Difference Between France and the United States Counterterrorism Policies

Introduction

In the international fight in opposition to transnational terrorism, the European Union and the US are natural associates. However, cultural, bureaucratic, and differences in tactics are a threat to progress. Because of the Middle East situation in the 1980’s, France, one of the EU nations, found itself being the international terrorism target (Friedrichs 58).

Additionally, due to the Algeria’s Islamic Armed Group in the 1990’s, as well as from the year 2001 in regard to the international movements of jihadists’ connected or inspired by Al Qaida, France has not overcome terrorism.

The US on the other hand, has had to deal with terrorism after several attacks aimed at the country. This essay, therefore, aims at looking at different ways of fighting terrorism amid France one of the EU countries, and the United States, and the reason they chose the policies.

General Comparison between the two

Though fraternity, equality and liberty seem to appear to be the same to France and America, these two countries seem to have unlike notions of the same. The differences are also noted in the way they seem to combat homegrown terrorism. This is due to difference in legal systems, histories, and state conceptions. France started to fight terrorism from the year 1789.

It all started when a citizen of French whose parents emanated from Algeria, Merah, who was by then 23 years, claimed to be a member of Al-Qaida (Friedrichs 66). This is after he murdered seven people, something, which made France have a fierce debate concerning whether the security services as well as the police failed to recognize him in time.

Judgment and intelligence being what France depend on merely, the French had many questions regarding this wondering whether ‘the more expensive and automated reliance of the American style on computerized phone calls monitoring, and the internet, might have identified him more easily’(Corum 123). Of course, there remains no answer to that question,

In the United States, what seems to count is the system, while in France what seems to count is the men. After 9/11, every country with a Muslim population that was tiny, and most of all well integrated, had enormous computer time, money, and work force thrown in by the Americans into what they termed, “the terrorism global war” (Friedmann 299).

This was also meant to track people at home who seemed to be potential terrorists. On the other hand, with its colonial history, France has, for much longer, dealt with terrorism. Many Muslims have their originalities from Europe. Thus, France aims at curbing terrorists’ enrollment.

With most of the Muslims coming from areas that are more close to North Africa and Middle East, they tend to prevent these recruitments through a habitual mosques infiltration, as well as radical networks of Islam.

Contrasting to Americas automated telephone tapping and inspection, France seems to deal with terrorism in a much different way (Friedrichs 68). This is partially due to their history and partially due to limited budgets. This has made France thereby to depend more on human resources, local intelligence, and human contacts.

Moreover, France happens to be more centralized. They established the antiterrorist struggle coordination unit in 1984. In the Justice Ministry, they as well attempted something comparable (Bassiouni 385).

The intelligence France law that was governing by then got a reformation in 1986 with subsequent reforms on 1995 and 2001. It was reformed once more in the year 2006. In 2008, the Domestic Intelligence Central Directorate was founded. This is from the Intelligence Services and the Interior Ministry amalgamation. They were responsible for the state police, the counterespionage, and counterterrorism (Friedmann 299).

Furthermore, in the U S, counterterrorism is decentralized. This comes with its own complications. There are legendary tensions amidst the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigations, and state or local agencies (Friedrichs 71).

This is especially amidst the Police Department of New York and the F.B.I. This seems different to France, which has just two police forces that are both national hence the agencies have less rivalry.

The French, legally too, have in a single court centralized cases related to terrorism. They have also attempted to reintegrate processes that fight terrorism into ordinary law. This is with more terrorism investigations flexibility, acting where suspicious, ordering surveillance or wiretaps, as well as holding suspected persons for a time, which is much longer (Bassiouni 387).

The United States has not yet reconciled the way forward in terrorism fighting. For instance, they had a difficulty while trying to shut down the Guantanamo Bay detention center. In addition, they did not know whether to hold military tribunals or criminal trials for detainees such as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.

Moreover, despite both the US and France having counterterrorism strategies in place, the strategies differ in numerous ways. The US seems to embrace a four D system (Corum 179). This strategy involves:

  • Defeat global reach of terrorist organizations;
  • Deny terrorists further support, sponsorship, and sanctuary;
  • Diminish exploitable conditions by terrorists;
  • Defend their motherland, and broaden defenses overseas.

France’s Counterterrorism strategy as well encompasses four critical constituents that are triple P, and one R (Bassiouni 390). They include:

  • Prevent by looking into core causes, people becoming terrorists;
  • Protect the infrastructure, and its inhabitants;
  • Pursue terrorists, investigate them as well as make them face the law;
  • Respond or prepare by managing and minimizing attack consequences.

U.S Approach

As Erlanger identifies, only three words can be used to define the American strategy of dealing with terrorism: proactive, external, and war.Terrorism fight to the US is seen as “war”. The statement “America is at war” is what the National Security Strategy kicks off with whenever it is addressing the issue.

As a result, in disrupting networks of the terrorists, the armed forces, and the Defense Department have put in a heavy contribution. To the US, the war against Al-Qaida is not as the same as that amid nations, they refer to it as conventional military conflict. To them, the group is an actor, that is non-state, and hence it is an armed conflict (Corum 180).

Secondly, an emphasis by the US approach is placed on the external. The Al Qaida network, which is by nature extraterritorial to the US, made the country view it as an external threat. As a result, the consistent US approach has been to face the enemy directly by “taking the fight” to them, and pushing the borders out (Friedrichs 85).

The US seems to be consistent with this approach of “forward defense” since the Cold War ended. Thus, their counterterrorism strategy is aimed at reaching out to, outside Europe, as well as to other parts of the world including Russia, Pakistan, Philippines, China, Australia, and India.

The Container Security Initiative developed by the US, had the logic of reaching out for improvement of port security, prior to potential threats reaching American shores (Friedmann 301). The mechanism search was motivated by a similar basis. This is with airline passengers’ respect for using information of the Passenger Name Record to perform security checks.

Third, the US has engaged a proactive approach. When one looks from the perspective of the institution, the Department of Homeland Security along with major Intelligence Community were implemented for the country to get prepared in cases of threats in the future. The country launched the Proliferation Security Initiative in May 2003 in order for a more proactive, creative, and dynamic approach to be created.

This was in order to prevent propagation to, or from proliferation concern nations, as well as actors of non-state (Bassiouni 392). The initiative also explains the reason the US has, in the Middle East, promoted democracy and reform, is to identify that democratic and economic opportunities are required to contradict radicalized ideologies.

France Approach

The French Approach of dealing with terrorism is mainly crime, reactive and internal. According to France, terrorism is not a military, but a criminal act. Their strategy requires for the criminalization of terrorists by the legislation. Erlanger acknowledges that, for legislations like that, the main instruments are “framework decisions”.

The Home Affairs and Third Pillar of Justice is where counterterrorism falls, as compared to trade and economic legislation, where the significant power lies within the European commission. The national ministers are the ones who make framework decisions where the rule is unanimity. A reflection of a domestic flavor of criminal law is noted on one of Frances’ counterterrorism strategy, “pursue”.

Whilst France is working hard to pursue, disrupt and dismantle terrorist networks, the impression that EU fosters to the US terrorist dialogue engagement or a Third Party agreement clause is enough to make those by use of catastrophic terrorism, that wish to impose mass casualties, stop (Friedrichs 85).

Second, compared to the US, which externally counter fights terrorism, France focuses on the internal. Counterterrorism lead agencies are the justice and interior ministries, but not the defense ministries. The justice and interior ministers enact France counterterrorism policies. They, together with their respective services of intelligence mainly do disruption of terrorist networks (Corum 215).

Counterterrorism has had minimal direct connection with the ESDP (European Security and Defense Policy). The emphasis of ESDP lies on reconstruction and stabilization of regional conflict, rule-of-law, peacekeeping, and humanitarian missions. The notion that France military workers would be deployed to guard France has in the France capital, little resonance. This is for both political and historical reasons.

The interest of France is to protect its critical infrastructure, and pursue policies to perform the same (Bassiouni 394). For the EU to oversee management of external border, guard training of national border, member states operations and technicalities assistance, as well as risk analysis it created FRONTEX, Management of External Borders Agency (Bassiouni 397).

Finally, France counterterrorism approach can be looked at as reactive. As Erlanger identifies, this is because after every attack, they engage in very furious activity. Then a slowdown follows as sovereignty and politics submerge their implementation.

The primary reason why France and the EU in general have made progress is the actual shock or attempted terrorism attacks. The ones that are noted most are the 2004 Madrid bombings, the 9/11 attacks, the 2005 London bombings, and the UK plot in August 2006 (Friedrichs 87).

Conclusion

From the essay above, it is clear that France and the U.S differ widely in the way they look at terrorism, and hence the way they fight it. The US look at terrorism as “war”, and hence the reason they engage their military to fight the “enemy”.

This is different with France who view terrorism as a crime hence treats it as a criminal activity. Thus, their policies and way of fighting it differ in that while the US engage in war with the terrorists, France looks for ways of engaging with them, and having a talk with them, hence stop any recruitments bound to happen.

Works Cited

Bassiouni, M C. Legal Responses to International Terrorism: U.S. Procedural Aspects. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1988. Print.

Corum, James S. Fighting the War on Terror: A Counterinsurgency Strategy. St. Paul, Minn: Zenith Press, 2007. Print.

Erlanger, Steven. . The New York Times. 2012. Web.

Friedmann, Robert R. A Diary of Four Years of Terrorism and Anti-Semitism 2000-2004: Volume Ii. Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2005. Print.

Friedrichs, Jörg. Fighting Terrorism and Drugs: Europe and International Police Cooperation. London: Routledge, 2008. Print.

“US Slaps Sanctions on Caucasus Emirates as Violence Continues in North Caucasus”

In their book titled Global Terrorism, Lutz & Lutz (2004) note that critics of the U.S. policies on global terrorism often questions the capacity of the policies to meet international threshold and the will of America to involve other traditionally non-aligned state actors in the fight on global terrorism.

However, the article by The Jamestown Foundation demonstrates the U.S. willingness and commitment to cooperate with all countries in the fight against global terrorism, thus rendering tenable the view that the U.S. is interested in developing frameworks that will ensure inclusivity in the war on global terrorism. The article by The Jamestown Foundation is a chronology of terrorist attacks believed to have been carried out by the Caucasus Emirate insurgent group under the leadership of Doku Umarov against Russian targets.

The Caucasus Emirate has been previously accused of providing material and financial support to terrorist, terrorist networks or acts of terrorism, and the number and frequency of terrorist attacks perpetrated using improvised devices (IEDs), vehicle-born IEDs and suicide bombers seems to render credibility to assertions made by a number of countries, including Russia, that the Caucasus Emirate is responsible in providing support to the insurgent group.

The latest of the series of attacks targeted two Moscow subway stations, where 40 people lost their lives (The Jamestown Foundation, 2011). An internet search on the Caucasus Emirate insurgent network demonstrates evidence that this group has indeed claimed responsibility in a number of terrorist attacks highlighted by The Jamestown Foundation, and Umarov, the group’s leader, has been on record for encouraging his followers to undertake aggressive attacks against the Caucasus Emirate’s perceived enemies, which include the U.S., Israel, Russia, and the UK.

Evidence demonstrated by The Jamestown Foundation about the activities of the terror group provides enough grounds for the U.S. to use Presidential Executive Order 13224 against the Caucasus Emirate with the view to disrupt Umarov’s financial support network and degrade the group’s capacity to mount terrorist attacks on Russian interests.

Although Executive Order 13224 has received its fair share of criticisms, mainly for its over-inclusive language and over-broad implementation strategies (Ferrer, 2009), it has been effective in dismantling and neutralizing terrorist networks mainly by curtailing the terrorists financial sources. The article by The Jamestown Foundation, more than anything else, demonstrates the U.S. commitment to the war on global terrorism.

Additionally, the article demonstrates America’s readiness to cooperate with all countries in the fight against global terrorism despite their political orientation, structural frameworks, or ideological predisposition. This is exactly what is needed to ensure the peace and stability of the whole world.

Lutz & Lutz (2004) reveal that Russia has on numerous times developed cold feet in joining the U.S. attempts to fight terrorism, but Washington continues to emphasize the concepts of inclusivity and information sharing among nations if the war on global terrorism is to be won. By imposing sanctions against a terrorist network that is traditionally known to target Russian interests, the U.S. is demonstrating a very valid point – that terrorism has no borders.

It is therefore imperative for Russia to reciprocate and show active responses aimed at disrupting terrorism operatives from undertaking terrorist attacks or from finding a safe haven in Russia.

As observed by Daniel Benjamin, the State Department’s counterterrorism chief, the terrorist problem facing countries today has already assumed a global nature (The Jamestown Foundation, 2011). To achieve positive outcomes, countries need to cooperate and stand in solidarity with each other.

The executive Order 13224 will surely curtail the Umarov’s financial might to undertake further terrorist activities against Russia or any other country, but more needs to be done to ensure that Umarov and other terror operatives are apprehended to face the law, or are wiped out to curtail further loss of life through terrorist attacks.

Reference List

Ferrer, M. (2009). Prosecuting extortion victims: How counter-terrorist finance measure Executive Order 13224 is going too far. Journal of Financial Crime, 16(3), 262-288.

Lutz, B., & Lutz, J.M. (2004). Global terrorism. London: Routledge.

The Jamestown Foundation. (2011). . Eurasia Daily Monitor, 8(103). Web.

Kelly Kennedy: “They fought for Each Other: Triumph and Tragedy of the Hardest Hit Unit in Iraq”

There are many books devoted to the Iraq conflict. They explore the reasons and consequences of the Iraq war depict struggles and attempts of the American soldiers to preserve piece and stop the war. One of the books devoted to this war is the book by Kelly Kennedy They fought for Each Other: Triumph and Tragedy of the Hardest Hit Unit in Iraq.

However, to be more specific, it should be mentioned that this book is devoted not to the war, but to the American soldiers that fought their battles and died for piece during that war. It is another marvelous book that is worth reading. It gives a clear insight into the battles and military companies. Moreover, it clearly describes people’s relations and realities of soldiers’ life and combats.

It is not only a true historic writing, but a great psychological analysis of peoples’ souls. At the same time, this book is easy and difficult to read. On the one hand, it captures, as it is interesting and gives you a real presentation of events that occurred.

On the other hand, you cannot hold your tears reading it as it is so difficult to realize that all those events really took place and each time you read that somebody was killed, you realize that a real life was ruined. Briefly, it is a wonderful book that presents a vivid and true portrait of a terrible realty of war. One, who wants to see how American soldiers sacrificed their life and fates, must read this book.

Iraq war was a real mass destruction and terrible page in the history of both nations that ruined lives of thousands innocent people. USA, Germany, France and Russia fought against Iraq terrorists. Many mistakes were done. However, those mistakes are nothing in comparison with the consequences that they brought.

The most terrible consequence is the horror that this war brought to peoples’ lives and the number of people who were killed. The reality of that war will follow fates of many people for many years as mothers lost their sons, wives lost their husbands and children lost their fathers.

The sorrow for the killed men follows the readers of the book by Kelly Kennedy. Reading it, we believe to its author because this woman took part in that war and all her memories, so bright and fresh, produce a great impression on the reader. Kelly Kennedy is a journalist and a former soldier that created the book on the basis of her series of article about war in Iraq in Armi Times.

May be that is why the book is written in a newspaper manner and begins as an article, rather than a literary work. At any rate, it does not spoil an overall impression about the story told in the book. So, the book is telling a story of a company that was engaged in one of the most hostile regions of Baghdad, Adhamiya’s costs.

The story reveals the Charlie Company, first Battalion, 1/26th Infantry Division that was involved in the Iraq deployment in 2007. It is a story of friendship, mutual support, despair and honor. It is also a heartbreaking conclusion of the sacrifices in Iraq. As it has already been mentioned, the book is based on real events.

The author spend with the Charlie Company only few days, but “all the quotes in this book come directly from the interviews with the men, beyond a couple of jokes and exclamations” (Kennedy 2). Group of young men survived a terrible time and those memories are described in their own words.

They got not only physical injuries, but deep mental wounds. They had to overcome their fears, nightmares when they saw their friend died. And they had to take care and look after each other, this mutual support brought the company through.

The title of the book perfectly describes its sense. They fought for each other. Of course, they came to that country because they got the order. However, soon young men understood that only together, only taking care about each other they can survive.

The most terrible thing that we bump into from the very first page is that the division consisted of young men who hardly saw anything in their lives. And understanding of the fact that they all can be killed makes the reader’s heart stop beating. Especially, when we read the very first lines:

“At their tiny combat outpost in the Adhamia neighborhood of Baghdad, the soldiers of second platoon acted like kids going t an amusement park: jumping, grabbing gears, punching shoulders” (Kennedy 5).

Later on, when we read the book and see how these “kids” die, the sorrow grabs our souls.

The line of friendship and duty runs through the entire story. The author shows how one of the soldiers died to save his friend’s life and first sergeant shoot himself in front of the troops. Terrible pictures of deaths emerge in front of us. “In 15 months, 31 men of the 1-26 were killed and 122 wounded, making it the hardest-hit battalion since the Vietnam War. Charlie Company suffered the most, with 14 men killed.

Second Platoon lost nine men.” (Kennedy 280). But we admire soldiers who fought with clear hears because they understood the defense policy as the main aim to preserve peace. They got along well with children who lived in the area playing with them and giving them candies. The soldiers understood that children are not guilty. Such actions of the soldiers did, actually, a big job.

Children saw that foreign people are not enemies and, maybe, when children will grow, they will not be so hostile. The book also states that “many of the guys believed the two words were interchangeable without understanding the philosophy behind the new counterinsurgency manual written by Gen.

David Petraeus and his aides” (Kennedy 1) First, young soldiers believed that all they had to do is to restore connection with local people, however, later they understood the reality of the company and their main task was to survive. Mission and friendship were the prime preoccupations of the soldiers.

The author also present vivid characteristics of those who had passed through that horror and how young people brought their lives to that company and how they protected each other form danger in the time when they did everything possible to perform their mission, thought they even did not have enough equipment and troops.

One more thing that revolves when reading a book is the way the wounded soldiers were treated. Actually, they were left on their own, without help and with the support of their friends only. Another irritating thing about the story is how the whole system left them and failed those soldiers while not providing them with necessary support. But so many lives could be saved if there were at least a bit concern for them.

What can be said about the book and what advice can be given to soldiers who fight their battles. Just one thing comes to mind. The example of devotion, firmness and mutual support in the book can tell more than any person. These trait supported young people in difficult situations and these traits can be really helpful. As at all times only love for motherland, brave heart and friendship helped people survive war.

This book is not only a literary work. It is a requiem for people who died during that company in particular and during the Iraq war in general. It has a great historical and spiritual meaning. It gives to all readers a possibility to feel the atmosphere of war in our present days. First of all, it depicts historical events, none of the words are an untruth. All that was for real.

Second, it is a story of friendship that can teach a great lesson for future generations how one should support each other and how one should preserve honor and devotion to duty.

One more important meaning of the book lies in the fact that it is a warning for all people to preserve peace, as there is nothing so terrible as war and death of people. The book claims that there should not be the same mistakes and terrible combats in future. This is the main intention of the author indeed.

Works cited

Kennedy, Kelly. They fought for Each Other: Triumph and Tragedy of the Hardest Hit Unit in Iraq. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2010.

Ways of forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern World by John Dower

Chapter 2 sets out to demonstrate the implications of racial identity in the conflict between the US and Japan during the Second World War. This war was characterized by vicious animosity especially between Americans and Japanese. Dower argues that the hatred between the two led to the escalation of racial intolerance as each side sought to defeat the other.1

He observes that while the war escalated the racial denigration of the Japanese people, it did not initiate them. These racist thoughts were a part of the European and American consciousness and the war simply brought them to the surface.

Dower begins by observing how flawed the present day American memory of the War is.2 While Americans today view Nazi Germans as the most terrible participants in World War II, the truth is that Americans viewed the Japanese as the most atrocious enemy during the war. The Japanese were seen as evil and Western academics and journalists reinforced this perception through their works.

The hatred for the Japanese led to the arrest of Japanese Americans during the war. The Japanese were viewed differently from their wartime allies, the Germans, due to their race. Japanese aggression was seen as an attack on white supremacy and this led to the vicious reaction by the US. The popular press presented the entire nation as inherently evil and this fostered deep hatred for the Japanese.

The US engaged in efforts to dehumanize the Japanese as the war efforts continued. The Japanese were viewed as vermin to be exterminated, an attitude that led to both military and civilian Japanese facing attacks from the US. Dower notes that dehumanization during war leads to appalling consequences since when the enemy is viewed as vermin, there is no moral inhibition to exterminating him.3

Dehumanization served as stimulus for the US troops to annihilate the Japanese enemy. Popular press also represented the Japanese as apes and monkeys.

However, this demeaning racial stereotype by the west was not confined to the Japanese since the same image of the monkey had been used in reference to Negroes and various Central American peoples. Dower reveals that representing the Japanese as apes demonstrated the western mindset that the Oriental race represented a lower stage of evolution compared to the Caucasian.4

Racism was not only confined to the Western forces since it also shaped the Japanese perception of self and others. Japans ability to resist Western Colonialism in the 19th century made her regard herself as superior to the weaker nations that had fallen prey to the West.5 This arrogant and contemptuous attitude led to the expansionist trend against her Asian neighbors.

Dower reveals that racial revenge was the motivation behind many atrocities carried out against white people in Asia.6 The Japanese viewed all the other people as outsiders and this justified the brutal behavior they meted out to them.

Mythohistory, which depicted the divine descent of the Japanese people, was used to bolster the alleged superiority of the Japanese people. Such notions gave rise to the concept of blood nationalism that purity of the race. By proclaiming themselves as the pure race, the Japanese cast others as inferior.7 The Japanese also dehumanized the Americans by referring to them as the “Devilish Anglo-Americans”.

The Americans were represented as demons and the Japanese soldiers had a duty to vanquish these demons. The presence of an external enemy also served as a unifying factor for the previously divided Japan. Dower records that the various groups within Japan that harbored suspicions about each other were united in nationalistic and racist sentiments against the Westerners who posed a threat to the country.8

The end of the war was followed by the Allied Occupation of Japan. This occupation was dominated by the US, which was committed to demilitarizing and democratizing Japan. The cooperative atmosphere between the two wartime enemies greatly reduced the racist sentiments previously held.

An amicable postwar relationship followed with Japan establishing herself as an economic powerhouse. Dower notes that even with the cordial relationship, racial tensions remained albeit in minute quantities.

In chapter three, Dower attempts to show how the Japanese justified their war efforts and used propaganda to sustain their war efforts. He begins by documenting that while the war for most Americans began on December 7, 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor, the war started in 1931 from an Asian perspective.9

The year 1931 was marked by the Manchurian Incident that saw the Japanese army take over three provinces in north China. This aggression and expansionist trend by Japan was to continue until her defeat in 1945 following the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

The greatest loses of life were suffered by China under the hands of the Japanese. The all-out war between Japan and China in 1937 led to numerous atrocities being carried out by the victorious Japanese who continued to occupy the Chinese seacoast until 1945. Dower notes that the Japanese were responsible for the death of 1.3 million Chinese soldiers and an overall death of 9 to 15 million civilians.10

In spite of this incontestably huge number of deaths because of Japanese aggression against China, Japan’s propaganda machine presented the war as a legitimate and necessary act of self-defense.11 While the rest of the world viewed such a stance as false, the Japanese population believed it. Japan’s alleged “legitimate rights and interests” on the Asian continent were inspired by European imperialism, which Japan had begun emulating since the late 19th century. Dower reveals that Japan had made a number of unequal treaties with her neighbors so as to give herself access to the wealth and resources necessary for the establishment of military might.12 This would guarantee Japan’s survival in the fiercely competitive world.

The propagandists in Japan therefore argued that Japan was justified in defending her colonial interests and the rights and interests established through treaty rights. The growth of nationalism in China and the rise of communism were also viewed as real threats to Japanese survival.

The propagandists made use of real threat but overplayed the impact that this would have on Japan in order to gain the support of the citizens for the country’s war efforts. White supremacism also helped fuel Japanese propaganda. Incidents such as the refusal of the League of Nations to adopt a racial equality clause in its founding principle served as proof that the Western nations regarded themselves as racially superior.

The Japanese therefore viewed theirs as a “holy war” which was waged for the survival of the nation.13 The actions of the Japanese military against their enemies were viewed as legitimate and necessary and fallen soldiers were mourned and praised.

Bibliography

Dower, John. Ways of forgetting, Ways of Remembering Japan in the modern world. NY: New Press, 2012.

Footnotes

1 John Dower, Ways of forgetting, Ways of Remembering Japan in the modern world (NY: New Press, 2012), 31.

2 Ibid., 29.

3 Ibid., 35.

4 Ibid., 37.

5 Ibid., 48.

6 Ibid., 28.

7 Ibid., 51.

8 Ibid., 53.

9 Ibid., 66.

10 Ibid., 68.

11 Ibid., 69.

12 Ibid., 69.

13 Ibid., 72.

Kosovo: Origins, Developments & Outcomes

The process of post-Cold War change in the Balkans has been approached and studied from a multiplicity of conceptual frameworks and assumptions by scholars and political analysts. The most dominant and consistent, according to Pula (2004), is the so-called ‘transition view’, which interprets a post-communist change in Eastern Europe as a struggle with the tradition of totalitarian political dispositions and a planned economy towards the model of representative democracy and market liberalism.

By relying on the transition view, this paper will aim to critically analyze the origins, developments, and outcomes of events in Kosovo from the end of the Cold War until today. Many political analysts are of the opinion that the social, political and institutional contours of the Kosovo conflict, and which led to the independence of the previously autonomous province of Serbia.

A constituent unit of the Yugoslavia federation was directly shaped by the institutional structures, ethnic disharmony, and cultural identities existing in the Yugoslav system (Pula, 2004). Although Kosovar Albanians had for long decried the authoritarian rule subjected upon them by Belgrade, it was the 1989 decision by Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic to remove the autonomy of Kosovo and bring it under the direct control of Belgrade that set the stage for the events that would later follow in the 1990s (NATO, 1999).

After the revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy, the Belgrade administration under Milosevic closed educational institutions that used Albanian language, massively discharged Kosovar Albanians from state-owned entities, suspended Kosovo’s legal legislature and administration, and introduced the Serbo-Croat language to be used as the official language in all public and secondary schools and universities (Albanian.com, 2003; Ker-Lindsay, 2009).

The Kosovar Albanians strenuously opposed this systematic oppression by Serbia and initiated passive resistance by establishing a ‘shadow state’ consisting of “a loose conglomeration of educational and cultural institutions, health services, social assistance networks, political parties, local financial councils, and a government-in-exile, all nominally coordinated by a political center led by the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and its leader, Ibrahim Rugova” (Pula, 2004 p. 297).

Milosevic’s policy of solidifying Serbian nationalism also gave impetus to the Albanians in Kosovo to initiate nonviolent resistance to Belgrade with a view to preserve the basic framework of the region, defy the Serbian state’s authority, and elicit international support for the objective of succession (Ker-Lindsay, 2009). It can also be argued that the ethnification of politics in Kosovo contributed, in large part to the ethnic cleansing campaigns witnessed in the 1990s.

In 1998, armed confrontation between the Serb forces and Albanian militants led to the massacre of over 1,500 Kosovar Albanians and the dislodgment of an estimated 400,000 ethnic Albanians from their residences (NATO, 1999). Earlier in the 1990s, the self-determination exhibited by Albanians to establish a sovereign state led to the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

A conglomeration of guerilla militants aimed at forcefully resisting the brutal regime of Milosevic (Albanian.com, 2003) These developments, together with Milosevic’s open disregard for diplomatic efforts for peaceful resolution of the conflict, drew concern from the international community, who feared that the conflict could spread to other countries (Pula, 2004; NATO, 1999).

Some scholars argue that passive and active resistance of Albanians finally paid off by attracting international attention from the U.S. and the European Union, who initially thought that the conflict was only an offshoot of localized ethnic issues.

The UN played a significant role by passing resolution 1244, which “welcomed the acceptance by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of the principles on a political solution to the Kosovo crisis, including an immediate end to violence and a rapid withdrawal of its military, police and paramilitary forces” (NATO, 1999 para. 22). Russia, a traditional ally of the Federation of Yugoslavia, played a significant part in bringing Milosevic to agree to the terms set by the UN Security Council and voted for the resolution to ensure its passage (Pula, 2004).

The resolution along with a substantial contribution of NATO brought an end to the violence and repression in Kosovo, guaranteed the safe return of refugees displaced by the war, ensured the withdrawal of Serb military forces and the police, established an interim administration in Kosovo, and ensured the demilitarization of the Kosovo Liberation Army (NATO, 1999).

The U.S. and the European Union also contributed immensely in laying the groundwork for NATO to launch airstrikes and in the establishment of the Contact Group, which came up with various proposals on how the Kosovo conflict could be politically solved (Pula, 2004).

However, it is imperative to note that when the Kosovo conflict came into the international limelight in 1998, the U.S. and the EU felt that Kosovo did not merit independence alongside the other republics of the former Yugoslavia federation (Ker-Lindsay, 2009). However, realities on the ground soon dawned on them that the Kosovo issue was indeed not a separatist conflict as was depicted in the media.

The U.S., in particular, played a critical role in the formulation of the Dayton Peace Agreements, which developed a roadmap for the region’s autonomy and eventual secession (Ker-Lindsay, 2009). The financial assistance received from the U.S. and its Western allies to support Albanians during Milosevic’s repression also played a role in sustaining the resistance. Kosovo finally announced her independence in February 2008, a decision that was promptly accepted and recognized by the U.S. and by most members of the EU.

Reference List

Albanian.com. 2003. “.” Web.

Ker-Lindsay, J. 2009. “From Autonomy to Independence: The Evolution of International Thinking on Kosovo, 1998-2005.” Journal of Balkan & Near Eastern Studies 11, no. 2, 141-156.

NATO. 1999. “.” Web.

Pula, B. 2004. “The Emergence of Kosovo ‘Parallel State,’ 1988-1992.” Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4, 797-826.

“Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering” Book

The book Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering examines the perceptions of the critical events and moments of the Second World War. It covers the shared history between the Japanese and the Americans after the war. The events of the war would determine future relations between the U.S. and Japan.

In chapter 9 of the book, John Dower discuses various ways that the people of Japan responded to defeat in the war. The author begins by explaining to the reader that the painful legacy of the war is widely discussed in Japan than anywhere else in the world.

In other societies and nations, people have always held debates and discussions about the Japanese and their defeat in the war but not as in the country1. The Japanese have also held various debates, views and opinions about the defeat in war.

The Second World War ended after the Japanese were defeated using atomic bombs. Following the attack, the Japanese surrendered thereby ending the atrocity. The first observation from Dower’s book is that the Japanese considered the defeat as a turning point in the country’s history.

The people of Japan considered some of the past events and wartime crimes committed by the Japanese over the past years as unpleasant and criminal2. For instance, majority of Japanese scholars and historians have constantly unearthed the dullest aspects of the past.

As a result, most of the bookstores in the country have books and publications dealing with most of the atrocities and criminal activities committed by their fathers. This has fueled the debate even further.

Following the defeat, the Japanese considered the event as a critical historic moment for the country. The country had positioned itself as a global superpower. The only way the Japanese could be defeated was through atomic bombs. The Japanese believed that they were strong and the reason it was time to end the war.

According to many people, the war would have continued for many years if the Americans did not use the atomic weapons3. Japan came out of the war as a superior nation. The author explains why the Americans have misused the defeat as a sign of superiority and power.

However, the Japanese refute the idea that the defeat weakened their society. The author describes the country as one of the politically monolithic societies in the world. Many people in the country have held different views and opinions about the war.

The defeat, according to the book, marked a new beginning for the Japanese to stop their atrocities and crimes against other societies. This has led to what can be termed as ‘postwar satire.’

This is characterized by humorous responses to the occupation and wartime failures. The leaders of Japan remained vaunted for years with the hope for a liberated Japanese society.

Just like the other people, the Japanese have held various decisions and ideas about the war and subsequent defeat. Some have considered the defeat as necessary because it led to new ideas and opinions towards economic development.

For very many years, the Japanese had committed several crimes and atrocities across the world. Many people considered the defeat as a form of punishment for the crimes and atrocities committed by the Japanese during the time. The defeat would mark a new beginning for the world and the country.

The Japanese have also considered the defeat as an event that affected the entire continent and not the country alone. The attack led to the deaths of many people including the Koreans and the Chinese.

The author of the book has also highlighted that different historians and individuals have presented various opinions and ideas about the war. This has affected the presentation of the historical event to various groups across the world.

However, the author also indicates that some Japanese believed that it was the time for them to pay for their crimes4. The defeat was a form of punishment for the atrocities and crimes committed.

The people have also showed remorse and sympathy to the victims of Nagasaki and Hiroshima. The people considered the war and its outcomes as the greatest punishment against the Japanese. Many people including forced laborers and foreigners died in massive numbers alongside the people of Japanese.

The attack would affect the future of the country. The survivors of the attack recorded various health complications and problems. Many people in the country argued that the postwar period characterized the fall of the Japanese empire.

In the book, Dower has emphasized the unique role of the Americans in reshaping future political decisions and relations with different countries across the world. This explains why some Japanese indicate that the defeat meant that Japan was no longer a powerful nation5.

This means that there was the need to have new policies and political structures if the country was to survive the postwar period.

The author has clearly explained the views and opinions of the Japanese people following the defeat. Just like the other people across the world, the Japanese have held various views about the war and use of atomic weapons.

Reference List

Dower, John. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern. New York: New Press, 2012.

Footnotes

1 John Dower. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern. (New York: New Press, 2012), 234.

2 John Dower. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern., 236.

3 John Dower. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern. (New York: New Press, 2012), 235.

4 John Dower. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern. (New York: New Press, 2012), 234.

5 John Dower. Ways of Forgetting, Ways of Remembering: Japan in the Modern., 237.

British Battle of Rorke’s Drift/Lsandlwana

Overview

Just like the battle of Lsandlwana, the battle of Rorke’s Drift was a battle against the Anglo-Zulu by the British. With 150 troops, the British Empire managed to defend their stronghold against over 4,000 Zulu warriors.

This outcome contradicts with the Isandlwana battle where the British troops succumbed to a massive defeat from the Zulu warriors leaving the world in awe (Knight & Hook, 2002). The Zulu warriors became the first ‘native’ army to defeat a western troop in a substantial manner. Considering that both battles took place on the same day, how comes one battle was won while the other was lost?

Zulu’s Fighting Tactics

Zulu warriors at Rorke’s Drift battle used poor fighting tactics thus giving room for the British troop to attack and defeat them. They easily made their war intents and positions known thus prompting the officers in charge to hastily hold a meeting and decide on the war strategy to use (whether to retreat or defend themselves in the position they were already in).

However, the Zulu warriors in Isandlwana battle used new fighting tactics. Unlike the British troops, Zulu warriors were concentrated and did not make their war intent or their position known. This enabled them to get close to the British troops and give them a tactical surprise that was below their expectations and was unprepared for (Knight & Hook, 2002).

British Troop’s Readiness

The officers in charge of the Rorke’s Drift battle were alert and quick to act and therefore managed to organize and position the troops. The British officers used mealie bags to construct a defensive perimeter, which consisted of a fortified hospital and storehouse. The troops made Firing holes through the buildings walls and used furniture to obstruct the doors.

This concealed the British troops while allowing them to aim and fire at the Zulu warriors. However, at the Isandlwana battle, tactical surprise did not give Chelmsford, the officer in charge time to organize or give commands to the defending troops.

This made the troop unprepared; had difficulty unpacking and distributing ammunitions on time and therefore, the men fighting ran out of ammunition thus making them prone to attacks (Knight & Hook, 2002).

Underestimation of the Zulus

British troops at Rorke’s Drift battle did not underestimate the Zulus and this explains why they took their time preparing and organizing for the war prior to the attack. However, troops at Isandlwana underestimated the Zulus capability. After Chelmsford heard of the Zulu’s over 20,000 warriors, he opted to move with ‘force’ underestimating the fact that Zulus outnumbered the British troops.

He relied on the idea that firepower could compensate for his inadequate troops. Unfortunately, even with a heavy guard at Isandlwana camp, Zulu warriors were able to slip around the British forces and choose a strategic spot that helped them win the battle. The British firearms could not save them from the Zulu warriors’ traditional buffalo chest and horns (Knight & Hook, 2002).

Conclusion

Even thought both battles were on the same day, different incidences that led to differing outcomes took place. While fighting the Rorke’s Drift battle, the troops won because they were organized, ready and did not underestimate the Zulu warriors. However, at the Lsandlwana battle, the troops were disorganized, unprepared and underestimated the capability of the Zulu warriors thus culminating to their defeat (Knight & Hook, 2002).

References

Knight, I., & Hook, A. (2002). Isandlwana 1879: the great Zulu victory. Long Island City, NY: Osprey Publishing

Operational Design in the U.S. Counterterrorism Efforts

Abstract

Terrorism is one of the global commons that is of great concern to many countries, particularly the developed states, such as the United States, which is always the target of terrorists. Based on this, the United States was forced to enter into a joint military operation with the government of Philippine in order to reduce the chances of attack on the American citizens and property given the fact that Philippine border the US.

The US government came up with a decision to engage in joint venture instead of going it alone because of constrained resources. The government established that terrorists pose a serious threat in Philippine, but it could not launch military strikes to flush them out. It decided to offer technical assistance through training and provision of resources to the government of Philippines.

Through this partnership, some of the basic objectives pertaining to peace and security have been achieved. This paper looks at the ways in which the US armed forces used the rudiments of operational design to build up and improve the operational approach.

Additionally, the paper discusses some of the factors that shape the planning and execution of the operation (Sewall, & Lambert, 2011). It is noted that the operation was successful since terrorism reduced tremendously in the region.

Operational Design

Operational design employs a number of rudiments to expand and improve the approach in which the commandant in charge chooses. Operational design elements play a critical role in helping the military in understanding the environment, defining the problem, and generating an approach that guides and shapes operations.

The three major operational designs that are often employed in any military operation include the end state, the center of gravity, and line of effort. In the case provided, the US military utilized the three operational designs effectively in helping the Philippine military achieve its counterterrorism objectives.

End state refers to the condition in which the head of state does not need to use force to achieve the national interests. In other words, the military is ordered not to use force in dealing with the perceived enemy, but instead use diplomacy. Through this operational design, the military is able to facilitate a smooth termination process. The strategy helps in strengthening partnerships between the US government and the population.

The US military shifted from engaging terrorists directly to offering advice and assistance to various agencies in Philippine charged with the role of preserving peace. The US government could only train the personnel in Philippine, but it could not engage in direct war with insurgent groups.

The US Special Forces no longer engaged in fights, as their role was simply to monitor the performance of the trained units. For instance, the JSOTF-P only supported certain counterterrorism operations, including the fusing intelligence and developing targeting approaches.

This was upon realization that the population was willing to cooperate with well-wishers that were concerned with ending terrorism and instituting socio-political and economic development.

An attempt by the US military to trace the origins of terrorism in the counterterrorism efforts was be viewed as an end state operational approach since the efforts aimed at addressing the root causes of terrorism, such as marginalization, discrimination, poverty, and hopelessness. Through the strategy, the military won the support of the population, as well as the support of the Philippine government.

The use of non-combat operations proved effective to an extent that the US government promised to employ an 80/20 approach whereby 80% of all operations would be technical in nature while only 20% would be dedicated to combat operations to deal with extremists who were unwilling to surrender (Sewall, & Lambert, 2011).

Center of gravity in combat operations refers to the source of power that offers a moral support to fighting soldiers. This implies that soldiers should be given adequate training in order to deal with any threat that the enemy might pose in the battlefield. Center of gravity dictates that the military should be in a position to evaluate the strength of the enemy before engaging in war.

Through a clear understanding of the center of gravity, all capabilities, weaknesses, and strengths of the military are easily established. Without proper analysis of the strengths and weaknesses, the military might not achieve its desired strategic goals and objectives. Before engaging in combat operations, the understanding of the actions of friendly and adversary militaries is of great importance.

The US government came up with an idea of involving the Philippine government in the operation since it was not aware of the capabilities and the weaknesses of the terrorist groups in the country. In fact, the first task of the US military in the joint operations in Philippine was to train, fund, and empower the host security agencies.

The first task was to build partner tactical proficiency in capture/kill operations. This was aimed at boosting the host’s military capability in order to deal with the threats that internal insurgents posed effectively.

Role of Geopolitics and Society in the Joint Operations

The United Sates was able to collaborate with the government of Philippine mainly because of the ideological relationship that the two countries enjoy. The regime in Philippine was friendly since it saw the help that the United States extended as critical in dealing with the threats that insurgent groups posed. In fact, various terrorist groups were perceived as a threat to the survival of the government.

Such groups demanded to be included in policy formulation and distribution of national resources. Some of the terrorist groups embraced communism hence posing a threat to the capitalist government. The US controls all forms of politics in the region, which gave it an advantage over terrorist groups. Additionally, the society was of the view that insurgent groups were a threat to the very survival of society.

The population had no option, but to support all efforts aimed at flushing out illegal groups (Maxwell, 2008). Geopolitics is an attempt to evaluate the relationship between political authority and the physical space. The United States is endowed with natural resources, such as the sea and inland waterways, which are used in distributing goods to its neighbors, including Philippine.

Based on this, the government of Philippine had no option, but to cooperate with the United States as far as ending terrorism is concerned. Philippine has poor road and rail network implying that it relies on the United States for the supply of important products. Without proper cooperation, the economy of the country could have collapsed.

The populace in Philippine was of the view that terrorism and extremism could have affected their relationships with the US merchants and business executives who have invested heavily in the country. Therefore, the United States military had to be given maximum support to end the activities of terrorists who threaten the stability of the region.

Endnotes

  1. Maxwell, (2008), see pages 28-32 to synthesize joint military operations
  2. Sewall & Lambert, (2011) evaluate pages 2-6 to understand how the US applied end state element of operational design to strengthen operational approach.

References

Maxwell, C. D. (2008). Considerations for Organizing and Preparing for Security Force Assistance Operations. Small Wars Journal, 2(3), 28-53.

Sewall, S., & Lambert, G. (2011). Operation Enduring Freedom – Philippines: The Salience of Civilian Casualties and the Indirect Approach. SOCOM, 1(1), 1-11.

Forms and Examples of Information Warfare

Information warfare is the manipulation of information to fulfill a military or political agenda. Gathering information and using it to weaken the opponent is the main reason behind the prevailing use of different types of information warfare tactics.

Disinformation and propaganda are the two main forms of information warfare. Most of these forms gained considerable credit during the world war age, and they have remained fundamental to date in military, government, and business management domains (Fogleman, 1995).

A notable example of propaganda information warfare is evident after a close review of the manner in which politicians managed the world war one. Propaganda helped citizens to maintain high levels of confidence in the political leadership.

According to Trueman (2000), Britain newspaper agencies printed headlines with messages of propaganda. He mentions some of them to have read “Belgium child’s hands cut off by Germany.”

Additionally, they printed headlines in other newspapers reporting that German prisoners had taken out the eyes of the British citizens. In an equal measure, Trueman’s report indicates that the German government also used propaganda tactics to earn the support of their citizens.

He notes that the German Government printed headlines such as “French doctors infect German wells with Plague germs.” Moreover, at another moment, they published papers with information that the enemy had blinded German prisoners (Trueman, 2000).

These propaganda messages blackened the enemy’s name and lead to rising of emotions in favor of the government. This form of warfare is, therefore, indispensible in increasing civic support to withstand a government’s interest.

Propaganda, which is a fundamental form of information warfare, helped to sustain the world war on for a long period that it could have been possible if the players did not use the technique.

During the Second World War, disinformation information warfare helped most organised armies to overcome their enemies. According to experts, information warfare helped the US, for instance, to defeat their enemy during the world war two.

According to Fogleman (1995), who was part of the army that participated in the war, there is a time during their mission when the Germany 7th army attempted to drive them from the tenuous beachhead.

The attempts failed because the US army had employed the use of Ultra’s to monitor the operations of the allied army The devices helped the army to read the German’s mail and messages without their knowledge.

When the German army began to gather forces to attach the US camp, they did not signify that they were privy to the plans of their opponents. They did not reveal that they had information on the strengths and weaknesses of the opponent (Fogleman, 1995).

The unique use of technology during war helped the soldiers. The tactic that they used is disinformation. The Ultras helped the army to gather relevant information that aided them to keep away from targeted grounds and gave them opportunities to launch attacks strategically.

By gathering the sensitive information from the enemy and being careful to operate almost normally, they successfully sent the right signal to the opponent and that confused the enemy.

Because of effective use of information warfare, the enemy failed to capture the Fogleman’s team until the end of the war.

Information warfare is still relevant in the current world. There are illustrations of the use of information warfare in fighting current wars.

Communications that have characterized interactions between military personnel in Somalia, Africa, and Al Shabaab militia portrays that the technique still enjoys acceptance across the globe.

Major E. Chirchir usually engages the al Shabaab in war of word on the internet. The communication falls into at least one of the categories of information warfare.

Recently, the officer posted on tweeter that Al Shabaab is working in exchange of money. He said that the militia are selfish and has no agenda for the public. Chirchir also informed the group that they would earn cash at Harbole and Jana Abd (Chirchir, 2012).

In saying this, Chirchir portrays the group as selfish. In addition, he sends fear in the enemy’s camp by saying his team will hit their strategic hid outs. For that matter, they should prepare to incur fatal loses. As the officer says, the militia will make more cash in Jana Abd.

This suggests that many death cases will arise at the locations and lead to immense compensations for lives lost.

This is propaganda information warfare meant to keep the allied forces in wait of attach at any moment, without getting factual time plans.

Alternatively, the idea can be disinformation, particularly if the army chooses to keep the opponent held up guarding their territory just to attack a different location without expectation.

At the same time, spokesperson Chirchir develops and maintains a positive public perception of his military group and the entire mission by suggesting in the statements that he is a defender of public interest.

They also attempt to put to an end public support that the group enjoys by branding them as selfish for money. The tool is helpful in maintaining public support for the peacekeeping group.

In Al Shabaab’s response to Chirchir, they claim that the allied army’s actions will lead to difficult consequences in future (Chirchir, 2012). The idea is to use propaganda to cause fear and possibly weaken the warriors’ ability to fight due to fear of unknown consequences.

Finally, the recent Libyan US Embassy attack provides useful material on information warfare. The US Government has intelligently reacted to the attack saying that all is well.

President Barack Obama diplomatically reported that Libya and US would join hands to arrest the suspect (US ambassador killed in consulate attack in Libya – Yahoo! News, 2012). Nevertheless, there are reports that the Government has interest in finding out the true causes of this attach.

This report also indicates that investigation experts are already at the location to find out the cause and motive of the killings (US ambassador killed in consulate attack in Libya – Yahoo! News, 2012).

Though it is difficult to access all government secrets, it is easy to think that the presidential statement aims at easing investigations. The US Government is therefore employing disinformation warfare schemes to gather credible evidence.

As investigation into the matter is in process, it is not justifiable to eliminate any party from the list of suspects until an investigation proves otherwise.

However, the government’s diplomatic reaction is called for, as it creates room for peaceful co-existence among different governments and people of varied origins.

Above all, the government uses disinformation warfare to accomplish the country’s political agenda of maintaining and sustaining security of the citizens.

References

Chirchir, M. E. (2012, September 12). Major E. Chirchir. Kenya Military Spokesman -The Official Account. Web.

Fogleman, G. R. (1995, May 16). Information Warfare and Deterrence. This site has been updated. Web.

Trueman, C. (n.d.). Propaganda and World War One. History Learning Site. Web.

US ambassador killed in consulate attack in Libya – Yahoo! News. (2012, September 12). Yahoo! News – Latest News & Headlines. Web.

Mongol Conquest’ Causes, Battles, and Results

Introduction

Historians regard the Mongol Conquest, which happened from 1206 to 1337, as the worst war to occur in human history.1 The conflict involved a protracted invasion by the Mongol empire across Asia and some parts of Eastern Europe. Historical excerpts show that it is the last major war to have occurred in the 13 century.2 Before the war, people had never seen the scale of destruction that happened in Europe and Asia.3 The scale of human population displacement was also unprecedented.

In Europe, the war involved many Eastern states (mainly, Russian states), while in Asia, it spread across many parts of modern-day China and India.4 Invasions in China persisted into the 14th century. Invasions in Asia spread further into the 15th century. Remnants of the war remained until the 19th century, through the reign of the Mughal Empire in India.5 This paper investigates the causes of the war, and its major battles. Key sections of this essay also show the results of the war and the main treaties signed.

Causes of the War

There were diverse causes of the Mongol invasion. However, historians have narrowed them down to three main issues as outlined below:

Ecology

The Mongolians often lived a pastoralist and nomadic life. Therefore, livestock was at the center of their existence. However, from 1180 to 1220, the nomads saw a significant decline in temperatures that led to insufficient pasture for their livestock.6 This change in weather patterns threatened the livelihood of the Mongols. Therefore, they had to move out of their traditional grazing grounds and seek new pastures, elsewhere.7 This move meant they had to conquer new territories.

Trade Disruptions

Besides living a pastoralist life, the Mongols also depended on trade to survive. Mainly, they bought essential goods, such as grain, graft and manufactured products from their trading partners.8 Most of these partners came from North and Northwest China.

The Jin dynasty, which controlled trade in most parts of North China, threatened the survival of the Mongolians by reducing its trade volumes with the empire. Historians say this move created a catastrophe for the Mongolians.9 Unable to get their essential goods, the Mongols raided their neighbors, thereby starting a series of invasions that later became bloody conquests across China and the greater Asian continent.

Personal Mission

Chinggis Khan ruled the Mongolian empire.10 Based on his shamanic beliefs, he wanted to rule expansive parts of the world. Researchers say Tengerri (the sky of the gods), motivated him to do so after telling Khan that he should conquer the world.11 Historians say this reason could also have motivated the Mongolians to start their conquests.12

Major Battles

Siege of Baghdad (1258)

The siege of Baghdad happened in 1258.13 It was a significant battle of the Mongols because it marked the end of the Islamic Golden Age.14 The invasion was culturally significant to the Islamic faith because it was among the first attacks on the faith. In the war, the Mongols burnt Islamic materials and destroyed mosques.

In fact, historical excerpts show that the Siege of Baghdad destroyed the once vibrant cultural and intellectual center (Baghdad).15 René believes the invasion was a strong psychological blow to the faith.16 Furthermore, the Mongols destroyed Baghdad’s agricultural infrastructure that fed its population. This destruction made it difficult for the surviving population to rebuild.

Battle of Zhongdu

The battle of Zhongdu happened in present-day China between the Mongols and the Jurchen Jin Dynasty.17 Although the Mongols won the war, the Jin dynasty defeated attempts by the Mongols to invade North China, when the Mongols first attempted to do so. However, this resistance only lasted two years before the Mongols reorganized themselves and took over the dynasty.

The war lasted for four years (1211-1215) and, characteristic of most Mongol wars, led to widespread human deaths and displacement of human populations.18 This war was significant to the Mongols because it marked the complete occupation of China.

Battle of Aleppo

The battle of Aleppo (Syria) was a six-day massacre that saw thousands of Muslims and Jews killed by the Mongols.19 Similar to its previous conquests, the Mongols destroyed property and burnt agricultural fields to disenfranchise its victims. This war was a follow-up to the Baghdad invasion. It also assumed a religious angle by denting a blow to the Islamic faith. Part of the success of the Mongols (in this war) came from orthodox Christians who fought with the Mongols in the Aleppo war.20

The battle of Aleppo was a significant war in the Mongol invasion because, like the Baghdad siege, it threatened the Muslim faith in Asia. In fact, it also threatened the existence of the faith in the wider Syrian region. Comparatively, Armenian Christians supported the invasion because they had a “grudge” with the inhabitants of Aleppo. Therefore, they helped the Mongols to burn mosques and kill Muslims.21 This invasion also helped the Mongols to expand their empire as far as Gaza.

Treaties Signed

The treaties that arose from the Mongol invasion came after the death of the Mongol ruler, Ghazan. The treaty of Aleppo is one such treaty. The treaty specified that the Mongols should stop all hostilities and allow peace to prevail.22 Other treaties emerged from the failure of the Mongols to occupy certain regions of the Arab world.

For example, they signed a treaty with the Egyptian Mamluks after failing to defeat them in their Arab occupation. The Mongols also signed the treaty of Temisgam in 1684 to settle the dispute between Tibet and Ladakh.23 Overall, these treaties aimed to create friendship and stop hostilities with communities that resisted the Mongol invasions.24

Results of the War

The expansion of the Mongol empire was the main result of the Mongol invasions. Historical excerpts show that the Mongol invasion allowed for the establishment of the largest land empire in human history – the Mongol empire.25 Under the command of Genghis Khan, the empire spread across central Europe and several parts of Asia. The war led to the rapid spread of the empire because forced occupation characterized it.

The sons of Genghis Khan further expanded the scope of the empire by planning independent invasions from their sub-kingdoms.26 Besides the expansion of the Mongol empire, the invasions also led to widespread human devastation and population displacement that most people had never witnessed before.

This paper has already shown that the war was among the most destructive occupations in human history because it caused widespread human population displacement, death, and destruction. Disease, destruction of irrigation systems, and famine were other effects of the war.27 Particularly, communities that resisted the invasion bore the brunt of terror caused by the Mongols. They killed, burnt, looted, and took women as slaves. These actions affected huge populations. Historian, Steve Ward claims that up to 15 million people died from the war.28 In some countries, the human death toll was higher than others were. For example, the University of Columbia, says Iran experienced the worst decline in its national population after the Mongol invasion.29

The effects of the Mongol war were not all negative because some positive social and economic aspects also emerged from the war. For example, through the establishment of the Mongol empire, Genghis Khan unified greater parts of Eastern Europe and Asia.30

Albeit under different kingships, most of these regions remained unified during the Mongol reign. In fact, some of them still enjoy this unity today.31 Socially, the Mongols introduced a new alphabet to their people. People still use this alphabet today, in certain parts of Mongolia. The Mongols also introduced a new governance system (parliamentary, but non-democratic), thereby changing how its subjects lived.32

Conclusion

This paper highlights the Mongol invasion as a significant war in human history. The war led to the emergence and expansion of a great empire to exist in human history. This paper shows that ecology, commercial interests, and the personal convictions of the Mongol rulers were the main motivations for the war. The siege of Baghdad, Battle of Zhongdu, and the Battle of Aleppo were the main conflicts that characterized the war.

Besides the high death toll and the destruction of property that characterized the conflict, this paper shows that the emergence of the Mongol empire was among the greatest outcomes of the war. Its influence in unifying large parts of Asia and Europe, under the Mongol rule, was also another outcome of the war. Based on the effects of the war in modern-day society, it is important to acknowledge the effects of the Mongol invasions on human history.

References

Columbia University. “Columbia University Press. Web.

Grousset, R. The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1970.

Holt, P. The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517. London: Routledge, 2014.

Footnotes

  1. Peter Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London: Routledge, 2014), 88.
  2. René Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1970), 247.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Peter Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London: Routledge, 2014), 199.
  6. Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University Press.
  7. Ibid.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Ibid.
  10. Ibid.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Ibid.
  13. Peter Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London: Routledge, 2014), 3.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Ibid.
  16. René Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1970), 245.
  17. Ibid, 654.
  18. Ibid.
  19. Peter Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London: Routledge, 2014), 88.
  20. Ibid.
  21. Ibid.
  22. Ibid.
  23. Ibid.
  24. Ibid.
  25. Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University Press.
  26. Peter Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517 (London: Routledge, 2014), 89.
  27. Ibid.
  28. Ibid.
  29. Columbia University, “The Mongols in World History,” Columbia University Press.
  30. Ibid.
  31. Ibid.
  32. Ibid.