Liberia has been living in peace for more than a decade since the end of the Second Liberian Civil War in 2003 (World Bank Group, 2016). The country has been receiving foreign aid (FA) before, during, and after its wars. Nowadays, it is one of the aid-dependent countries of Africa (Starr, 2010).
To make a difference, FA needs proper management (Understanding development, 2014, pp. 38-41). The present paper is devoted to analyzing the way Liberia has been using its FA and defining if it is managed properly.
Peace, War, and Foreign Aid
According to the data provided by the World Bank Group (2016), Liberia has been receiving FA since before the 1980s, and its amount has had the tendency to increase with some of the years breaking this pattern. For example, during the Second Civil War, total FA was noticeably smaller than before and especially after it. Since 2003, the amount of FA has been growing again. In 2014, Liberia received $744,330,000 of net official development assistance and official aid (World Bank Group, 2015).
During the war, the distribution of FA in Liberia was admittedly ineffective. FA could be stolen: in 1996, over $20 million worth of FA was “distributed” in such a way (Narang, 2015, p. 185). Authorities could abuse their power: for example, the Liberian leader Charles Taylor shared the FA provided for his territory but demanded 15% of it to be considered an import tax (Narang, 2015, p. 186).
The question of how Liberia distributes FA during its peaceful times is not easy to answer. Liberia’s budget is among the lowest-ranking ones with respect to the Open Budget Index (OBI). For Liberia, OBI equals 38 for the 100 scale, which is a minimal OBI (International Budget Partnership, 2015, p. 7). The government publishes insufficient information, does not encourage participation, and is more likely to be corrupt than those of almost 80 countries that score better. Besides, much of the Liberian FA is sent directly to NGOs, and the donors tend to make their donations similarly non-transparent (Parks & Kadaba, 2010). As a result, the distribution of FA in Liberia is hard to track.
Leaders’ Actions
Leadership Agenda and Economy
In order to restore the country’s economy and life, the government of Liberia has created the Agenda for Transformation that is aimed at reducing poverty, developing the human resources, economically transforming the country, and growing sustainably (World Bank Group, 2016).
Liberia understands that the dependence on FA is not a desirable characteristic. In 2014, the official FA that Liberia received amounted to 44% of its NGI, which is higher than it was during the war, but lower than immediately after it (60%) (World Bank Group, 2015). In 2010, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf announced that Liberia has the resources to be independent (Starr, 2010, para. 1). She intended to attract foreign investments to that purpose, and it appears that the country has largely succeeded in it: according to the World Bank Group (2016), the investments in priority economic sectors have grown.
Transparency
The OBI of Liberia has increased dramatically since 2008 (International Budget Partnership, 2015, p. 38). However, its current state appears to be incompatible with the amount of FA that the country receives.
Social Expenditures
The World Bank Group (2015) can provide only a little information on the government’s expenses. For example, in 2012, Liberian government was spending 8% of its total expenditures on education, which is an improvement when compared to the rate of the year 2008 (7.3%). Health expenditure per capita was $48 in 2014, which is an improvement: it used to equal $5 at the end of the war.
Results of Aiding
Peacemaking and Aid
The peacekeeping force did help in keeping the peace in Liberia (World Bank Group, 2016). Still, during the war, FA was proven to have an opposite effect, which is the logical outcome of alleviating the expenses of the war. For example, the “import tax” of Charles Taylor was eventually spent on warfare (Narang, 2015, p. 186).
Some Changes
The World Bank Group (2015) provides some of the information concerning Liberia’s development, and its results are mixed. For example, the percentage of the population that had access to sanitation facilities after the war was 13%, but nowadays, the number reaches 17%. However, the current completion rate for primary school is 59%, which is a decrease compared to the 64% in the year 2006. The life expectancy for Liberian people has been growing slowly. To sum up, Liberia continues to struggle with poverty and other issues of human development, which is reflected in its Human Development Index (HDI).
HDI
According to the United Nations (2015) Development Programme, Liberia is ranked 177 out of 188 in HDI, which indicates a low quality of healthcare, education, standard of living, and short life expectancy. The data presented by the United Nations (2015) shows that Liberia’s growth in HDI is among the lowest when compared to the countries of the same HDI group (low HDI).
A Note
The world crisis and Ebola have affected the country’s state (World Bank Group, 2016). However, this fact does not explain the lack of transparency in the spending of the FA or its relative ineffectiveness.
Conclusion
The example of Liberia allows making the following conclusions. The war, while it may attract aid, negatively affects FA distribution. During the peace, the transparency of FA usage proved to be an issue. FA can prolong conflicts, be inappropriately distributed (during and after a war), turn an economy dependent, and fail to make a sustainable difference for the people. Therefore, the need for proper FA management is confirmed by this Liberia case study.
Narang, N. (2015). Assisting uncertainty: How humanitarian aid can inadvertently prolong civil war. International Studies Quarterly, 59(1), 184-195. Web.
Diplomacy can be a continuation of war by other means when looked at from different perspectives. This paper will therefore evaluate why diplomacy can be a continuation or discontinuation of war by all means. In this case, it means that the paper will argue for and against this statement based on existing facts. Diplomacy can be a continuation of war because it revolves around one party having his way over the other.
This implies that as much as two parties might be engaged in negotiations to find out the best alternative or option (that will work in their favor); the success of such an initiative will depend on their ability to compromise.
In cases where two parties are not ready to compromise, there is an expectation that people will continue with war. It should also be known that diplomacy is a continuation of war based on the fact that one party might be involved in diplomacy to get enough support in defense of war.
There are cases where people might engage in diplomacy to find out the true position of the other party about an issue (that is always the borne of contention).
In fact, there are cases where we see hard-line positions from different individuals after an all round approach to diplomacy. In such cases, we should expect war to continue because the other party will always want its cause to be heard and given attention over the other which seems to reinforce the need for war as time goes by.
There are cases where diplomacy can provide information about an opponent thereby leading to continuation of war because different parties will be better prepared. Information is generally availed when one party makes contact with the other.
On the other hand, it should be known that all diplomacy is not always a continuation of war which is a fact. Based on fact that diplomacy revolves around letting somebody else have his way through mutual consent; it can prevent or end war if both parties are ready and willing. This is mostly possible if parties that are involved are ready to compromise on what they might be holding or augmenting for.
Through creative diplomacy, parties can be able to drop their hard-line positions and thereby halt the continuation of war. This means that everything will be geared towards an agreeable solution and position. Diplomacy can also serve the interests of the war thereby bringing about good outcomes that will definitely end war as time goes by.
Diplomatic channels can be used to bring about proper peace negotiations that will enhance long term sustainability as far as the dispute is concerned. As far as war is concerned, diplomacy needs some military backup for trust and confidence. On the other hand, the military needs diplomatic guidance and that is why diplomacy can be able to discontinue war as time goes by.
When looked at from the discontinuation of war point of view, both parties should meet for long term sustainability in relation to the solution that will be arrived at. This will be able to prevent an unprovoked attempt to declare war. Efforts to try and persuade an opponent cannot succeed with military action or total war which emphasizes the need for all round diplomacy.
Within the past few years Iran has pursued a distinctly anti-U.S. stance and has reportedly developed a weapons program that is meant to discourage any attacks on its soil creating a situation where war is a distinct possibility within the Middle East.
This paper assumes that war is not imminent given that Iran’s actions are meant not to attack any foreign entity but to ensure the continued survival of the state in the form of the authoritarian regime that is currently in power.
Reason behind Iran’s Domestic Policy Agenda
From a trade and international relations perspective, it is at times assumed that Iran’s apparent pursuit of nuclear weapons and its bellicose rhetoric aimed at the U.S. seemingly reflects a regime that does not abide by logic and rationality as the cornerstones of its foreign relations policy. However, it should be noted that under the theory of realism one of the primary concerns of the state is survival.
While it may seem that Iran’s actions are apparently detrimental towards the state’s continued survival, this is actually far from the truth. What this section will show is how Iran’s bellicose rhetoric, combined with its pursuit for nuclear weapons, is in fact a method that has been intentionally implemented to control its population rather than as an actual means of aggression against other states.
In his analysis of Iran, Al-Tamimi (2013) explains that its political structure, governing bodies and various councils are heavily steeped in Islamic traditions and law. Many of those in power are conservative traditionalists who view the concept of “liberal change” as detrimental towards the continued survival of a state that utilizes Islam as the cornerstone of its governance Al-Tamimi, 49 -57.
Al-Tamimi (2013) even goes so far to say that the Iran’s political government espouses a form of “ultra conservatism” wherein the concept of change that is not conducive towards the promotion of Islamic values and principles is viewed as detrimental towards the continued survival of the state.
As a result, this has given rise to preventive measures within the country in the form of considerable control on internet traffic, merchandise that enters into the country as well as they types of activities that local citizens are allowed to participate in.
In fact, such a level of control has impacted the news media within Iran, which is heavily censored by the government, to the point that only pro-government news stories are allowed to be televised.
Jervis (2013) explains this by stating that survival for Iran’s government is not perceived primarily as the state continuing to prosper economically or that its people are not placed in danger, rather, survival is viewed as preserving the current status quo within the country.
The government actively attempts to prevent ‘liberal ideas” from western methods of governance and society from seeping into the country so as to prevent the local population from being “corrupted”. This is to ensure that Islamic principles and the leaders that espouse them continue to remain at the forefront of Iran’s existence (Jervis, 105).
Studies such as those by Leverett and Leverett (2013) correlate Iran’s current behavior as a classic example of an authoritarian state whose government is attempting to remain in power no matter what (Leverett and Leverett, 22).
What must be understood is that this predilection to remain in power through whatever means possible is explained by Leverett and Leverett (2013) as being due to historical evidence showing how government officials from authoritarian regimes were often convicted and sentenced to jail once democratic systems of governance were put in place resulting in them being held accountable for the various restrictions on freedoms and atrocities that they had committed while in power.
Kaplan (2010) explains that it is the concept of accountability that encourages these regimes to continue along a path of governance that attempts to curb “dangerous changes” since this endangers those who are in power.
This has given rise to a foreign policy agenda which focuses on preventing “liberalist notions” from arising within the local population to the extent that the Iran and its leaders have been accused numerous times by the United Nations and several other states of human rights abuses (Kaplan, 70-73).
Such accusations further discourages the country from allowing foreign influences from affecting its local population since the leaders of the country know that once they let a democratic foothold establish itself within the country their positions and very lives would be in danger.
Iran’s Foreign Policy Agenda
The work of Ben-Meir (2009) explains that despite what amounts to erratic action and decisions, states are actually rational decision makers and pursue a policy that they believe would result in a better and more advantageous position for the state (Ben-Meir, 74-89).
However, the study of Calabresi, Crowley and Newton-Small (2013) shows that sometimes this pursuit of a more advantageous position is in part influenced by those in power who pursue what they believe is the most advantageous position yet such an orientation may not be the best path for the general citizenry (Calabresi, Crowley,and Newton-Small, 20).
What this means in the case of Iran, when taking the section on domestic policy into consideration, is that its leadership is pursuing a path that focuses on what they believe would be best in their eyes and not necessarily what would be best for the people.
For Calabresi, Crowley,and Newton-Small (2013), Iran’s foreign policy agenda of developing nuclear arms is meant as a deterrent towards undue or even forceful interference from outside parties in Iran’s domestic affairs. Goldberg (2010) states that developing nuclear arms is a way in which Iran’s leaders ensure that its authoritarian government continues to remain in power through the suppression of rights and liberties within the country (Goldberg, 56-69).
In fact, studies such as those by Goldberg (2010) point to the fact that since states are rational actors Iran would know that any nuclear attack on the U.S. or its allies would result in the country being turned into a nuclear wasteland as a direct result of retaliatory strike from the U.S. Its rhetoric and various claims are meant to discourage direct interference in its domestic affairs and nothing more.
Conclusion
When taking into consideration the various studies on Iran’s domestic agenda with the studies on its foreign policy objectives, it thus becomes clear that in the case of Iran, war is not imminent given that its actions are meant not to attack any foreign entity but to ensure the continued survival of the state in the form of the authoritarian regime that is currently in power.
This study has shown that Iran, a rational actor in international relations, knows full well that it cannot match the military might of the U.S. and it had no plans to do so from the very beginning.
The country is merely trying to deter other countries from implementing any form of “aggressive democratization” that would endanger the current authoritarian regime. Thus, despite the continued aggressive rhetoric against the U.S. and its focus on developing a nuclear program, such actions are merely there as a “hands off sign” for other countries such as the U.S. that would attempt to democratize Iranian society.
Works Cited
Al-Tamimi, Naser. “Will Riyadh Get The Bomb?.” Middle East Quarterly 20.2 (2013): 49- 57. International Security & Counter Terrorism Reference Center. Web.
Ben-Meir, Alon. “Nuclear Iran Is Not An Option: A New Negotiating Strategy To Prevent Iran From Developing Nuclear Weapons.” DOMES: Digest Of Middle East Studies 18.1 (2009): 74-89. Academic Search Premier. Web.
Calabresi, Massimo, Michael Crowley, and Jay Newton-Small. “The Path To War.” Time 181.9 (2013): 20. Academic Search Premier. Web.
Goldberg, Jeffrey. “The Point Of No Return.” Atlantic Monthly (10727825) 306.2 (2010): 56-69. Literary Reference Center. Web.
Jervis, Robert. “Getting To Yes With Iran.” Foreign Affairs 92.1 (2013): 105. MasterFILE Premier. Web.
Kaplan, Robert D. “Living With A Nuclear Iran.” Atlantic Monthly (10727825) 306.2 (2010): 70-73. Literary Reference Center. Web.
Leverett, Flyntmann and Leverett, Hillary. “The Real Challenge From Iran.” Nation 296.8 (2013): 22. MasterFILE Premier. Web.
Stoessinger stated, “the black death that ravaged our planet centuries ago today is but a distant memory” (Stoessinger, 251). The main killing element that is fresh in the human mind is the destructive power of war. War is the modern killing machine that uses human life as cannon fodder.
Long term and the immediate causes of a war
The main difference between the long-term and the immediate causes of war is that the long-term causes are the ones that started taking place quite sometime before the actual events of the actual war took place. On the other hand, the short-term or immediate causes of war are the ones that generally take place within a relatively short span of time before the actual events of the war. It has been stated by Stoessinger, “the road to war is paved with numerous ‘objective causes’ but the final step across the threshold is taken by an individual whose character is all-important” (Stoessinger, p. 212).
Like for example, the long term causes of the First World War was nationalism, which was aggressive patriotism among the European countries that believed themselves to be better than others, economic differences and commercial rivalries of the Allies, problems in the colonies that wanted to be independent and the industrial societies, militarism and arms race among Britain and Germany.
These problems developed over time and when a Serb assassinated the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand, it immediately triggered the First World War. Russia wanted to protect Serbia, Turkey and Germany supported Austria, and quickly almost all of Europe had joined the war. Thus, we see that the long-term and immediate causes of the war were very different from each other.
Second World War
Both the immediate and long-term causes result in a war and the Second World War was not an exception. The First World War did not conclude with a radical decision and even the League of Nations had failed. Thus, one of the long-term causes of the Second World War is said to be the First World War. Moreover, in order to punish Germany, no peace treaties were signed holding it responsible for the earlier war. Thus, this left Germany embittered and weak, seeking its revenge.
The Fascist Dictators in Germany and Italy became very powerful and fascism became inevitable. Nazi dictators, like Adolph Hitler, took advantage of the bitterness felt by Germany and waged the war. Other long-term causes of the Second World War were anti-communism, military expansion of Germany and Italy since they had lost a lot of land area after First World War, isolation policy adopted by Britain and USA after First World War and nationalism since Fascism was mainly built on it.
There was also racism between the Germans and Slavs since the Nazis assumed the Germans to be the master race and the Slavs were considered inferior. However, the immediate cause of the Second World War was the invasion of Poland by Germany and attack on the Dutch and British colonies, China and Pearl Harbor by Japan (Mingst, & Karns, p. 227).
Among the other important wars fought in the world are the Cold War, the Vietnam War and the Civil war. Both Cold War and the Vietnam War can be traced back to the First World War. Its long-term causes were the occupation of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos by Japan and nationalism brought about by Ho Chi Minh and his Viet Minh. The immediate event that caused the war was the bombing of Haiphong by France and forcibly entering Hanoi.
The long-term causes of the Cold War were the difference in ideas between the USA and the Soviet Union right from the October Revolution. While on one hand, the USA had emerged, as a leading democracy of capitalist liberal the Soviet Union became a primary communist state. Their ideas about shaping the world after the major wars triggered the Cold War.
Major long-term forces that were common in the wars
Whatever be the cause of a war it has always been found that every war has its roots in one of the previous wars. The Second World War has its roots in the First World War; the Vietnam War was fought partly because of the Second World War and Cold War and so on. Nationalism has been one of the long-term forces that have been one of the common factors in all these wars.
Not only the above-discussed wars but even before and after them, the major wars, like the Civil Wars and Iraq War, have been fought partly because of nationalism. These long-term causes of war also have a distressing history of weak shortsightedness and unavoidability in the actions of their leaders. Like in the case of the embittered revenge brought by the First World War on the overpowered Germans was actually responsible for its long-lasting bitterness towards both France and Britain and the harsh economic repairs of Germany along with the depression that had fallen upon it, together with ensuring the victorious and triumphant rise of Adolph Hitler who managed to convince the people that they would definitely win the Second World War.
Among the other long-term causes that were common in them, all are the greed of land, money and valuable resources. Along with nationalism, there was also racism with everyone wanting to establish his or her race as the better one. Adolph Hitler did the same thing. He waged a war against the Jews and Slavs as he considered them inferior to the Germans. The wars were also fought for territorial gains. After the First World War, land held by Austria-Hungary has divided arbitrarily and Hungary was even stripped of some area.
Germany also had lost a lot of land to a number of countries and thus, its dream of Greater Germany was shattered. Even in the Vietnam War when the French returned to take control of their earlier colony of Indochina, which was then occupied by Japan, it led to the War. Thus, we see that revenge was also one of the long-term causes of these wars. Germany, Italy, Japan, Hungary and all the other nations that had lost wanted to get back what they had lost in the earlier wars and thus, this lead to another one, which too most of them lost.
Forces: post-cold war international system
Most of the long-term forces that have caused a number of wars in the last century are still at play and still continue to be a problem even in our post-Cold War international era. Nationalism, which has often been one of the major causes of these wars, is widespread and recently even said to be the cause of the Iraq war. With nationalism comes a sense of honor and duty in the people, which sometimes can be used against them by a deceiving leader resulting in a war. Earlier there was nationalism, racism but now people have even added their religion to it, and often we find that there are disputes between nations based on their religious issues, like the wars between India and Pakistan.
Every nation holds its religion above others along with its race and looks down upon others. Even in our modern times, people still fight over their religion and race. The arms race between Germany and Britain, which is one of the reasons for the Second World War, is still on. We have even added nuclear power to the list of arms. Thus, we have countries competing with each other to decide who has better resources for producing the most deadly of weapons today. Earlier the Civil War was considered the bloodiest of wars but the later wars proved to be even bloodier. Similarly, the arms race, which is going on today, will result in weapons, which can wipe civilization off the face of the earth within minutes.
Just like Germany fought to be one of the powerful nations of the world, even today nations are fighting against each other for privileges, power, status, control and greed for all sorts of resources, whether it be land, oil, or money. Earlier, power was not concentrated only in the hands of one nation and we had two superpowers – the USA and the Soviet Union. However, after the Second World War and the break up of the Soviet Union, the USA has emerged as the only superpower.
Conclusion
Thus, in conclusion, it can be stated that just as Hitler considered all but his country to be above all, even today the world has a high probability of facing that situation again since huge economic differences are taking place all over the world. Global power is one of the major causes making nations envy and fight each other. It can be stated in accordance with Stoessinger, “the human element is the crucial link in the fateful chain that leads to war” (Stoessinger, 212).
Works Cited
Mingst, Karen A. & Margaret P. Karns. The United Nations in the post-Cold War era. London: Westview Press, 2000.
Stoessinger, John G. Why Nations Go to War. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000.
The Gulf War must be one of the most notorious attempts of the United States to expand their influence outside the boundaries of North America. However, not only the USA but also Kuwaiti officials seem to be in charge of an ethically questioned process of establishing democracy in Kuwait. Despite the fact that the Gulf War is no longer the issue, the diplomatic choice that the Kuwaiti officials chose in their attempt to take Saddam Hussein down still can be viewed as a sign of the state’s moral corruption.
Therefore, even though it is too easy to judge the actions of the Kuwaiti government now that the drastic results of the measures taken are well-known to everyone, it can be assumed that the leaders of Kuwait might have given a better thought before taking the path that they have chosen.
While the Kuwaiti government obviously had another choice, it is worth keeping in mind that, first, the temptation to cooperate with the American government was too big to resist, and, on the other hand, refusing to participate in the process of taking down the dictatorship of the Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein would have resulted in spoiling the relationships with the United States (Tucker 2010). Therefore, within the political context of the situation described by Stauber and Rampton, the actions of the Kuwaiti government were adequate.
In addition, it cannot be denied that, under the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, the Kuwaiti leaders had few choices in defining their defense strategy; it was the time when any help that the Kuwaiti state could get mattered. However, from the point of view of humanism and political ethics, the way in which the Kuwaiti government agreed to assist the United States as they clearly were going for the “oil money” (Stauber & Rampton n. d.).
According to the basic ethical principles, as well as the principles of diplomacy, responding to the acts of terrorism with even more violent actions has never been the answer and can only be considered adequately when no other options are available and people’s lives are at stake. In the given case, involving the Kuwaiti people into capturing Hussein was possible; however, the Kuwaiti authorities preferred to follow the track suggested by the United States government.
It goes without saying that in the present-day settings, the situation with Kuwait and the pressure that the latter experienced from the United States would have been handled differently. First of all, the role and the influence of mass media in the political realm must not be underestimated.
Once the news about the USA pressuring the Kuwaiti authorities into making a highly unethical step had leaked into the media, the given issue would have been blown to epic proportions, which would have definitely restricted the actions of the United States and made the government of the U.S. to withdraw their suggestion concerning giving Saddam Hussein under the American custody and making him undergo a trial.
In addition, with the current technology and the existence of such phenomenon as a social network, the issue would have reached not only the authorities, but also the concerned citizens all over the world, which would have resulted in a major discussion and, perhaps, even protesting against the measures undertaken by the Kuwaiti authorities. In other words, in a present-day world, the cooperation with the U.S. government and the following execution of Saddam Hussein would have probably been prevented.
Tucker, S 2010, The encyclopedia of Middle East wars: the United States in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts. ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara, CA.
Many nations today have had to ask themselves whether the US really respects the sovereignty of other nations. The US has been accused of conspiring to oust heads of state in foreign countries to assert its economic objectives. Countries like Iraq have been attacked by the US in which Saddam Hussein was captured and later killed. Iraq is an oil-rich country.
Other countries whose leaders have been overthrown by US-sponsored armies and agencies include Afghanistan and Venezuela. The military actions by the US against other countries may be viewed as invasive, calculative or personal depending on the impact generated by particular attacks. Human rights activists and some social diplomats have always criticized the US for its actions which seem to be founded on economic interests.
Certain nations perceive these actions by the US as inclining towards a show of superiority and dominance. With a variety of analyses and scrutiny, the conflicts that existed in history still run up to date and the same reception that America received from the afflicted nations a hundred years ago is still maintained up to date. The feeling for the US by its enemies is that of bitterness, resentment, and malevolence.
America has been affected by successive terrorist attacks by its enemies. The most remarkable of the attacks was evidenced by the September 11, 2001, attacks on Washington and New York City by al Qaeda adherents. Many Americans do not see the attacks as retaliatory but instead feel that the US invades certain countries to deliver justice to the perceived oppresses citizens of those countries.
With the wars, rebellions, and revolutions in place, certain scholars argue that America will never be safe and even investors tend to fear and deviate from the code of investment. Many investors fear to invest in the US and instead resort to investing in fast-growing economies in the Middle East and the northern parts of Africa and Asia. The US is viewed by political experts to be strong in military strength.
Many of its enemies do not prefer showing open resentment towards it. China’s effort to launch a nuclear attack on the US failed due to fear of possible retaliation by the US. It, therefore, becomes apparent that no nation is ready to launch an effective attack against the US apart from the few cases involving independent associations and terrorist groups.
The American military relations The American military is believed to be highly trained and an intelligent force is encompassing the air force, US marine, and other military forces. Most military reports claim that the force’s primary role is to protect the state and civilians including their rights and property (Shelley,12).
The citizens of the US expect the military to execute their duties and respect the outcome of their actions. The actions of the US military are thought to safeguard the interests of its citizens. However certain actions by the US military have been termed excessively outrageous as they have infringed on the sovereignty of the said countries.
The killing of Osama Bin Laden in 2011 was a case in point. The US Marines did not consult the government of Pakistan before invading the town of Abbottabad where Osama was hiding. The killing of Osama by Obama’s regime is considered a major achievement by the regime against the fight on terrorism. Certain Muslims believe that the US did not follow the right diplomatic protocol by invading Pakistan territory.
It is, however, true that certain operations by the US military can be described as retaliatory (Robert and Robert, 23). In 1855, an expedition of marines attacked the islands of Fiji killing 14 natives and set about 115 houses ablaze as an act of retaliation following the murder of a pair of American citizens in Wada. According to many Fijians, the action by the US was malicious, and Fijians still bear feelings of hate for America.
Causes of hatred Hatred is a feeling that is developed within a person following an experience with something or someone and in some cases with no genuine reason at all. The mind and the heart play bigger roles in the determination of a particular feeling like hatred. Certain countries who view the US as domineering on others have developed mechanisms of fighting it.
The form of hatred for America by certain countries has been analyzed to be physical through attack or use of technology by the creation of nuclear arsenals and ammunitions. During the 1950 to 1953 war on Korea, the US threatened to drop nuclear bombs on North and South Korea and China. The Asian countries have always taken precautions when it comes to nuclear war.
The bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 may have brought about hatred of the US by the Japanese due to the adverse effects the bombs had on the victims and subsequent generations. They Japanese may probably hate the US because of its superior technological advancement. The US has enormous financial resources that it uses in promoting military, economic and social programs.
The US as a superpower usually has a military and logistical advantage over its enemies (Rangel, 34). During the Middle East crisis in 1958, the US deployed her marine to stop a rebellion involving Iraq and Lebanon. It applied the mechanism of blackmail by purporting to use nuclear attacks. Most countries hate the US due to its interference in other countries’ internal affairs.
The US has always shown interest in many matters happening in various states of the world to assert its authority. Most attacks perpetrated against the US are attributed to resistance and opposition or resistance from dissenting nations. Conclusion War causes damage and loss of lives and property. Both civilians and the military lose their lives in the event of war.
During the Quasi-war in 1978, an argument between France and the United States on Britain brought about strained relations among the three countries which affected trade among them (Edwards, 23). The three countries were rated highly economically in the world and were among the world’s superpowers. Diplomacy among them was broken, and the good neighbor policy was basically overwritten.
The land became a challenge in the crisis and the US found itself in a dilemma and hence had to take sides. The argument was focused on British impressments on American sailors, the intervention of ships and hindrance of the US during the British versus French confrontation. Finally, ceasefire was declared between the two superpowers. This kind of ceasefire is however not extended to third world countries causing resentment and hatred for the US.
Works Cited
Edwards, Sebastian. Left Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of Populism, Chicago, USA: University of Chicago Press, 2010.Print.
Rangel, Carlos. The Latin Americans: Their Love-Hate Relationship with the United States, Connecticut, USA: Cengage Learning, 1977.Print.
Robert, Art and Robert, Jervis. International Politics: Enduring concepts and contemporary issues tenth edition, Boston, USA: Longman, 2011.Print.
Shelley, Bardes. American Government and Politics today; Separation of Power, 17th Edition, Connecticut, USA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2013.Print.
On the surface, the connection between the distribution of foreign aid and the political situation of a particular state is quite obvious. Seeing that foreign aid is traditionally meant for the people suffering from poverty, it is reasonable to send foreign aid to the areas that are affected by an economic crisis. The latter, in its turn, traditionally occurs in the states, where war is taking place. Therefore, war triggers a major increase in foreign aid supplies to the people in need.
As a result, foreign aid may be misused by the government of the states that receive the financial assistance. In other words, the instances of corruption may become increasingly frequent in the states that require financial support from donors. Bangladesh is a prime example of the specified case; although the financial aid received from other countries allowed for a short economic revival of the state, corruption rates among the Bangladeshi authorities increased several times (Wig & Kolstand, 2014).
Leaders’ Actions: Analysis
As it has been stressed above, the Bangladeshi leaders used the money retrieved from the donors to redesign the state economy and enhance the production process. Much to the credit of the Bangladeshi government, the specified step was carried out quite successfully – according to the official statistical data, the country delivered rather impressive results in its GNI, the latter having increased by 2% in 2012 and by 9% from 2006 to 2009 (Mahmood, All & Islam, 2013).
Therefore, one must admit that, despite bureaucracy and corruption, the country managed to allocate the resources made available with the help of the United States and other donors in a rather impressive manner. Seeing that a comparatively humble amount of money was donated to Bangladesh, the U.S. donations making $ 2.2 billion total (2000–2015) and the humanitarian amount reaching $87 million (Bangladesh, 2015), the significance of foreign aid in Bangladesh is rather high.
The state government, in its turn, seems to have been making a very wise use of the financial assistance provided by the United States and other countries. For instance, the fact that financing entrepreneurs was the first step undertaken by the state authorities after the financial support was retrieved (Alam & Haisna, 2013) shows that the key problems created by the war will be addressed in a proper and timely manner.
Specifically, the revival of the state economy will provide opportunities for the residents to improve their financial status; as a result, the poverty issue is likely to be resolved with the help of the set of measures suggested by the state government. Indeed, by promoting the development of local SMEs, the Bangladeshi authorities will help increase the number of employment opportunities for the citizens; consequently, the issue of unemployment will no longer be of major concern for Bangladeshi.
Extension of Foreign aid
Despite the fact that the effects of foreign aid are admittedly vast in Bangladesh, claiming that the provision of financial support to the state that suffers a military and a political conflict is the ultimate means of salvation for the local residents will be quite a stretch. Although the poverty rates have been addressed to some extent, the number of people suffering from the lack of money in the specified state is still high according to the nationwide statistics (Khandker & Samad, 2013).
Particularly, the fact that the provision of financial support does not address the key reason for poverty rates to grow deserves to be mentioned. Indeed, a closer look at the situation in the target state will show that the poverty rates can be attributed to not only the lack of work and the ability for employment, but also to poor quality of state education: “Adult illiteracy rate is very high at 60 per cent. About 80 per cent of active household members have no education or have attained only primary education” (Zaman & Akita, 2012, p. 20).
The financial resources provided by the United States and the EU, therefore, must be used primarily for reinforcing the state education system, yet the current standards of education in Bangladesh remain just as low as they used to be several decades ago. Therefore, it can be assumed that Bangladesh needs a redesign of its financial strategy; particularly, the principles of financial resources allocation will have to be reconsidered.
One must mention the positive effect, which the financial assistance provided by the USA and the EU has had on the Bangladeshi agriculture. Because of the foreign investments and the support provided by the above-mentioned states, Bangladesh has received a major boost in terms of agriculture development: “In order to address the issue the GoB can make the financing choices easier in terms of introducing favorable agricultural-credit guarantee and reducing additional overhead interest in cases of NGO-MFIs” (Sharmeen & Chowdhury, 2013, p. 167).
Although the funds provided by the U.S. are used primarily for restoring the agriculture and entrepreneurship of the state, the assistance provided is bound to have a positive effect on the financial situation of Bangladesh residents, as it opens a plethora of opportunities for work. However, it is desirable that the education sector should also receive enough support to help the citizens acquire the necessary skills.
Reference List
Alam, A. & Haisna, N. (2013). Constitutional voice for good governance in Bangladesh. Global Disclosure of Economics and Business, 3(3), 2307–9592.
Bangladesh. (2015). Web.
Khandker, S. R. & Samad, H. A. (2013). Microfinance growth and poverty reduction in Bangladesh: What does the longitudinal data say? Bangladesh: Institute of Microfinance.
Mahmood, S. A. I., All, S. & Islam, R. (2013). Shifting from infectious diseases to non-communicable diseases: A double burden of diseases in Bangladesh. Journal of Public Health and Epidemiology, 5(11), 424–434.
Sharmeen, K. & Chowdhury, I. (2013). Agricultural growth and agricultural credit in the context of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Research Publications Journal, 8(2), 174–179.
Wig, A. & Kolstand, I. (2014). Expanding foreign investment in the energy sector Challenges and risks for Bangladesh? CMI Brief, 13(4), 1–4.
Zaman, K. A. U. & Akita, T. (2012). Spatial dimensions of income inequality and poverty in Bangladesh: An analysis of the 2005 and 2010 household income and expenditure survey data. Bangladesh Development Studies, 35(3), 19–51.
The Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI), often known as the Star Wars, was the idea brought forward by President Ronald Reagan. He intended to use the project to protect the United States from strategic nuclear ballistic missiles from the Soviet Union. Dr. Edward Teller, an expert in nuclear science and father of hydrogen bomb, developed the concept of this program. Reagan consulted Dr. Teller on how to develop satellites that would detect potential missiles from space and deflect them before they land.
The aim was to protect the U.S. from the Russian missile attacks. After the issue was discussed, President Reagan set up the Strategic Defence Initiative Organization to research and develop the program in nineteen eighty-four. The program has expanded since then long after the end of the Cold War (Collier 2010). After the fall of the Soviet Union, there were threats from other nations to expand their nuclear power.
Some of those nations were renowned for their international aggression ideologies. They include Iran, Iraq and North Korea. This paper analyzes the reasons why the U.S. should continue expanding its Strategic Defence Initiative by outlining the facts that support the policy of expanding the strategy.
Justifying the expansion of SDI
The success of the Strategic Defence Initiative is a good reason to support the expansion of the program. The Cold War ended abruptly and without anybody’s predictions including political, military and diplomatic analysts. It is not possible to discuss the causes of disintegration of the USSR that resulted in ending the Cold War conflict without considering the role of the Strategic Defence Initiative (Freedman 2004).
It has been argued by various scholars that the Strategic Defence Initiative was the primary reason that led to the end of the Cold War. These scholars base their argument on the fact that research conducted in Russia proved that most Russians believed that the political leadership of their country decided to cut military aggression after analysing the technological superiority behind the Strategic Defence Initiative. Another reason attributed to the success of the Strategic Defence Initiative is that it tactfully made it difficult for the two superpowers that were the USSR and the US to continue negotiations on the ways of reaching a truce on issues at that time.
The strategy tremendously improved the United States’ military strength thereby forcing the other partner to withdraw from the military rivalry. It is evident that without the tension from the Strategic Defence initiative that had lasted for long, both states could change from the Cold War to military actions. Such war could have had severe impact on all the countries in the world. If such consequences were shielded by the strategy then it is a very good reason to support the continued efforts to expand the program.
The Strategic Defence Initiative has raised the bar in the process of advancing the military technology. Dr. Edward Teller developed the concept based on the idea that the x-ray could be used to detect the missiles in space before they land. Though the idea was remote, it was advanced to develop lethal weapons. Development of new technologies defines a country’s place in terms of military superiority.
This has made countries across the world improve their military strength to guard against foreign aggression (Graebner 1986). The U.S. is not an exception. The government of the United States has invested more money in the research to help improve the program in the last twenty years. Other countries for instance Russia, China, Iran and North Korea are also improving their nuclear programs. Some do this with the aim of invading other nations.
North Korea and Iran are examples. The U.S. defends the aggrieved countries from such aggressors. Iraq attacked Kuwait, North Korea constantly threatens to attack South Korea and Iran is not clear about its reasons to advance its nuclear program. Since international aggression has already been experienced, the U.S. should continue with the process of advancing its Strategic Defence Initiative to be used to protect the aggrieved countries that do not have the military capacity to match those of the aggressor.
The US is one of the world super powers since the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union therefore, it has the moral obligation of making sure that peace in the world is maintained. The high technology used by the Strategic Defence Initiative consists of a variety of technological developments that are highly progressive (Gaddis 2005). If expanding program is halted, all the money that has been spent will be wasted and the technology will be rendered obsolete.
The strategic program has cost the US billions of money in its development and as such, advanced laboratories have been created and are used in the research. Stopping the process of expanding the program would waste a lot of money that has already been spent on the program and technology developed thus far would be inconsequential. The budget for maintaining the immense program demands huge amounts of money.
This was seen when Russia tried to make their version of the Strategic Defence Initiative the same as that of the US but failed because the money that was supposed to be use could not be sustained by its economy. A question to be raised if the process of expending the strategy is stopped is how will America be protected? Certain actions taken by countries advancing their nuclear programs such as Iran have been supported by other leading economies including China and Russia. This type of support is dangerous and only the U.S. steps in to protect the countries with weaker military strength (Matlock 2004).
Collaboration among states which motives for expanding their nuclear are not disclosed could result in one country wiping another completely from the face of the earth. Such actions are unacceptable and the US must have superior military artillery to protect the occurrence of such a disasters.
Conclusion
The US has demonstrated that it can protect other nations once they are beseeched. It protected Kuwait when it was attacked by Iraq. Furthermore, it has been crucial in preventing the outbreak of war between Israel and Iran. The presence of the US in South Korea has prevented the aggression ideologies of North Korea. When Afghanistan was taken over by uncouth leaders, the US was present to save the people of Afghanistan.
The laboratories dealing with research in this field have been used in addressing other medical issues. Knowledge applied in this area has been used in the treatment of cancer. The laboratory experiments have been used in helping the medical practitioners engage in extensive research that has led to several discoveries on the condition. The Strategic Defence Initiative helps bringing peace without militarily engagements (Duric 2003).
Though the program helped end the Cold War, there were no military advances between the two nations. The strength shown by the strategy is enough to solve conflicts using economical means as it did during the Cold War. The Soviet Union invested a lot of money in their strategy to counter the SDI and ended collapsing its economy. The strategy helps to bring peace in the world without fighting. These are enough reasons that can be presented to support the continued process of expanding the Strategic Defence Initiative.
References
Collier, P. (2010). Guns, War, and Votes democracy in dangerous places. New York: Harper perennial.
Duric, M. (2003).The Strategic Defence Initiative: US policy and the Soviet Union. Burlington: Ashgate.
Freedman, L. (2004). Deterrence. Massachusetts: Polity Press, 2004.
Graebner, N. (1986).The National Security: Its Theory and Practice. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986.
Gaddis, J. (2005). The Cold War: A New History. New York: Penguin Press.
Matlock, J. (2004). Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended. New York: Random House.
Insurgency is a part of human history with its positive and negative characteristics that may influence human development. After the events of 2001, the United States, as well as the military forces of other countries, began paying close attention to the essence of war theories, the necessity to override warfare, and the worth of the opinions developed by different leaders. This paper aims at comparing and contrasting the competing views on a revolutionary war introduced from four different perspectives in the middle of the 1900s, including Mao Zedong, Ernesto “Che” Guevara, David Galula, and Roger Trinquier. Though Galula and Trinquier were ordinary French military officers, compared to Zedong and Che Guevara who were great political and military leaders in their countries, all of them made significant contributions to a theoretical and practical representation of counterinsurgency warfare and a better understanding of a revolutionary war. The chosen four military theorists introduced rather different ways of seeing a revolutionary war with its distinctions and contradictions based on the importance of overlaps, disjuncture, and attitudes to military forces in the middle of the 1900s.
There are many interesting perspectives on a revolutionary war, as well as its role for political leaders and civilians. Some theories are based on positive military experiences. They can be used as helpful historical lessons of warfare with a number of contradictions resulting in military overlaps and disjuncture as the main elements of political infrastructure.1 According to the opinions of the great political leaders such as the father of the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, or the main revolutionary figure in Cuba, Che Guevara, a revolution is a result of the wrong political regime that promotes the creation of new leaders and followers. However, compared to Che Guevara and Mao who believed that a revolutionary war had to be just and fair for everyone, French revolutionaries David Galula and Roger Trinquier underlined the necessity to understand that revolutionary rules could not be applicable to all sides, and that that one group of people had to be ready to lose or consider some alternatives.2 Still, despite the existing controversies and debates, a revolutionary war usually aims at destructing an old system and replacing it with another ideology.
Regarding the timeline and the military contributions introduced by the chosen theorists, Mao Zedong remains to be one of the most powerful and influential figures in the revolutionary war. Though Mao did not consider himself as a great tactician, he was smart enough to surround himself with a number of military minds and focus on women as the main military asset. The results of his work were impressive. Surviving the defeat in the 1920s, he made a decision to focus on peasants as the core of a revolution. Similar to Che Guevara, Mao believed that violence and overlaps were essential to a revolution. He also used social weaknesses as the strength of his own policy. For example, disjuncture, as the lack of union between social classes and forces, was taken into consideration. Mao believed that though “China’s population is great, it is unorganized”.3 Therefore, it was easy to choose a goal and unite people, providing them with new opportunities and improvements.
The decision to unite people under one similar idea promoted the development of a new military ideology. Mao was the creator of a strong political theory known as Maoism. Similar to other theories, Maoism aimed at proclaiming the power of civilians. Still, its main distinctive feature was Mao’s personal attitude to a revolutionary war as “a weapon that a nation inferior in arms and military equipment may employ again a more powerful aggressor nation”.4 Properly defined political consciousness and the presence of an authoritarian and confident political leader were the main characteristics of military force in the context of the post-1945 world. Mao’s works and guidelines were used by many political leaders around the whole world. In some way, Che Guevara was also under the influence of Mao’s thoughts.
The peculiar feature of Che Guevara’s work was the recognition of the reasons for a revolution and the choice of effective campaigns and motivation. Similar to Mao, Che Guevara wanted to use the people’s support and the necessity to fight against demoralization endorsed “by an invisible and invincible army which provides them no chance to display their military academy tactics and their fanfare of war”.5 Similar to Galula and Trinquier, Che Guevara introduced civilians as the main source of military force. Other theorists used the population to achieve personal needs and demands, and Che Guevara was obsessed with the intention to conquest political power, believing that guerrilla warfare and people’s struggle should have its end, and the winning is “that end, essential and inevitable for all revolutionaries”.6 In other words, if Mao saw overlaps and disjuncture as the means of a revolution, Che Guevara used them as its causes. His tactics and ideas inspired many global leaders. However, French revolutionaries wanted to take the lessons from the above-mentioned leaders and make their own additions to how a revolutionary war had to be interpreted through the prism of the post-1945 world.
Among numerous attempts to develop military theories, the work of David Galula deserves attention because of several reasons. This military officer was ready to demonstrate his maturity and indicate the mistakes or, at least, some shortages in Mao’s and Che Guevara’s methodologies. Galula admitted that Mao’s “laws of revolutionary war” turned out to be the major misleading point because those laws were only “of the revolutionary side”, and “the one who directs a war against a revolutionary movement will not find in Mao and in other revolutionary theorists the answers to his problems”.7 Similar to the chosen theorists, Galula identified a revolution as a serious social phenomenon that was characterized by specific rules and variables. However, his distinctive feature was the fact that he found it obligatory to divide the war into revolutionary and counterrevolutionary and define the characteristics of both as two separate types of activities. A revolutionary war is “an internal conflict” that is caused by the insurgent, aims to protect and underline the role of the population, and results in “external influences”.8 The population is the characteristic of a revolution that cannot be ignored or misunderstood.
Similar to Galula’s approach to understanding a revolution was developed by Roger Trinquier several years later. This theorist called revolutionary warfare as modern warfare based on the combination of political, economic, psychological, and military systems of actions.9 Though he was not obsessed with details and rules like Galula was, his allegiance to and expectations from the civilian population were high and defined the vital goals of the struggle. In comparison to all theorists, revolutionaries, and the representatives of military force, it is correct to consider Trinquier as a person who believed in the human power of the existing regimes and rules. The major goal of a revolution was to “overthrow of the established authority in a country and its replacement by another regime”.10 Therefore, it was not enough to identify who should gain the victory. It was more important to make sure that no single element of the old system was left. People should have a chance to live a new life, using their opportunities, skills, knowledge, and the lessons from the past. Overlaps and disjuncture may be a tool of a revolution but never its cause or an outcome.
In general, the thoughts and theories developed by Mao, Che Guevara, Galula, and Trinquier have a number of similar features, as well as a solid number of differences. On the one hand, the chosen revolutionaries believed that a war is an important social phenomenon that had its unique characteristics and serious causes based on the public mistrust of the current political leaders. In other words, all of them agreed that the current world was far from being perfect, and the connection between insurgency, conflict, and struggle was inevitable. On the other hand, in Mao and Che Guevara focused on political power, Galula and Trinquier chose the civilian population as the focus on their methodologies. It is impossible to say that some theorists made mistakes, and only some of them made significant contributions. Their works, principles, and approaches helped to introduce a revolution as a serious outcome of human mistakes and decisions and consider it as one of the best and the most effective solutions in military force through the context of the post-1945 world.
Bibliography
Chaliand, Gerard, ed. Guerrilla Strategies: An Historical Anthology from the Long March to Afganistan. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982.
Che Guevara, Ernesto. Guerrilla Warfare: A Method. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1964.
Galula, David. Counter-Insurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964.
Trinquier, Roger. Modern Warfare: A French View of Counterinsurgency. Translated by Daniel Lee. Westport: Praeger Security International, 2006.
Tse-Tung, Mao. On Guerrilla Warfare. Translated by Samuel B. Griffith. Chelmsford: Courier Corporation, 2012.
Footnotes
Gerard Chaliand, ed., Guerrilla Strategies: An Historical Anthology from the Long March to Afganistan (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982), 10.
David Galula, Counter-Insurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964), x.
Mao Tse-Tung, On Guerrilla Warfare, trans. Samuel B. Griffith (Chelmsford: Courier Corporation, 2012), 67.
Mao Tse-Tung, On Guerrilla Warfare, 41.
Ernesto Che Guevara, Guerrilla Warfare: A Method (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1964), 4.
Ibid., 1.
David Galula, Counter-Insurgency Warfare, xi.
Ibid., 3.
Roger Trinquier, Modern Warfare: A French View of Counterinsurgency, trans. by Daniel Lee (Westport: Praeger Security International, 2006), 5.
In this section, the researcher will focus on the methods used to collect, analyze, interpret, and present data collected in this study. Looting of oil by non-state actors, as Ocakli and Scotch (2017) observe is common in countries or regions with a weak and unstable government. These insurgencies thrive in places suffering from political instability. The article by Ocakli and Scotch (2017) was a comparative analysis that looked at the looting of oil in Syria by the Islamic State and in Nigeria by MEND and found out that the problem is likely to be more common in regions controlled by the insurgencies. However, it is interesting to note that the study revealed that despite the similarity in the strategy used by these looters, the two groups differ about religious, ethnic, ideological, and organizational structures (Tang, Xiong, & Li, 2017). This study seeks to investigate the same problem of oil looting in Libya, which is also affected by political instability just like the two states in the article. It would be necessary to determine the applicability of Ocakli and Scotch (2017) conclusion and assumptions to the Libyan case.
Methods Used In Addressing Research Questions
In this study, the researcher will use Ocakli and Scotch (2017) to work as a framework for the study. It means that the researcher will not collect primary data from the respondents in Libya. The time available and resources at the disposal of the researcher makes it impossible to travel to the specific regions of interest to collect data from the respondents. As such, the study will rely on published sources about the issue under investigation. Secondary data will be collected from reliable sources to help in addressing the research questions. The sources will include books, journal articles, and reliable online sources. It is important to note that the problem in Libya started after the long-time leader, Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi was forced out of power (Findley & Marineau, 2015). As such, the secondary data collected must be as current as possible, especially the specific information about the current problems in Libya.
According to Fowler (2013), when using secondary sources as the only source of data, it is always critical to address some of the conflicting information in the published sources. Using numerous current empirical studies may help in identifying and addressing these weaknesses. It is possible to determine the mistakes or wrong assumptions made by some authors that could have given rise to such conflicts. The study will be keen to identify and address such conflicts. Most of the articles used were empirical studies conducted by researchers in the recent past. The peer-reviewed articles were collected from reliable databases. Reliable online sources were also important in providing up-to-date information about events in the country and activities in the oil field. The following were the primary questions used in this study:
What are the strategies used by Libyan insurgents to loot oil?
In what ways do the Libyan insurgents use the wealth looted from the illicit oil trade?
What are the fundamental roles played by the Libyan authorities in the illicit oil trade in the country?
What is the relationship between the oil sector and the growing rebellion in the country?
Analysis of Data
Ocakli and Scotch (2017) conducted a comparative analysis of the situation in Syria and that in Nigeria to try and identify if there is a similarity in both cases. In this study, the researcher will also conduct a comparative analysis of the collected data. First, the researcher will analyze the situation in Libya based on the existing literature. The researcher will look at the strategies that the insurgencies used in this country, systems, and structures that make it possible to operate, and ways in which they use the income generated from the illicit trade. The researcher will then analyze the motivation behind the activities of the insurgencies in Libya, the religious and ideological factors, and the ethic and organizational structures. After the analysis of the situation in Syria, the researcher will compare the findings with that made in the article by Ocakli and Scotch (2017). Of interest during the analysis will be to establish similarity in patterns and approaches in the cases presented.
Practical and Technical Aspects of Conducting the Research
The primary focus of the study was to analyze the problem of oil looting in Libya based on the findings made by Ocakli and Scotch (2017) about the same problem. According to Almohamad and Dittmann (2016), Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar are some of the world’s leading global oil producers and exporters within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. However, the problem of oil looting is not as common as it is in Libya, Syria, Iraq, and Nigeria. A critical analysis of the countries reveals the problem is more common in politically unstable countries, irrespective of the geographical locations (Tezcür & Gurses, 2017). The technical aspect of the analysis will be to determine if there is a direct relationship between political instability and oil looting. Existing studies such as that of Ocakli and Scotch (2017) has already pointed out a possible close relationship between the two factors. This study will have to ascertain that by looking at the situation in Libya before the fall of Gaddafi (who ensured that the country remained politically stable) and after when various provinces of the country fell in the hands of rebels. From a practical perspective, it will also be necessary to investigate if other forces also influence oil looting in these countries. In Nigeria, political leadership is more stable than that in Syria and Libya (Wright, Frantz, & Geddes, 2015).
The article by Ocakli and Scotch (2017) has identified corruption and complacency by government officials as the other major problems fuelling oil looting, especially in Nigeria. Corrupt officials benefit a lot from the illicit trade, and as such, they are unwilling to crack down the illegal trade. Complacency is a common problem in Syria, as Ocakli and Scotch (2017) found out, and it is caused by the fear of the government to interfere with the rebels because of the possible armed confrontation that may arise. In this study, it will be necessary to research to determine if these two other major factors are also responsible for the problem in Libya (Geddes, Wright, & Frantz, 2014). If that is the case, it will be necessary to investigate the parties involved in corrupt dealings that facilitate illegal oil trade in the country. If it is a matter of complacency, it will be necessary to explain why the current authorities are unwilling and unable to deal with the current problem conclusively.
Analysis and Interpretation of the Results
The comparative analysis and interpretation conducted by Ocakli and Scotch (2017) help in understanding how a similar problem of oil theft is common in two different countries and the possible causes. In this study, the researcher will also conduct a comparative analysis and interpretation of the results. After collecting data that explain the nature of the problem and its possible causes in Libya, it will be necessary to compare the results with that of other scholars, top of which will be that of Ocakli and Scotch (2017). This is so because the current political problems in Libya are similar to that of Syria. Both countries are affected by political instability following the events of the Arab Spring (McLauchlin, 2017). However, it is important to note that the problem of oil looting is also common in Nigeria, a country that was not affected by the Arab Spring. It may be necessary, in the comparative analysis and interpretation of the findings, to explain why the problem is also witnessed in Nigeria.
The analysis will help to explain if forces such as corruption and compliance may as strong as, or even stronger than political instability in influencing oil theft in the affected countries. The findings and conclusions that will finally be made will help enhance knowledge in this field with the view of finding solutions to this problem and using oil resources for the benefit of the people in the affected countries. Although the analysis will not use statistics, the theory of comparative analysis will be used. This approach of analysis will help in testing the following Hypotheses:
H1: The oil sector is a major factor that causes conflicts by making the state a target in the fight to control the resource.
H2: The presence of rich oil reserves in a region increases the chances of the locals to fight for their sovereignty, and the rise of separatist movements because of the perceived benefits.
H3: The oil sector is critical in funding the rebel organizations directly through extracting and selling of the products or by extorting rent from the oil corporations operating in the regions that they control.
Methodology
Background and Rationale for the Methodology
The choice of a comparative analysis method was important because of the need to determine the primary reason why oil looting is common in most of the politically unstable countries around the world. The events going on in Libya is unique in various ways compared with that of other countries such as Somalia, Iraq, Syria, and Libya (Ayelazuno, 2014). For instance, although the armed conflict is still going on in Syria, the president of the country (Bashar Hafez al-Assad) has not been toppled, which is not the same case as in Libya. In Syria, external military players from Russia and the United States are involved in the current armed conflicts either directly or indirectly. However, the Libyans are currently trying to redefine their political leadership without direct military intervention after the collapse of the Gaddafi regime. In Nigeria, democratically elected presidents have been in power since 1999 (Asal, Findley, Piazza, & Walsh, 2016). However, despite the relatively stable political environment in the country, many oil-rich provinces are directly or indirectly in control of the rebels. The decision to use a comparative analysis was arrived at because of the need to compare events in these different parts of the world where the problem is common (Duhalt, 2017). Before concluding the issue in Libya, looking at the events in these other countries would be necessary to make a comprehensive and fact-based conclusion. The analysis will help in exploring all the factors and how they are interrelated.
It focuses on the oil-producing areas of Libya where the rebels have challenged the authority and have taken control over the oil fields. It also focuses on the places where oil looting is the most common procedure in the country. This is why the research is designed in a different way to find out the answer to the most common question, which is the ways rebels are using for looting oil from Libya. The research design involves a comparison of similar cases with few similarities but with similar research objectives. In line with the case study method, which is considered as a special research methodology, this study will compare the findings of the case study of Ocakli and Scotch (2017). It focuses on oil looting areas in Libya to identify the potential utilization of looted oil. The insurgents of Libya are looting the oil but they are not using the oil directly, rather it is helping them to finance the rebellion (Paine, 2014). Hence, the study answers the questions using the most uniquely designed single case study method, as studying the oil looting areas and related news, journals, and papers is the only possible method of identifying the oil selling ways of the rebels.
A case study on the authorities in Libya could be considered as the most effective way of identifying the impact of authoritarian behavior on the Libyan rebellion. The authorities in Libya show a discriminative behavior to the different groups of people and it might have a significant impact on the oil looting (Roy, 2016). Hence, the research is designed to focus on answering this often raised issue by establishing a link between the presence of oil and the authoritarian behavior (Dizaji, Farzanegan, & Naghavi, 2016). The case would further establish a link between the discriminative behavior and the two-way movement and its intensity. No wars could sustain without sufficient supplies. Similarly, the duration of the civil conflict of Libya will not sustain for a long period unless the war is appropriately funded. Oil looting should be the most substantial source for the rebels, which is shown in the case study of Ocakli and Scotch (2017). Therefore, an in-depth case study on Libya would reveal the exact process of sustaining the civil conflict in the country as well as show the contribution of the oil sector to the sustainability of the conflict. In brief, the overall research design fits the methodology very well as it answers all the questions in the study. It also tests the three different but complementary hypotheses, which ultimately helps to conclude if the presence of oil in Libya has created political instability in the country or not.
Methods
Data Collection Method
Data used in this study will primarily be collected from secondary sources. The secondary data sources will be obtained from scholarly articles published in the recent past. Books on this topic will form another critical source of data. Data from different organizations, local and international news, data on oil production and distribution will also form an important source of information. The research will try to identify materials that explain the events in the country since the change of regime and how the oil trade has changed since then. The conflicts going on in the country has affected so many families. It will be prudent to collect information that explains why the rebels have decided to oppose the current regime. News reports research conducted in the country within the last five years can help in understanding the motivation behind the activities of the rebels in the country. Some of these researchers have directly engaged the rebels to understand why they fight the government and control the oil field. Accessing such materials will help in dissecting the problem in Libya by understanding its nature and motivations. Some of the studies have explained the impact of the ongoing rebellion and its impact on many families. The researcher will be keen to access literature that explains how victims of the war have suffered and the likelihood that they may also join or form rebel groups that may further affect the political stability in the country.
The rationale for the Selection of the Methods
Collecting primary data from respondents (rebels, victims, government officials, and experts) would have been very important in this study to help understand the current situation and how the players feel the problem should be addressed. However, the time available for this academic research and the current volatility in the region (security of foreigners is not guaranteed in the country) made it necessary to rely on the secondary data. As such, traditional library research (both the physical library and online libraries) was used in the study. The researcher made an effort to ensure that the articles and books used present the current situation in the country in the best way possible based on actual data collected in the country. The sources made it possible to have a true picture of the events in the country since the elimination of Muammar Gaddafi as the leader of the country (Smith, 2017). Data collection from many secondary sources would enable the selection of the most relevant data to test the hypotheses and to answer the questions. All the collected data relevant to the research can be easily analyzed through writing a case study using the data and then comparing it with the other similar case. Hence, the case study method seems to be effective in the case of Libya.
Potential Limitations of the Study
The study could use a case study model for analyzing quantitative data and qualitative data; future research using such a model could enhance the outcome of the research. The data will be collected from secondary sources that have focused on the oil looting in Libya, hence the result of a similar study on European countries or North America could present different outcomes. In this respect, the main limitation is that this study will rely primarily on the information of other scholars. The conclusion and possible recommendations will be informed (not by primary data collected from the field) but facts available in the books, journal articles, news reports, and other secondary sources. An extensive study on the topic would require a substantial amount of time; due to the shortage of time, the study might not cover all the aspects of the problem. The data given by some of the scholars might be misleading because of their interest in the current problem or their inability to be objective when they were conducting their study. The impact of oil on the sustainability of war cannot be shown empirically due to a lack of appropriate quantitative information.
Validity, reliability, and generalization
It is important to note that the validity and reliability of the study will rely on the information obtained from the secondary sources. To enhance validity and reliability, it was necessary to collect data from specific sources. The secondary data had to be from reliable and verifiable sources. Apart from that, the outcomes of the research are expected to be consistent with the previous research findings. Therefore, it is expected that the research findings will be reliable. The research data collection process will have an important impact on the research. The data collection process will use different approaches; and all the data collection processes will have a valid impact on the research. The collected data will, in general, be internally and externally validated. The generalization of the data will be subject to some factors. For instance, before generalizing that political instability and the emergence of insurgency groups are the main causes of oil looting in these volatile countries, other factors such as corruption and government laxity to act on the problem will have to be considered. The generalization will have to look at how all these factors interact to promote oil theft by non-state players. It will make it possible for the readers to understand the context under which the study can be applied appropriately.
Ethical Considerations
When conducting research, Cronin (2014) strongly advises that it is important to take into consideration all relevant ethical concerns. The study will carefully consider all the possible ethical aspects to make sure it does not violate any moral or ethical rights of the participants. When collecting the data and writing the report, the researcher will observe several ethical factors. The study will not disregard any data based on the opinion or personal bias of the researcher. Instead, all sources will be selected based on their authenticity to ensure that there will be no wrong information presented in the report. It will also be considered that the report does not follow any biases willingly while analyzing the data. The process of analysis will primarily be based on the information collected from the secondary sources. Cases, where personal feelings are expressed in the writing, will be avoided, especially during the analysis stage and in the presentation of the conclusion and recommendations. There should be no careless mistakes as the research was carried out with great care. While writing the report it will also be taken care of that the information was not taken from secondary sources without recognizing the contributors to the original work. The researcher will avoid any form of plagiarism, as directed by the school’s code of conduct. Any information collected from secondary sources will be properly referenced using American Psychological Association (APA) 6th edition referencing style. In short, when writing this research paper and publishing it, all the internally adopted ethical standards will be followed. It is my strong belief that the paper will not violate any ethical or moral regulations of publishing a research paper.
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