protestors viewed the unequal number of black soldiers sent to the war front as a continuance of racism against African-Americans. Moralists were incensed at journalist reports of atrocities perpetrated by American soldiers in Vietnam – crimes that brought to mind the heinous atrocities perpetrated by the Germans and Japanese during the Second World War. Vietnam War veterans were furious that the government considered them as mere symbols rather than persons in need of medical and psychiatric help as a result of their experiences in Vietnam. Student protestors identified disturbing technocratic trends in the actions of government decision-makers as the same they encountered in their education process, something they abhorred and protested against. Cultural activists saw the government’s oppressive reactions towards the people as signs of the American culture gone insane. Feminist protestors saw the government actions as representative of typical masculine machismo. Ecologist protestors viewed the government’s action as a threat to the ecosystem.
In conclusion, the Antiwar Protests of 1969 resulted in American public feelings very similar to those of Germans in the wake of their country’s disastrous World War II adventure, that too coming just 21 years after the policy makers failed to learn from Germany’s previous disastrous adventure – World War I. The Vietnam War also startled Americans into a deeper personal insight; as Loren Baritz said, the war was a “magnifying glass that enlarged aspects of some of the ways we, as Americans, think and act”. By revealing its ill intentions, the American government was exposed to the world as an international troublemaker. The general perception of the United States by other countries of the world is well elucidated by Senator Morse’s statement. He said that the United States “may well be the greatest threat to peace in the world today”.
References
Morgan, Edward P. “The 60s Experience: Hard Lessons about Modern America.” USA: Temple University Press, 1991.