Cuba is located off the southern coastline of the USA and is the biggest island in the Caribbean. The present government of Cuba had taken over after the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista fell in 1959 and from that time onwards, Cuba has been a single party state ruled by Fidel Castro. Since the takeover by Castro, Cuba has been able to build a reputed education and health setup and attained a high literacy rate. After the political changes that happened in Eastern Europe in 1989, the Cuban government experienced severe hardships and had to introduce large scale rationing of consumer goods, food and energy.
Introduction
In the light of the Cuban circumstances and in view of the fact that the country has functioned and survived under extreme difficulties for several years and yet followed its own path, this paper will examine the extent to which its millennium goals have been successful. The economy of the country has managed to survive with the assistance from Canada, and some countries from Latin America and Europe by way of new investments, mainly in tourism1. Cuba has also been able to forge closer relations with Venezuela and the Chinese. China has invested extensively in the country’s nickel industry and Venezuela, in being rich with oil reserves, has assisted the country a great deal by supplying cheap fuel. In focusing on the internal conditions in Cuba, a country specific perspective will be provided; based on the theme that Cuba has to meet its millennium development goals by 2015. The background of the issues will be examined, an analysis will be made and subsequently an action plan formulated to achieve the given objectives.
The following are the eight Millennium Development Goals to be achieved by Cuba by the year 20152:
Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger
Achieve universal primary education
Promote gender equality and empower women
Reduce child mortality
Improve maternal health
Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases
Ensure environmental sustainability
Develop a global partnership for development
Background of the Issue
The Millennium Development Goals have been set in keeping with the priorities of the Cuban people at large so as to improve their health, education and economic conditions. Of the given objectives the most pertinent pertain to infant mortality, health and gender equality because in achieving such goals the country can surge towards rapid economic development3 (Patricia Grogg). It is estimated that about 4.8% of the population in the country lives below the poverty line, which is indeed very low as compared to international standards. The number of underfed children below the age of five years is quite worrisome since about 2% of them are undernourished and weigh less than what is considered healthy. Cuba has made considerable advances in reducing infant mortality which is evident from the fact that in 2003, there were 8 deaths per 1000 births, and since then, the figure has shown a constant decline. The Cuban government has taken initiatives in promoting healthy habits in regard to nutrition, and expecting mothers are cared for and put under medical supervision in the pre natal stage. Development and growth of children is monitored until they attain the age of one year. But the government needs to improve upon the present trends in making the health care system to reach up to the grassroots level so that there is no deviation from the goal of achieving perfection of an almost nil rate of infant mortality.
Significant progress has been made in regard to maternal health and according to indicators of the Human Development Report such figures for Cuba are the lowest in Latin America. The numbers of deaths during childbirth were 38.5 per 100,000 childbirths as of 2004, which too have been declining. The government is aiming to further improve upon the position by treating mothers at different stages of pregnancy as also after childbirth. All births are attended to and cared for by trained and skilled health care workers. There has been significant improvement in gender equality in the country during the preceding four decades. Presently 42% of government employment in non-agricultural functions is accounted for by women, while in the professional streams and in parliament they account for 66%, and 36% respectively. Gender equality is considered an important perspective to be improved upon and the government continues to make efforts to encourage and involve more women in entering professional services.
Cuba can proudly claim to have one of the highest percentages of children enrolling in schools, which presently stands at 98%. Literacy rates are increasing fast and the goal of universal education will be achieved very soon4. The prevalence of HIV and AIDS is very negligible in Cuba, unlike other countries. The figure is only 0.05% amongst pregnant women and the use of condoms is widespread with 73% of the adults using contraceptive measures. The eradication of malaria is a significant achievement and the incidence of death due to tuberculosis has been reduced to 0.4% per 100,000 people. In efforts to ensure environmental stability, forest fires have been considerably checked.
The question of forest fires is an important issue in Cuba since 24% of the total land is forested and the government continues to introduce new strategies to minimize and prevent fire incidents. Forests have been declared as protected areas and have been included within the legal structure so that biodiversity reserves, ecological reserves and parks are well cared for. The government has introduced strategies to reduce emission of carbon dioxide, by way of sponsoring national programs which support innovative techniques for industrial engines as also the non-wasteful utilization of energy. Education programs have been introduced that emphasize the relation between economic development and the environment. Cuba has also been able to achieve high purity standards for drinking water and presently safe drinking water and sanitation is available to 98% of the population.
Cuba continues to make efforts in developing global partnerships to foster economic and social development. A major problem faced by Cuba pertains to the trade embargo placed on it by the US in the 1960s. The resulting restrictions have caused severe difficulties in meeting the country’s needs for medicines and other essential commodities as also in partaking in international trade and commerce to reap the benefits of international cooperation.
Analysis
The Millennium Development Goals form an integral part of the Cuban government’s national mission. The government appears to be committed in achieving the given goals by 2015. Working under the aegis of the UNDP, annual reports are published in collaboration with the non-governmental organizations and academic institutions that outline the government’s performance in different sectors. The report for 2005 has portrayed the socio-economic condition of Cuba and concluded that the country has preserved the model of sustained human development along with equity as being a primary strategy for national development during the last forty years. The Cuban government has given importance to investing towards social and equitable development and consequently Cuba has exhibited comparatively higher social indicators.
The report of 2005 has clearly shown that the goals of reduction of child mortality, empowerment of women and gender equality and of universal primary education have been realized. Issues such as stopping the spreading of HIV/AIDS, improvement of maternal health and eradication of hunger and poverty are being handled effectively by the government and the objective will be achieved soon. There are two goals that need to be taken care of and more efforts are required by the government. In order to compete with the world and to improve its economic condition in the fast changing world order, Cuba must develop global partnerships. Economic development and increase in food supply remain issues that must be handled by the government on top priority. Cuba also needs to take stronger initiatives to rationalize the utilization of its natural resources and to protect its environment.
Recommendation for action
Although considerable improvements have been made in regard to human development, differences exist between the provincial and regional levels. The eastern provinces are less developed and hence require stronger inputs for development. In order to ensure environmental sustainability the Cuban authorities must conceptualize a framework so that the principles of sustainable development are well integrated into the country’s programs and policies to bring a turn around in the present pattern of losses occurring to environmental resources. The problem of scarcity of safe drinking water to a large number of people must be addressed and solution achieved by adopting remedial measures. In order to survive and to make a mark in the global economic scenario, the government has to develop global partnerships to reap the benefits of international cooperation. Cuba has not yet exploited the benefits accruing from information technology and must cooperate with its private sector in making available the advantages of latest techniques in regard to communication and information technology. In a fast changing world order it becomes essential for the country to transform its image globally and equip itself in a manner that makes its people to be technically advanced in meeting the emerging challenges. Government policies must change so that Cuban citizens are at par with the world especially in terms of internet usage and availability of the infrastructure in this regard.
Conclusion
Cuba is a country that has immense potential to emerge as a formidable economic power and must change its strategies so that it can compete in the global arena in making a strong presence in trade and commerce which is essential in keeping with the pattern of rapid economic development being undertaken by most of the developing countries. The country has been able to overcome most of the problems related to the achievement of primary education for all, reduction of child mortality, empowerment of women and gender equality. Considerable success has been achieved in the eradication of poverty and in prevention of AIDS/HIV. However lot of efforts are required to be made in sustaining the environment and in developing global partnerships since it is very important for Cuba to reap the benefits of economic development, otherwise it will be left behind which will cause long term damages to its people and to future generations. Cuba must take immediate initiatives in developing its technological base and reap the benefits of information technology so that its people become technical savvy in the current competitive environment5.
Bibliography
Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. International Relations: 2008-2009.
Patricia Grogg, Gaps in Gender Equality in Cuba, march 27, 2009, Inter Press Service News Agency.
Robert B. Watts, Caribbean Maritime Migration: Challenges for the New Millennium, 2008, Journal of the Naval Postgraduate School Center for Homeland defense and Security, Supplement No. 2.
Wang Hongjiang, UNESCO: Cuba to meet Millennium Development Goals on education, 2007, China View.
Footnotes
Robert B. Watts, Caribbean Maritime Migration: Challenges for the New Millennium, 2008, Journal of the Naval Postgraduate School Center for Homeland defense and Security, Supplement No. 2, 2008.
MUNDI, Millennium development Goals: Cuba, Web.
Patricia Grogg, Gaps in Gender Equality in Cuba, march 27, 2009, Inter Press Service News Agency.
Wang Hongjiang, UNESCO: Cuba to meet Millennium Development Goals on education, 1.12.2007, China View.
Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. International Relations: 2008-2009, Update. 8th ed. 2009, New York: Pearson Longman.
Syria has been going through a crisis since time immemorial. The force that has been driving the crisis is the need for Syria to stay at the peak of power. However, since other countries have also been struggling to assume the same power, Syria has found itself in a situation that has forced it to use all the available means to retain its powers. The situation has culminated in the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime. President Bashar al-Assad’s government brought much hope of a better future to the people and civil rights activists.
His entry into power was marked by the release of political prisoners and conferences where discussions on political reforms took place. However, in a turn of events, the Syrian president changed his stand and ordered a halt to all discussions about political reforms.
He also ordered the re-arrest of all political prisoners who had been released initially. Bashar seemed to have taken up the advice of his close advisors who viewed his actions as a show of weakness. The change that many people were hoping for was not forthcoming, thus leaving them disappointed.
In 2011, rebellions that were taking place in the Middle East affected Tunisia and Egypt. This situation motivated the Syrian people to rise and call for reforms. It initially began with the mobilization of people to mass action through social networks. However, this initiative did not result in mass turnouts. The spraying of graffiti by high school children on their school walls ignited the flame. The slogans indicated that the Syrian people were no longer interested in the current regime and that they needed a change.
All these children were arrested. Their whereabouts remained unclear. What followed next was a protest by their parents demanding their release. The government ignored their demands and seemed not startled by their behavior. After intense pressure, the government finally succumbed to the demands of the parents. However, this move did not make things any easier for the government. There were signs of torture on the children, which drew much sympathy for the affected families from people across the country.
People were now fed up with having to lead their lives in constant fear of the government. The country erupted into a series of massive anti-government protests that demanded the removal of the government from power and the institution of reforms. The country’s economy was performing poorly. There was increasing unemployment in the country. Continued economic sanctions that were imposed against the country were affecting it negatively.
The country’s population was fast running out of patience and wanted to see political and economic change. The protests were initially peaceful but with time evolved into an armed conflict resulting in a civil war. The government fought hard to dismantle the rebel groups and end their activities. However, the rebels continued gaining ground, thus presenting a threat to the government control of the country. The situation was made worse when some foreign countries came to the aid of the rebels.
The continued defeat of the government led to its use of chemical weapons to suppress and deter opposition. As the paper reveals, this situation led to the intervention of the UN. The paper explores the situation in Syria that led to the use of chemical weapons, the effects of the use, and the role of the UN in the crisis.
The Use of Chemical Weapons in Syria
The basic understanding of a chemical weapon is any toxic chemical in a delivery system, which may be a shell or a bomb (Trapp 7). The United Nations’ understanding of a chemical arsenal is any poisonous substance that has the effect of bringing about damage, sensory exasperation, impermanent incapacitation, or bereavement via its reaction.
Basing on the description of chemical weapons and their effect, the UN was able to conclude that indeed, chemical weapons were being used by the Syrian regime against its citizens (Ruffini and Ruffini 176). It made use of samples from seven of instances in which the regime is said to have employed the use of chemical weapons. Therefore, it suffices to explore why such weapons were used before proceeding to reveal an instance where such weapons were used.
During the outbreak of the civil war, the Syrian government felt threatened. Its efforts to clamp down on the rebel factions seemed not to bear fruits since the opposition, and other groups that were fighting against the government kept on concurring and capturing territories that were initially under government control (Mackenzie 11).
The situation for the Syrian government became even worse when some foreign countries sided with the rebels and even began giving them support in terms of military skills and strategies, ammunition, and intelligence. This turn of events strengthened the rebels, thus posing a big threat to the government. President Bashir al-Assad had initially sworn not to step down from power. He had resolved to stay in power at all costs.
For this reason, after observing the developments in the country, he resorted to the use of chemical weapons out of desperation. He seemed not to consider the fact that his reputation and that of his country were already tarnished. If he had considered this situation, in any case, it means that spoiling this already poor reputation further did not bother him at all. His actions showed the extent to which he was willing to go to maintain his grasp on power.
Assad strongly believes in a secularist state as opposed to a religious one. Syria is currently the only country that has remained a secular state in the region. He knows that if he steps down, the country’s leadership will probably be taken over by the affiliates of the Islam religion who form a majority of the population. A democratic process of electing leaders will always ensure that Muslims take a vast majority of the leadership roles (Yahia 174).
Assad believes that having most leadership positions in the hands of the Muslims means that they will most likely ensure they put in place policies that give due advantage to the Muslims while disadvantaging other minority groups. The resultant government may also make Islam the state religion. In some of his speeches, he has been quoted saying that he does not believe the West might intervene in the Civil war militarily since this move can be suicidal.
According to him, the consequences of such action will be too dear for the western countries to contemplate (Mucha 140). This seems like one of the factors that make Assad confident about his ability to emerge the winner in this situation and implement his ideologies. Therefore, his plan to use chemical weapons remains the only strategy that will make him cling to the heights on power.
Chemical Attack on Ghouta
The August 21 incident of attack in Ghouta near the city of Damascus provided the clearest indication and evidence of the use of chemical weapons. Most parts of the area were at that time under the control of the opposition forces. The Syrian government’s motive in using the chemical weapons was to intimidate the opposition and make it relent in its war against the government.
The opposition was fast becoming a real force to reckon. Assad’s regime was afraid of losing power if it were to continue fighting using the ordinary weaponry. Therefore, the assault was carried out using rockets that contained a compound content that was identified as sarin. Credible proof of this element was found in regions such as Moadamiyah and Ein Tarma. Happening is one of the biggest chemical assaults in Syria that took the lived of many innocent individuals.
It occurred within a short period during the morning hours. About 1729 people were critically injured with 51 of them being rebel fighters. The occurrence is touted as the biggest of a chemical attack since the one experienced in the Iran-Iraq war. According to experts, the quality of the sarin used in the Syrian case was of higher quality about the one in the Iraq-Iran war. Higher quality implied higher purity, and hence deadly.
The perpetrators of the attack are likely to have made use of chemicals in government custody judging by the quantity and quality of the chemicals. Persons with expertise in the use of such weapons must have done the handling of the chemicals. Such expertise can only be found in the military. This observation points out the government’s involvement in the use of such weapons. The kind of weapons needed to launch and propel the rockets that were used to deliver the chemicals could have only been in the custody of the Syrian government.
Two alleged interruptions of contact incriminated the Syrian administration to the extent of attracting outstanding media reporting. One of them is a handset call that was cut off involving Syrian administrators. The unit passed it to the US. The second one was also a phone call that was allegedly intercepted by the German Bundesnachrichtendienst involving the Iranian Embassy and a high-ranking Hezbollah representative where the official mentioned that the poisonous gas had been used (Mackenzie 11).
According to the official, an order by Assad to attack using chemical weapons was a strategic error. On August 29, the Associated Press reported that two US intelligence officials confirmed that the US had intercepted communication between low-ranking officials of the Syrian government who did not have any direct connection with the powerful government officials or high-ranking officials in the military.
According to German intelligence, German newspapers, later on, reported that it was highly unlikely that Assad was responsible for ordering the attacks. Based on contact disturbance by ‘Oker,’ a German ship, the Bild newspaper reported that intelligence disruption experts found out that chief martial officers in the Syrian armed forces had been repeatedly and unsuccessfully seeking the go-ahead to inaugurate chemical assaults.
The intelligence officer concluded that Bashar al-Assad might have disapproved of the use of chemical attacks in the August 21 incident. This claim seems to be consistent with the comments of a senior intelligence officer in the US who said that sensors placed on the stockpiles of the Syrian government’s chemical weapons did not depict any signs of preparation for the use of chemical weapons before the attacks in Ghouta (Mackenzie 11). This evidence seems to suggest that Bashar al-Assad may not be to blame after all.
The Outcome of using Chemical Weapons
In the aftermath of the attack, both the opposition and the government accused each other of perpetrating the chemical attack. However, independent observers, together with Arab and Western governments, lay the blame squarely on forces that were allied to the Syrian government under the stewardship of President Bashar al-Assad. The Russian government took a unique stand by seemingly siding with Assad’s regime.
In its statement, it accused the rebels of conducting the chemical attacks secretly and then condemning the government falsely to attract the sympathy of other countries. Russia believed that the rebels were trying to frame the government for the attack so that it can get military assistance from other countries (Katz 41).
In a quick reply, investigators dismissed this argument as unconvincing and based on ‘poor theories.’ They explained that the hexamine, a chemical component of which Bashar’s administration had about 80 tones in its stock, was in the formula of the chemical weapon.
Debates prevailed in several countries on whether a military intervention against the Syrian government was necessary. The debates seemed to bring about a change of heart to the Syrian regime. The Syrian government declared its wish to join the convention on chemical weapons in an attempt to get rid of its chemical weapons. However, it did not admit to the use of chemical weapons in the Ghouta attack.
Sources confirmed that indeed Syria had made an effort to destroy about 92.5 percent of its chemical weapons but missed the agreed-upon deadline. There were still claims by the British and French governments that there still existed continued use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government forces (Katz 41). England claimed that the Syrian regime was using chlorine as a war weapon and that it was still in possession of a chemical warhead of a kind that could be used to strike in a way similar to the Ghouta attack.
In the aftermath of the August 21 attack on Ghouta, several LCC media journalists went to the area to document the evidence of the attacks. Nearly all of them died because of inhaling neurotoxic fumes. Murad Abu Bilal was the sole survivor from the LCC media house. The videos that were recorded during a visit to the Ghouta region were posted on YouTube (Trapp 20). They attracted media attention from across the globe.
Professional forecasters who studied the film pointed to the well-built verification of the presence of deadly poisonous substances that had been deployed in the assaults. Some of the symptoms that were observed in the videos include tremors, foaming at the mouth, and rolling of eyes (Sharp and Blanchard 15). A very disturbing image of a small child who was suffering from miosis was revealed. Miosis is a pinpoint effect on the pupil that is associated with sarin whose use in Syria had taken place before.
Ralph Trapp is a former scientist with an organization that works on the ways of prohibiting the use of chemical weapons. He revealed how the footage depicted the effect that a chemical attack would have on a civilian area. From the scenes from the videos, one can make sense of the high death toll reports. With a gas attack, especially in the buildup area, one would expect the effects to be adverse. The footage changed the opinion of some of the chemical weapon experts who had initially ruled out the possibility of sarin.
There would have been stronger indicators in terms of symptoms for sarin to be present. Among these experts is Jean Pascal Zanders who later on changed his opinion on the issue saying that he strongly believed that indeed sarin was used in the attacks. However, he cautioned against rushing to conclusions about the issue and called for people to maintain an open mind, exercise patience, and wait upon the United Nations’ report after it had concluded its investigations (Sen and Al-Faisal 196).
In an interview with the BBC, Hamish de Bretton-Gordon, a former commander and chemical and biological expert, said that images in the footage resembled the ones he had observed in previous incidents. However, he was quick to add that he was not in a position to verify the images.
Evidence of Chemical Attacks
Witnesses’ statements of the delivery methods and accompanying symptoms were consistent with the use of chemical nerve agents. Witnesses said that the remains of the rockets that were used to carry the perceived neurotoxic gases could be seen still intact in the affected areas (Sankari, Atassi, and Sahloul 84). This finding was suggestive of a situation that involved chemical weapons whereby the delivery rockets or bombs did not detonate when they were exposed to the surface.
In a report that addressed Syria, CBS News confirmed the scrutiny by organic and compound armaments professionals who depicted some steadiness that singled out the armed forces as the only body that had admission to comprehension regarding the release of the projectile gadgets and the element (sarin) that were apparently utilized in Ghouta to slaughter many innocent civilians. British officials have been on record saying that no opposition group was capable of conducting an attack of the magnitude that was witnessed in Ghouta.
A human rights body reported that two kinds of projectiles were employed in the chemical attacks. According to the report, the first type was a 140mm-projectile that was manufactured in Russia with the capacity to convey three missiles, with each carrying 2200-gram sarin substance. The second type was a 330mm rocket whose warhead was designed to bear and deliver a huge load of liquid chemical agent (Sankari, Atassi, and Sahloul 84). Missiles professionals, among other bodies, have been following up on the use of arsenal in Syria.
However, they are yet to confirm the ownership of both types of projectiles or their origins by any of the resistant martial. Indications depict high chances of these rockets have been produced locally with a limited range.
In a research that was done at the beginning of 2014, the Massachusetts foundation of machinery reported that rockets that were used in the attack had a collection of approximately 2000 meters. This observation suggests that the ammunitions could hardly have been launched from the Eastern edge of the area that was controlled by the Syrian government.
While running some of the health facilities in the region of Eastern Damascus, which recorded 3600 patients in less than three hours following the attack, doctors reported that a large number of the patients who were arriving at their facilities had excess saliva, convulsion, pinpoint pupils, respiratory diseases, and blurred vision (Sankari, Atassi, and Sahloul 84). Other symptoms included frothing at one’s mouth, suffocation, and muscle spasms.
Some statements from witnesses reported symptoms such as nausea, headaches, death at home while one was asleep, smell that was similar to that of rotten eggs and vinegar, bodies turning blue, form flowing from the nose and mouth, itching, and reddening of the eyes. A special report in an English newspaper gave an abstract of the declarations from spectators in Syria claiming that although many innocent lives may have been lost from chemical poisoning, many survivors were left weak, trembling, and bewildered.
In Syria, the center that was responsible for documenting violations published several testimonies giving a summary of descriptions by paramedics and doctors as foamy salivation, dyspnea, heart, and respiratory failure, oozing of blood out of the mouth and nose, memory loss, hallucinations, and severe agitation among others.
In his examination of the declarations by health officers in Syria, Dr. Amesh Adalja established that such testimonials pointed to what one can term as nerve-agent toxification. He feels that symptoms such as ‘unusually small pupils’ suggest that the effects are definitely for chlorine gas or mustard gas. Rather, they might have a link with soman, tabun, sarin, and VX.
Bart Janssens, the Director of operations at Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), asserted that Medecins Sans Frontiers could not either confirm the cause of the symptoms scientifically or determine the person responsible for conducting the attacks (Sankari, Atassi, and Sahloul 84).
CBRNe World’s editorial director Gwyn Winfield analyzed some of the videos of the victims in the Syrian attacks and commented through the magazine’s site saying that the nerve spasms and respiratory diseases are a clear outcome of the use of a demonstration a chemical warfare agent.
Assad’s Response to the Protests
Bashar al-Assad’s response to these protests resembled what his father had done three decades earlier in 1982 during an attempted coup on the government. The government resorted to violence in its attempt to quell the protests, which the opposition had also joined. There was an order from the government instructing security forces to use all means, as they would deem it necessary, to end the countrywide protests. This outcome led to the arrest, imprisonment, and even torture of protestors.
The president restricted rallies and protests, gagged the media, re-introduced the arbitrary arrest and detention of individuals, and scrapped off some of the rights that people enjoyed. The battles and bloodshed that followed culminated into a civil war. During some of the protests, Assad sent his security forces to kill innocent civilians (Trapp 8). This move intensified the war between the opposition and the government. Control of some cities kept changing hands between the government and the opposition.
Role of the UN
The UN plays a critical role in resolving conflicts. Its state of neutrality and independence makes it the most preferred institution in brokering peace between or among warring factions. In July of 2012, the Syrian overseas minister threatened to use both biological and chemical weapons against what he termed as unfriendly outside forces, which were pegged on felling the Syrian government that was duly elected by the people of Syria (Brodwin 34).
The statement welcomed varied reactions from different stakeholders in the negotiation of peace in Syria. The head of the United Nations peace mission in Syria left the peace talks. Several high-ranking officials in Assad’s administration also defected from the government. Barrack Obama, as the US president warned against a chemical attack by adding that it would cause the US to rethink its stand on the state of affairs in Syria. This turn of events seemed not to have startled Bashar al-Assad’s resolution.
In the spring of 2013, there were reports of chemical attacks in the country that spread worldwide. A medical charity led by ‘doctors without borders’ confirmed that it had treated more than 3000 patients for exposure to chemical attacks. 300 of the 3000 victims succumbed to the effects of the chemical attacks. Another chemical attack by the government on August 21, 2013, in the suburbs of Eastern Damascus resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people.
Calls emerged for the United Nations to investigate the matter using weapon inspectors (Trapp 10). The UN was determined to find out the truth about the different events that took place in the country. The UN Security Council reached a unanimous decision to send chemical weapon experts to Syria to unravel the mystery behind the chemical weapons. These efforts faced a setback as some unidentified snipers regularly shot at the investigators.
A bombardment of some of the towns was witnessed where the investigators were going to conduct investigations. The regime also had a habit of hiding evidence, which the investigators were trying to find. The UN continues to play a critical role in the crisis. It has been instrumental in ensuring that people who were affected by the war get access to shelter, food, and clean drinking water. At present, it is still involved in efforts to end the war.
However, the UN needs to speed up the process of finding a solution to this problem since so many lives are being lost every passing day. The UN has been at the forefront in helping Syria find a solution to the crisis that it is currently facing. It has been able to bring together representatives from the opposition and Assad’s regime through several peace missions.
However, the outcome of this initiative has not been encouraging. In the peace talks held by the UN, Assad has always maintained that he will not be willing to let go of power. This position has made it almost impossible to make any meaningful progress.
Another critical role of the UN is the provision of necessities for people who were displaced by the war. Through its various umbrella bodies, the UN has been able to reach out to the victims of the war. It has been able to provide them with food, clean drinking water, and housing. This effort is quite commendable. Also, one of the most promising steps that the United Nations took on the issue of Syria was the undisputed making of a declaration to wipe out Syria’s entire chemical armaments.
This decision came to a short while after the August 21 chemical attack on Damascus that claimed many lives. The UN set up a deadline for the Syrian government to implement this resolution. Although the Syrian regime did not fully meet the expectations of the UN, it was able to destroy about 92% of the available chemical weaponry. However, the UN needs to do more to ensure that all the remaining stockpiles of chemical weapons are destroyed.
Conclusion
The use of chemical weapons has devastating effects, which are difficult to comprehend. The effects are, in some cases, long term. The situation can be worse when these weapons get into the wrong hands. They pose a threat to the stability of nations across the world. The people of Syria have suffered a great deal from the use of these weapons. It is sad that despite the events that have taken place in Syria, many countries still keep stockpiles of chemical weapons.
There is no valid reason that can justify the possession of such weapons. Some of the world’s most powerful countries should lead from the front in the efforts to get rid of some of these weapons. It will be unfair for any country to try to solve the issue of these weapons without ridding itself of such weapons. However, any country that possesses them should justify the Syrian regime’s use of chemical weapons on its citizens. Assad needs to stop his use of chemical weapons.
The issue of Assad stepping down should be handled cautiously to ensure that peace returns to the country instead of another state of instability. Countries with democratic practices should ensure they protect their democracies to avoid a Syrian kind of situation.
Works Cited
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Katz, Mark. “Russia and the Conflict in Syria: Four Myths.” Middle East Policy 20.2 (2013): 38-46. Print.
Mackenzie, Debora. “Threat watch: Did Syria use chemical weapons or not?.” New Scientist 218.2915 (2013): 11. Print.
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Ruffini, Giovanni, and Giovanni Ruffini. “Theodoret’s People: Social Networks and Religious Conflict in Late Roman Syria (review).” Journal of Early Christian Studies 20.1 (2012): 174-176. Print.
Sankari, Abdulghani, Basel Atassi, and Mohammed Sahloul. “Syrian field hospitals: A creative solution in urban military conflict combat in Syria.” Avicenna Journal of Medicine 3.3 (2013): 84. Print.
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There is no doubt that the rapid growth of modern technology can be regarded as one of the most significant factors defining the image of human society in different countries, especially in those with developed economies. In fact, there is a need to meet new requirements that include active use of digital devices, an appropriate level of computer literacy, and a deeper understanding of ethical and legal issues that are closely interconnected with the new facts of life.
This necessity acts as a factor that encourages representatives of a wide range of multinational organizations to give special consideration to the problems of the digital age. One organization that has managed to master new digital technology is the United Nations.
In discussing the United Nations and its demonstrated readiness for the digital age, it is necessary to pay increased attention to innovations related to digital technology that have improved the position and social reputation of the organization. When it comes to the positive side of the problem, it is important to note that many representatives of the United Nations are deeply concerned about the problem of safety and privacy inherent in the ongoing growth and development of technology.
As an active user of digital innovations, the United Nations recognizes that digital communication is becoming increasingly popular. Thus, it is becoming easier for organizations and individuals who are pursuing their own agendas to intercept the conversations of other people and, therefore, violate their essential rights. To express its concerns, four years ago, the organization presented a resolution aimed at protecting privacy (“The right to privacy in the digital age”, n.d.).
It is important to note that the formula of success implemented by the United Nations involves the hard work of trained professionals in the field; thus, the organization launched an initiative (UN ICT TF) aimed at supporting the development of digital innovations in different countries (Subramanian, 2014). The projects implemented within the frame of the initiative were extremely different in terms of their outcomes, and this factor may be regarded as one of the weaknesses of the activity of the United Nations.
Despite that fact, there are many positive elements in the work of the United Nations in connection with the digital age. Understanding that many people worldwide desire easier access to information related to UN publications and initiatives, the organization has introduced a range of digital products such as smartphone applications, databases, and electronic readers that allow people to stay informed about the decisions supported or rejected by the organization (“Digital,” n.d.).
In providing easy access to information, the United Nations is demonstrating its readiness to meet the requirements that are unique to the digital age and is helping many researchers who are working in different fields to find more reliable sources of information.
In the end, it can be concluded that the United Nations and its representatives are ready for the digital age; the organization has managed to take measures related to the implementation of digital systems that are helping to improve the effectiveness of the work. In addition, the United Nations has focused on developing initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of individuals and organizations. Although the representatives of the organization may need to use better tools to forecast the outcomes and viability of the projects that they support, the current activity of the United Nations seems to be extremely useful to modern society.
References
Digital. (n.d.). Web.
Subramanian, R. (2014). Internet governance: A developing country perspective. Communications of the IIMA, 13(4), 1.
International law is one of the major reasons for the growth of the United Nations Organization. Different nations try to become members of the United Nations because of the numerous benefits of such membership. As contemporary society is known for its law-abiding representatives, everything is claimed to be performed in accordance with the international law system. In this respect, it is easier to adjust the laws of the country to the international requirement if a country is a member of the United Nations Organization. So, being considered a law-abiding country is one of the reasons for the growth of the United Nations.
Reason Two: Security
As all members of the global community have some different national requirements concerning security measures and rules and regulations of this issue, nations can join the organization in order to be secured from the interventions from other members of this organization. In accordance with the report introduced by Attina (2008), sometimes, interventions aimed at the establishment of peace and control of violence appear to be ineffective (p. 6). In other words, the more nations seek for security in the world, the more potential members the United Nations Organization has every year; this factor predetermines the growth.
Reason Three: Economic Development
Economic development seems to be one of the most important factors in the concept of United Nations’ growth because all country-members of the global community are engaged in the commercial and other types of economic relations hence being active participants of the international economic activity. As well as international law regulations, international economic regulations appear to be useful for all participants of international economic relations hence involving more members each year.
Reason Four: Social Progress
Social relations are an integral part of human life and all sectors of activity; this is one of the reasons for different countries to be willing to become members of the United Nations Organization and enjoy equal rights with other full members of this organization. As a rule, potential members of the UNO are required to establish a democratic political power to become eligible for the membership, otherwise being criticized by the global media. Thus, countries try to pass laws that are aimed at increasing their chances to become country-members of the UNO, including consideration of health care spending (Hagist & Kotlikoff, 2006, p. 2) and the retiring age factors.
Reason Five: Human Rights
Human rights include freedoms and liberties of people in different sectors of human activity, including economic, social, and political areas. Potential country-members take measures to become active members of the United Nations Organization to enjoy equal rights established and observed by other members of the organization. As a rule, countries that want to join the UNO are required to observe all international regulations concerning this sector of international relations.
Reason Six: World Peace Achievement
Peacekeeping is the hidden reason behind a desire to invade the country and misappropriate its resources under the veil of international security under the aegis of the UNO. In this respect, more and more countries try to join this organization to avoid being invaded. A membership guarantees, in a way, security, which brings us to the second reason. So, countries that want to become members of the UNO want to have some benefits from this membership; as a rule, those include some economic, political, and social privileges in the world arena compared to non-members.
Reference List
Attina, F. (2008). Multilateral security trends. An analysis of 124 UN, NATO, OSCE, and EU’s peacekeeping operations. ISA Annual Convention in San Francisco.
Hagist, C., & Kotlikoff, L. J. (2006). Health care spending: What the future will look like. NCPA Policy Report No. 286. Dallas: National Center for Policy Analysis.
The G4 movement involves four major countries: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan. These countries are pushing for expansion of the United Nations Security Council seats while, and at the same time, striving for each other to gain permanent seats on the assembly. These proposals are to be effected through a process that is similar to the 1963 Charter amendment voting that increased the number of permanent seats from eleven to fifteen and ensure equal participation of member countries in the council’s activities.
The need to reform the UNSecurity Council
Reforms in the Security Council are necessary to ensure that poor and rich countries are well represented in both permanent and non permanent assembly seats and those ones advocating for international peace which are given a chance to exercise their responsibilities (Sturchler, 2007). The reforms will also ensure the rule of lawis exercised as outlined in the security charter rather in the attaining global security.
Failures and shortcomings of the United Nations Security Council.
Most global security issues have political undertakings that the super powers use to dictate and influence the operations of the council, hence, overriding its procedures, for instance, the forceful invasion of Iraq by the United states of America without the consent of the council (Sturchler, 2007). Misplaced priorities like this war have exposed the council as being weak and inefficient while the existence of the international terror groups like Al-Qaeda is as a result of the limited ideologies on how to handle and manage them. There are so many inter-states conflicts that continue to raise international tensions and fear due to the little representation of the poor nations at the Security Council. The world summits are usually held in the countries that are developed in terms of economies, politics or ideologies which are very discriminatory.
How the proposal will address the concerns about theSecurity Council
This proposal to increase the number of both the permanent and non permanent seats in the Security Council will ensure that all the member states are regionally represented regardless of whether they are developed or underdeveloped (Sturchler, 2007). In addition to that, it will ensure decisions that are made with adequate considerations of member state’s dignity without the contravention of their policies or the practices. Moreover, the increasing the membership will ensure equal representation of members at the Security Council that will go a long way to boost credibility and trust of member states to the council and other United Nations affiliate organs.
Willingness and support for the proposal
Majority of the member states have faith in the Security Council reforms and, similar to the 1963 votes, there will be overwhelming support to vote for these reforms. Judging by the number of the member states representations at the G4 movement meetings, it is very clear that the G4 proposals are good enough and will go through as security matters are urgent and important for countries relations and development.
Conclusion
The main question of the G4 movement is an improvement on the existing structure. The G4 movement is advocating for simple majority voting as a fair way of increasing the number ofpermanent seats at the Security Council unlike the unjustified consensus proposal by the Coffee Club members which is a replication of the existing structure.
Reference
Sturchler, N. (2007). The Threat of Force in International Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
To be a non-profit organization means to work in order to achieve some other results than high incomes. Very often, there are some ethical or moral purposes. However, even in this case, such organizations face serious problems. UNICEF is not an exception. In its work, this organization has to find good and unusual solutions to very complicated problems (About UNICEF: Who we are, 2012). It is possible to give some examples to support this statement with clear evidence. One of the most important problems which UNICEF now faces is the question of financing (Our Finances: Efficient and Verified, n.d). The thing is that the benefits of economic development do not always lead to improvement of the conditions under which children live (Emerging issues, n.d.).
That is why the next problem is connected with this one. It is the problem of equality. Not all children all over the world have the same conditions for their development and life. In some states, they are almost deprived of a childhood. One more problem is connected with the peculiarities of the functioning of UNICEF. Its main aim is to guarantee good conditions for all children all over the world. However, sometimes it is impossible to reach places where people suffer. These problems exist because of the difference in the development of countries. Unfortunately, there are still states where the economy is weak and people suffer. Moreover, wars also make the situation worse. Besides, politicians often do not take into account the needs of their electorate, preferring to pretend that everything is fine and the problem does not exist. However, it is not true. Moreover, it is very difficult to find a solution under these conditions. However, UNICEF is not able to give up as it appreciates moral and ethical issues and follows the principles of utilitarianism in its work (Fieser & Moseley, 2012). This fund still tries to find good solutions to existing problems.
It is possible to suggest that UNICEF can involve some investors and powerful for-profit organizations like Apple to help the fund in its struggle. These organizations can give huge sums of money in order to improve conditions under which children live in poor countries or at least create hospitals and some centers which are vital for children’s survival. Another solution to this problem can be the attempt to draw the attention of the whole world to some problematic regions. Prosperous countries can help the poor ones and UNICEF can be the guarantor of this help. The problem with the access can be solved by opening some local headquarters of this fund in the regions which need some help most of all.
Having outlined the main problems and possible solutions to them, it is possible to find the best one. The attempt to draw the attention of society seems to be the best solution to the first two problems. Moreover, it looks quite realistic and efficient. The third problem can be solved by opening new headquarters and that is why new investments are needed. The involvement of international companies can be a good solution to this problem, however, it is very difficult to make them do it because of their benefit-oriented nature.
Throughout all history, humanity recognized children to be the future of the planet. That is why people tried to create better conditions for their living. However, in some regions, it is very difficult to do it because of a set of problems. In such cases, the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) tries to help children in these areas and guarantee their living under good conditions. The organization was created in 1946 as a part of the United Nations and now it is one of the members of the United Nations Development Group. The main duty of the organization is to protect children’s rights and life throughout the world, guaranteeing education and health protection for them. It appreciates the life of a child and his mother most of all. The greater part of the money which is used by this fund to help children comes from unsolicited contributions of different organizations and persons who want to support the activity of this Fund.
The headquarter of the organization is situated in New York. However, there is a great number of different offices all over the world which regulate the activity of the company and promote its prompt response to any need. Nowadays, UNICEF is one of the most widespread organizations which has its representatives in a great number of different countries all over the world. There are regional offices in, Panama City, Geneva, Bangkok, Nairobi, Amman, Kathmandu, and Dakar (Millennium Development goals, n.d.). A great number of offices in main regions of the world underlines the organizations power and influence.
UNICEF exempt from tax under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code and qualifies for the maximum charitable contribution deduction by donors (Our Finances: Efficient and Verified, n.d.). The reason for it lies in the character of its activity as UNICEF is usually associated with charity and some other functions which help people all over the world. Moreover, nowadays, after 60 years of its work, UNICEF supplies 7000 people with workplaces in 157 countries (Millennium Development goals, n.d.). It is a great achievement for a nonprofit organization that tries to make the world better. However, sometimes the company can meet some obstacles usually connected with the complexity of delivery of some humanitarian or other help to certain regions. However, being a rather powerful and respectful organization, UNICEF has its own mechanisms of influence. Diplomatic steps made by this organization usually are effective enough to guarantee success and find a solution to the problem. Being neutral, very often this organization is able to obtain admittance to war struck regions in order to help people to survive.
The UN Security Council has the sole mandate of maintaining international peace and security throughout the world. So far, it has managed to do so with the maintenance of law and order in countries like Afghanistan, Cambodia, Namibia, and the likes. Its track record has been highlighted by the maintenance of peace and policing of truces to end some of the bloodiest world conflicts; however, other credits have been attributed to the council’s commitment to helping nations build their economies after wars and in bringing perpetrators to book. Some of its successes on this front are like bringing Libya to account for its bombings in Pan Am 103, and the acknowledgment of Colonial Rhodesian leaders of their war crimes during an endless oppressive regime they let thrive under their watch.
However, recent developments, especially in the gulf have cast a lot of doubt on the council’s ability to maintain world peace and security. One notable development was the failure of the council to prevent the recent Iraq invasion by the US in 2002, under former President Bush’s government. In addition, the council was unable to stop wars in Somalia, Bosnia, and Rwanda, thereby giving room for critics to castigate the council as ineffective and full of fiascoes. In this context, the UN Security Council has been threatened by the power of willing nations to carry out their military actions in foreign lands before getting the go-ahead from the council. Nonetheless, the UN Security Council is the only body that can confer the legitimacy of the use of military force, even though some nations may not be in agreement with its decision. In other words, the council is recognized globally for the authorization of armed forces in international conflicts.
However, the council as a body has often experienced challenges in trying to enforce its decisions in major world conflicts, as can be seen from Iraq’s invasion into Kuwait in the 90s. Some of the hurdles experienced arise out of legal challenges and the interpretation of its mandate in stopping world conflicts. Some of its powers in enforcing military actions are stipulated in article 39 of the UN charter; but, before the body can exercise its authority, it has to determine certain elements like the threat to peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression, by one of the states engaged in war. Furthermore, the council’s actions are stipulated in articles 41 and 42 of the UN charter as either forcible or non-forcible actions.
This study seeks to determine the scope and powers of the UN about authorizing armed force by the UN charter which determines its powers in effecting military action on rogue states. However, this is going to be done with special reference to the Iraq – Kuwait invasion in 1991 and the council’s resolution (678) that led to the withdrawal of Iraq troops from Kuwait. This study will further analyze the form and content of this resolution during the war and its implications in the enforcement of future council actions in international conflicts.
Conceptual Analysis
A few years preceding the Iraq – Kuwait invasion, the UN Security Council had found a new spirit of cooperation among member states, prompting many proponents of the Council’s actions to openly boast of the Council’s capability to finally end the scourge of war among nations. The council’s five permanent seating members had finally decided to be regularly consult with each other during the process of resolving world conflicts, by maintaining a cordial working relationship under the system of rotating chairmanship in the council’s leadership; however, the Iraq -Kuwait conflict cast a lot of doubt to the council’s ability in dealing with conflicts, especially after the council exhibited a lack of preparedness to deal with Saddam Hussein’s aggressive military tact in Kuwait
Over the past years, preceding Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, Saddam’s government had been accusing Kuwait of stealing oil from its borders; in addition, the country claimed that the pro-western country was its 19th province. Unfortunately, as Saddam amassed his troops at the Kuwait border, the UN Security Council did little to dissuade the dictator from making his threats real. Moreover, Saddam Hussein may have drawn wrong conclusions to the perceived indifference western governments had on his earlier attack on Iran; in some quarters, it was reported that some Western regimes may have supported his invasion into Iran but the regime suffered defeat in the war anyway. Months before Saddam attacked Kuwait, it’s reported that Western governments never gave him a clear go-ahead to attack the country, but they also did little to stop him from doing so. These developments included a much-publicized meeting between Saddam and the American ambassador of the time; but in all this time, the UN Security Council was never firm on its position on the impending conflict.
A few months later, Saddam made his threats real and chased the ruling al Sabah clan out of Kuwait through military action, even though Kuwait had a relatively smaller army and was less empowered as compared to Iraq’s. In some quarters, it is noted that Iraq may have as well held on to Kuwait for a long time if the US never found the resolve to oust him out of power; at this time, the UN security council looked up to the US to give it direction in solving the impulse. Nonetheless, Saddam Hussein’s actions against Kuwait took the Security Council by surprise because in months preceding the invasion, the UN’s capitals perceived Saddam’s amassing of tankers at the Kuwait border, a bluff, and they also never thought he was going to make his threats real. His subsequent invasion into the country thereafter put the newly found cooperative spirit of the council’s member states to test. The biggest shortcoming of the council in the entire conflict was that it was well aware of the situation but was nonetheless, not overly concerned about the matter. From the council’s proceedings after the war, there was both a good and bad side to the conflict; the good news was that the council had clear reports on the issues underlying the conflict and their subsequent eventualities, but the bad news was that there was no plan to deal with the conflict at all.
Article 39
Under article 39 of the UN charter, the council needs to determine the threat to peace, breach of the peace, or an act of aggression before authorizing armed force in international conflicts; after which, it is to determine the course of action to be followed by article 41 and 42 of the charter. Article 39 is what governed the council’s action in the Iran – Kuwait conflict since it is found in chapter VII which outlines the recommendations the council is to undertake with regards to recommending military or nonmilitary action in any conflict. This article dictates the actions to be followed by military staff members in determining the actions to be taken by the council, in case they wanted to use military force, which is often at the disposal of the UN.
An analysis of article 39, therefore, becomes quite important in the Iran – Kuwait situation because it authorizes the use of force to stop Iraq from further causing havoc in Kuwait. However, the action by the council is only effective on UN member states because, under article 39, the council can intervene in preventing wars between member states, since the article bars one state from attacking another. Articles 39, 41, and 42 were extensively used to moderate the soaring relationships between Iraq and Kuwait because, under article 39, the UN Security Council could use force to quell violence if it was established that acts of aggression or a breach of the peace were noted from either of the two nations. Acts of aggression of breaches of peace all have different implications under article 39.
When analyzed in the Iraq – Kuwait context, breach of peace implies that one of the parties had to destabilize the peace that was existent before the conflict by carrying out some form of disorderly conduct in another nation. A common manifestation of a breach of the peace is the trespass into another country’s territory to carry out acts of violence. Saddam’s actions perfectly befitted the breach of the peace because his invasion into Kuwait was unlawful, and under article 39, his use of military force to destabilize the sitting government authorized the council’s actions to use force to stabilize Kuwait again.
Saddam’s actions caused a lot of public unrest in Kuwait because of the destabilization of peace and the consequent expulsion of the ruling clan out of the country. His actions when analyzed under article 39 implied that Saddam should have possibly faced detention or deportation as outlined in articles 41 and 42 of the UN Charter, which outlines the course of action to be followed by the council after the establishment of a breach of peace in a conflict.
Under UN regulations, the threat of peace is quite difficult to determine and so the council does not have a blanket definition of the act of a threat to peace. Instead, the council determines on a case-by-case basis whether the threat to peace can be established in a conflict. The implications of a threat to peace and an act of aggression are the same and all of them call for the use of force in stabilizing conflict areas. Acts of aggression can also be equated to Saddam’s actions in Kuwait because the invasion by military means and the ousting of the sitting regime was a clear act of aggression by Iraq. The situation was further worsened from the observation that Kuwait had a much smaller and weaker army when compared to Iraq, thereby pitting Iraq as an aggressive country, especially considering Iraq wanted to take over the country as one of its provinces. Under article 39 therefore, Iraq depicted acts of aggression, breached the peace, and was an equal threat to peace in the region. This warranted the use of force, or otherwise, depending on the course of action to be taken under articles 41 and 42.
Nonetheless, under article 41 of the UN charter, the use of armed forces is not completely guaranteed of the council unless it is established in the words of Higgins that armed forces are to be used “only if the economic and spare the prayer rail, sea, air, postal, and others, are partially or completely ineffective”.
As the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait ceased, Iraq constantly referred to the seventh chapter of the UN charter in formulating its policies on Kuwait; however, provision 688 was an exception to this chapter because to a significant degree, the resolution emphasized the protection of human rights and political freedoms which were also to liberate them from any forms of oppression to be perpetrated by any government. Nonetheless, there were some segments to the resolution which were nonbinding to Kuwait but all the resolutions against Iraq were binding, with the most important resolution being resolution 678. With reference to this resolution, Carl affirms resolution 678 was
“adopted on 3 / April / 1991 and is making all of Abu, which contained the present resolution to the 34 rule and put all of Iraq at the threat of the seventh item supplied in the service of the American Zionist. Since Iraq was also under American tutelage under the umbrella of the United Nations, when U.S. forces entered Iraq in April 2003, according to the UN 1483 resolution (after amendment), the same forces launched a multi-national resolution 1546”
Article 41 and 42
Under articles 41 and 42, the UN charter encompasses the use of force as the last resort in preventing the occurrence of war at any given point of conflict between two nations. The charter has not only been used in the Iraq – Kuwait conflict but also the preventions of Civil war in Congo. The article gives power to the Security Council to use a requisite measure of force in apprehending, detaining, or deporting individuals who are identified to perpetrate violence or conflict. Article 41, therefore, gives the council the power to arrest, detain or deport individuals without contravening international regulations, but in some respect, such a scope is contrary to military measures which have been outlined in article 42 of the UN charter.
The constitutional basis for article 41 excludes the use of force in quelling conflicts so that the UN Security Council puts more emphasis on its decisions. However, there is a loophole to this restriction under article 39 which approves the use of force to prevent conflicts whenever a breach of peace, a threat to peace, or an act of aggression is established (since these three conditions give the go-ahead to the council to use force which may not necessarily be an armed force. However, the lack of use of arms in stabilizing conflicts may not necessarily mean that such action is non-military.
UN Security Council Resolution 678
The UN security council resolution 678 was adopted after several resolutions including 660, 661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 667 were ignored by Saddam; thereby prompting Iraq to constantly defy previous resolutions by the UN security council; however, after the council realized Iraq’s nonconformance to peace agreements, it gave the oil-rich nation a strict deadline to implement resolution 660, failure to which member states were to use force in marinating peace in the region. Under resolution 678, the above ultimatum was the primary condition under the resolution, but in the same context, the resolution gave member states authority to cooperate with the government of Kuwait in establishing peace in the region, if Iraq failed to fail to meet the deadline of withdrawing its troops from Kuwait. Under the resolution, member states were persuaded to comply with the second condition of the resolution which was to assist Kuwait in establishing peace in its country. However, the council was to be informed of all the member states’ actions when assisting Kuwait to realize peace within its borders; such that, a diversion of the overall mission of establishing peace was not witnessed.
Resolution 678 however did not act as a sole ultimatum in its sense because it reinforced previous resolutions, and subsequent ones, in addition to guaranteeing legal recognition of whatever support member states were to give Kuwait in establishing peace within its borders. To some degree the 678 resolution was also an act of goodwill by the UN Security Council in avoiding military force to expel Iraq from Kuwait because the agreement gave Iraq an ultimatum in which it was supposed to withdraw its troops from Kuwait; failure to which military actions were to be undertaken against it. Iraq, therefore, had the option of avoiding conflict with member states by withdrawing its forces from Kuwait.
The 678 resolution however had other implications in international politics because it reaffirmed the authority of the UN Security Council in declaring wars with other nations. The French and German governments affirmed the opinion that the war against Iraq was justified after the UN resolution. To some extent, this sets the precedent for future use of force in world conflicts as is affirmed by Lobel and Ratner, when they assert that “Despite the language and history of Resolution 687, U.S. and UK officials have asserted since 1991 that the Resolution 678 authorization to use force remains in effect, and on several occasions, they have deployed forces against Iraq”. In this context, Lobel and Ratner note that the 678 resolution has given immense powers to member nations to attack Iraq in case it goes contrary to any of the resolution’s guidelines, even today.
In other respects, the council’s resolution can be seen as a contravention to the rights of nations to defend themselves against external attacks, and this implies that Iraq is still allowed to fight the UN under international law’s right to self-defense. According to Higgins, this situation is likely to cause more conflict because she notes that “…because of each state’s sovereignty over its territory under international law, the alleged internationally “illegal” action of a discriminatory expropriation would never justify another nation physically invading the host state….”
In some respect, since all the goals of the 678 resolution were not realized, the right to attack Iraq in 2002 may have been justified because under resolution 678, member states were allowed to use whatever means to establish peace in the region, and since Saddam was a key factor to the destabilization of peace in the Middle East, the US may still have been justified to attack Iraq in 2002 and oust Saddam. It remains very interesting to note that peace in the Middle East is still long from being realized and the UN resolution 678 may implicitly still legalize subsequent actions by member states in establishing peace in the region.
Conclusion
The UN Security Council is the sole body recognized globally to legalize the use of armed force in international conflicts. The Iraq – Kuwait conflict provides a good example of this provision because the council allowed member states to use whatever means to ensure previous resolutions were observed by Iraq and peace was established in the region. The council’s powers are outlined in articles 39, 41, and 42 of the UN charter. Article 39 guarantees the council’s action to use military force, or not if it establishes that acts of aggression, a threat to peace, or breaches of the peace are carried out by a given nation. In the Iraq – Kuwait conflict, Iraq exhibited a direct contravention of the guidelines in article 39 which gave the UN Security Council a go-ahead to authorize member states to use force in ensuring peace was established in the region.
After it was established under article 39 that the authorization of force was legal, the council had to choose a course of action either under article 41 or 42 of the UN charter, which either advocated for military force or otherwise. However, since Iraq failed to comply with previous resolutions to establish peace in Kuwait, the council found it necessary to enforce article 42 which authorized the use of force by member states on Iraq. These steps outline the UN Security Council’s authorization of armed force in world conflicts in addition to legalizing the council’s actions (about the Iraq – Kuwait conflict).
References
De Wet, E. The Chapter VII Powers of the United Nations Security Council. Hart, Oxford and Portland, 2004.Web.
Hodge, C. US Presidents and Foreign Policy. New York, ABC-CLIO, 2007. Web.
Lobel, J. & Ratner, M. Bypassing the Security Council: Ambiguous Authorization to Use Force, Ceasefires and the Iraq Inspection Regime, 1999. Web.
Malone, D. The UN Security Council: From Cold War to the 21st Century. Lynne Reinner, London, 2004. Web.
Martenczuk, B. Justice, Liberty, Security: New Challenges for EU External Relations. Asp / Vubpress / Upa, London, 2009. Web.
Schweigman, D. The Authority of the Security Council under Chapter VII of the United Nations Security Charter. Kluwer Law International, The Hague, 2001. Web.
Strauss, S. The Complete Idiot’s Guide to World Conflicts. Penguin, New York, 2002. Web.
United States Congress. Congressional Record, V. 149, Pt. 10, Government Printing Office. Washington, 2010. Web.
Resolution 2341 (2017) is an important document issued by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and presenting some of its major objectives. In particular, it describes the main principles of critical infrastructure security and its protection from terrorist attacks. According to Resolution 2341 (2017), each member state is responsible for identifying what can be considered their critical infrastructures and what are the most effective ways to protect them. UNSC includes five permanent members: China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The other ten members are temporary and are elected for two years by the General Assembly (Current Members, n.d.). The Security Council emphasizes that their collaborative actions are needed to guarantee the overall safety and eliminate risks of terrorist attacks.
The recent events allow analyzing the actions of UNCS and how they correspond to its mission and principles. One of them is connected with the nuclear program of Iran and the UNSC response. It is believed that the nuclear development of this country, which significantly increased during the Cold War, is a major threat to the security of the United States. Therefore, the growing nuclear arsenal and military technologies of Iran triggered tensions in the American security bodies, including UNCS.
In response to this threat, UNCS imposed sanctions on the Iranian military and economic systems. They included Resolution 1737, implying bans on the trade of nuclear technology (Sahakyan, 2017). It is fair to say that UNCS demonstrated a wise and timely reaction to the actions of Iran. Even after the claims of Iran’s officials about the peacefulness of nuclear development, UNCS posed arms embargo and financial restrictions (Sahakyan, 2017). The U.S. became the main initiator of these decisions since the security of this country was at risk in the first place. By restricting arms supply, the organization weakened Iran’s military positions. Moreover, it influenced the financial side of the issue, since nuclear development heavily depends on monetary investments. The oil embargo became the most effective measure; it caused Iran to sign an agreement, under which the country changed its nuclear policy (Sahakyan, 2017). Therefore, the actions of UNCS were logical and integrated, which allowed preventing possible nuclear conflicts threatening the overall security.
Container Security Initiative and its Principles
Homeland Security is closely connected with the ways of transferring goods and information. Container Security Initiative (CSI) is one of the ways to ensure U.S. security in terms of trade and cargo shipping. CSI can be described as “a system under which a foreign port that is a member of this initiative agrees to scrutinize cargo containers destined for its own ports” (Singla, 2019, para. 3). The initial goal of CSI is to prevent any risk of terror spread through cargo transfer through the security check of all containers leaving for American ports.
There are certain shipping-related cases that threaten the security of the U.S. Given the territorial closeness of Mexico, it can be suggested that drug trafficking is one of the major risks to consider. Moreover, as Prodan (2017) emphasizes, explosives, such as chemical-biological agents, may threaten the lives of citizens and lead to serious financial loss. Radiation is also considered an important problem, as it leads to significant environmental damage, which is also a part of U.S. security. Finally, special attention should be paid to the transportation of hazardous substances such as fuel, since security negligence may cause intended or accidental damage (Prodan, 2017). As a result, all containers are subject to careful inspection at checkpoints, for example, through an X-ray or radiation examination.
The shipment of hazardous cargo can also threaten the critical infrastructures of the host country. For example, according to Prodan (2017), major objects demanding special protection include “sea ports, ships, bridges, oil and gas platforms” (p. 102). In particular, there are many critical facilities and installations around sea ports, such as cranes, pipelines, roads, and fuel storages. (Prodan, 2017). Bridges are considered some of the most vulnerable objects that require enforced security, especially in terms of a possible explosion of transported cargo. Other risks include threats to different kinds of marine vessels, such as tankers and passenger ships. In general, the risks are mostly connected with the possible contamination, fire, radiation, or other consequences caused by hazardous cargo.
In order to improve the overall security situation and eliminate these and other incidents, CSI offers a range of security measures. Those include non-intrusive inspection at the exporter’s port and in the U.S. ports, enhanced border control, customs information, and other ways of security control (Singla, 2019). With the growing cooperation between the U.S. and foreign countries and after the terrorist attacks of 2001, more attention is paid to the security, including shipping-related regulations.
Natural Disasters and their Effects on Critical Infrastructures
Both man-made and natural disasters threaten the safety of citizens and negatively impact critical infrastructures in the affected area. The recent wildfires in California prove the demand for enhanced control over the risks of natural disasters. Wildfires in California emerge during the hot summer and autumn season and are typical for this area. However, the 2018 season became the most devastating and deadliest among others recorded in this part of America. Among the causes of the catastrophe, specialists name an increase in dead tree fuel and dry and hot climate that led to a fire outbreak.
California fires took the lives of more than one hundred people and resulted in enormous costs for the government. Moreover, the damage to critical infrastructure worsened the consequences of the catastrophe and posed more risks to the health and well-being of California citizens. The report by the Department of Homeland Security (2018) presents the affected infrastructure and the negative effect of wildfires. According to the infrastructure assessment, the fire affected exposed communication lines, including the emergency communication system. Electric power and fuel disruptions led to interruptions in fuel transportation and electric system performance. It is evident that the fire destroyed many roads and bridges, though there was no significant damage to railroad operations (California Wildfire: Camp Fire – Projected Infrastructure Impact Summary, 2018). The agricultural sector of the economy also suffered from the devastation of fields and farms. Therefore, it is possible to say that wildfire influenced different kinds of critical infrastructure and caused significant financial losses.
Energy infrastructures are considered especially vulnerable to such abnormal climate conditions. Energy and gas stations, fuel storages, and other related structures can cause fuel disruption and lead to explosions and consequent human losses. Fires in California were followed by a significant decrease in the energy sector. According to Moftakhari and AghaKouchak (2019), “substantial new investment is required for an additional 38.5% peak generation capacity to compensate the decreased efficiency of generators and substations” (p. 2). Moreover, the threat to energy infrastructures can be increased due to extreme rainfalls in the affected areas (Moftakhari & AghaKouchak, 2019). As a result, these objects should be provided with special control during the periods of high wildfire risk.
References
Current Members (n.d.). United Nations. 2020, Web.
Department of Homeland Security (2018). California Wildfire: Camp Fire – Projected Infrastructure Impact Summary. Web.
Moftakhari, H., & AghaKouchak, A. (2019). Increasing exposure of energy infrastructure to compound hazards: Cascading wildfires and extreme rainfall. Environmental Research Letters, 4, 1-8.
Prodan, T. (2017). Maritime terrorism and resilience of maritime critical infrastructures. National Security and the future, 1-2(18), 102-122.
Resolution 2341 (2017) on the protection of critical infrastructure from terrorist attacks, S/RES/2341 (2017). Web.
Sahakyan, M. (2017). Comparative analyses of Iran’s and the DPRK’s nuclear issues in the UNSC (2006-2013). Iran and the Caucasus, 21(2), 230–239.
Singla, S. (2019). What is Container Security Initiative (CSI) and how does it work? Marine Insight. Web.
The United Nations is an organization that handles various aspects of the world. Some of the aspects that the organization addresses include peacekeeping, child and women welfare, as well as the issues of the environment. In the course of service delivery, the human resources working for the United Nations can sustain injuries. Reparation Policy of 1949 minimises the scale of effects suffered by the United Nations organization and its human resources, who sustain injuries in the course of duty.
Conceptualisation of the United Nations as a legal person, which can handle its legal affairs, amplified the importance of reparations awarded to employees, who sustain injuries in the line of duty. As such, the organization can sue countries or states that fail to honour and provide due reparations to its employees injured, while working in the respective countries. Therefore, this essay discusses the importance of reparations for injuries suffered in the United Nations service in the conceptualisation of its legal personality before international law and assesses whether the international community comprises state and non-state actors.
Background of the Reparation and Scope
International Court Of Justice and the Context of Legal Persons
Established in 1945, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has been in operation for over 50 years. In effect, the cases handled by the Court comprise those that concern genocide, civil unrest, and violation of human rights. The court has its headquarters in the Hague Netherlands, and 15 judges give the ruling on different cases presented before them by states and governments. While some countries are members or signatories to the ICJ, others are not, and thus, the ruling of judges usually revolve around the membership aspect of a respective country. In the assertion provided by International Organization 2009, the International Court of Justice is a legal entity that helps nations and oppressed individuals acquire justice and redress in relation to their grievances. As such, the roles played by the ICJ are tremendous and significant.
Conversely, while some countries view the roles played by the court as significant and important, others think that cases focus on certain direction and demean other regions of the world. In the elucidation provided by Vanfraechem, Pemberton, and Ndahinda (2014), several leaders from the African continent have complained that the court demeans its leaders and leaves leaders from other regions of the world. The argument concerning whether the International Court of Justice administers its ruling in an inclined manner has continued and may project into the future given the fact that several leaders from various parts of the world have charges to answer regarding issues of violence and mass murders.
Conceptualisation of the United Nations as a Legal Person
Conceptualisation of the United Nations as a legal person that can handle legal affairs before courts like the International Court of Justice (ICJ) promoted the importance of reparations for the injuries suffered while serving the organization. After its conceptualisation as a legal person or entity, the United Nations can successfully sue countries that do not provide the requisite reparations for its employees, who sustain injuries in the respective countries. Since international law identifies the legal personality of the organization, the United Nations can effectively advocate for the rightful reparations of its employees (Edwards & Ferstman 2010). Additionally, the United Nations can claim correct systems of redress that cater for the lost time, opportunity, and financial losses suffered by the victims. Identification and conceptualisation of the United Nations as a legal person enabled it to sign treaties and promote initiatives that protect the rights of its workers globally.
Events that Pushed for Development of Reparations
Mass killings, genocides, and maltreatment of employees working for the United Nations are some of the factors that compelled the ICJ to devise the reparations. Leaders and other parties associated with the International Court of Justice started pushing for the reparations in an attempt to minimise the effects advanced by the violations and provide a satisfying system of redress for the victims. According to Vanfraechem, Pemberton, and Ndahinda (2014), cases such as that of Uganda and Congo where the court ruled in favour of the diplomats mistreated at the region of Kinshasa are examples of the cases handled by the ICJ. In addition, cases like the one concerning the United States and Nicaragua handled by the court in 1986 comprise the specific cases that explain the essence of the reparations in the ICJ. These cases, alongside the increasing instances of mass killings and violations of human rights, are among the factors that pushed for the development of reparations in the international court of justice.
Legal part
Public international law champions for liberty and fair treatment of legal persons whether they represent physical persons or organizations incorporated as persons by law. As such, these persons need working environments, which are free from any kind of harm or risk. According to Thomas and Segal (2006), when a person becomes a subject of harm or injury, the effects are evident in both the organization as well as the respective human resource. The effects include lost opportunities, lost earnings, expenses incurred in treatment, and emotional trauma subjected to the person.
Fundamentally, the policy of reparation aims at reducing the pains and afflictions suffered by victims, who sustain injuries in the course of delivering services of the United Nations. The reparation policy seeks to ensure that the victims receive fair and just treatment irrespective of their race, gender, and place of origin. Since the United Nations endeavours to deliver its services in a fair manner, its employees need to receive equal treatment. As such, the policy emphasizes on factors that reduce the scale of injuries and restore the confidence of the victims. United Nations (2007) notes that it strives to minimize the extent of afflictions and injuries that its employees suffer in the course of duty by instituting efficient reparation policies. Development of the reparation policy is a tremendous step, which addresses various problems that the victims injured during the course of duty experience as they undertake their daily activities.
The scope of the reparation policy encompasses two aspects, which include the organization and human resources. Imperatively, the policy seeks to address the injuries in the context of their effect on the organization and the effect on the subject employee. As a result, the policy cushions the affected individual, while addressing the effect that the injury advances on the United Nations as an organization. In the assertion of Edwards and Ferstman (2010), the reparation policy expands its scope to include the close relations of the subject agents such as spouses, children, and brothers, who become secondary victims in the event of an injury. The implication of the expanded scope is an increased importance of the policy in its quest to address the injuries sustained by the victims.
Types of Reparations
Restitution and Rehabilitation
Restitution is a type of reparation that tries to address the problems by restoring the initial state of affairs. Principally, restitution tries to restore the original state and ensure that the situation remains as if the act did not take place. As such, restitution focuses on aspects such as the reinstatement of legal rights, employment, and social statuses of the affected individuals (Eggli 2002; O’Rourke 2013; Guerin & England 2015). Consequently, rehabilitation is a type of reparation that addresses the problems suffered by the agent of the United Nations in the event of an injury by advocating for care and advancement of social and legal services. The reparation type comprises activities such as medical care that the United Nations, the mother country of the agents, and the perpetrators of the act administer on the agent. Moreover, the reparation champions for the advancement of legal and social rights of the affected agent.
Compensation and Guarantee of Non-Occurrence
Compensation is one of the widely known types of reparations that are useful in addressing injuries that affect agents of the United Nations as well as other individuals working in different organizations. According to Vanfraechem, Pemberton, and Ndahinda (2014), the chief focus of compensation is the delivery of quantifiable provisions that are equivalent to the lost opportunities, earnings, potential to earn, as well as a medical expense incurred because of the injury. Consequently, the other type of reparation that is useful in amending the problems experienced in the event of an injury that agents of the United Nations sustain in their line of duty is the guarantee of non-occurrence. In effect, guarantee of non-occurrence entails an assurance that the heinous act, which led to the injury, will not take place or reoccur.
Importance of Reparations for Injuries Sustained in the Services of the United Nations Advisory Opinion
Practically, the reparations for injuries sustained in the services of the United Nations have a range of benefits. The fact that the reparations revolve around amendment, compensation, rehabilitation, and restoration of individual and organizational worth means that they are indeed very significant for individuals and organization in the case of incidents such as injuries. As such, stakeholders and parties subject to the United Nations need to embrace the concept and ensure that it is fully on course so that the victims enjoy the benefits accrued by the policy (De 2006; Oswald, Durham, and Bates 2010). Some of the benefits that the reparation advances include minimized extent of damage, restored self-esteem, improved security, and discipline in countries, as well as improved state of the victims.
Minimized Extent of Damage and Restored Self Esteem
Reparations are very instrumental in minimizing the scale or extent of damage that the victims suffer in the advent of an injury. Evidently, several types of reparations focus on minimizing the effects that transpire after an incident like an injury and restoring the initial state of the victim. In essence, reparations play an integral role in reducing the scale and magnitude of effects that an injury can advance on the victims, which include the agents and organizations. Perez (2012), Suchkova (2011), and Corlett (2003) elaborate that types of reparations like compensation, rehabilitation, and guarantee are concerned with reducing the problems that the victims experience during and after the injury. Fundamentally, the harm inflicted on the agents working for the United Nations affect their physical, mental, and psychological well-being. Therefore, by employing the various types of reparations, the magnitude of damage that transpires after the incident becomes minimal.
Restored self-esteem and confidence is another important benefit associated with reparations presented by the 1949 United Nations’ reparation policy. Apparently, the reparations follow a design that promotes restoration of self-confidence and esteem of the victims subjected to the injuries. In the elucidation of Torpey (2006) and De (2005), reparations are essential since they ensure that the affected organizations and individuals receive a fair and just treatment, which enhances their self-confidence. Notably, after an incident such as an injury, the self-worth and esteem of the victims decrease in a manner that is simultaneous with their performances. By employing the reparations effectively, the concerned parties enhance the self-esteem and worth of the affected agent. The reparations also instil a feeling of significance in the minds of the victims because they realize the organization value and appreciate their efforts.
Improved Security and Discipline
Imminently, reparations are vital in improving the level of security and discipline among countries and states. When agents of the United Nations or other organizations become subjects of injuries and the reparations take toll on the country or state, the country improves its security to avert a reoccurrence of a similar incident. As such, the security measures in the country improve because it works hard to prevent a reoccurrence of another incident that attracts implementation of reparations.
The fact that reparations such as guarantee of non-occurrence compel concerned countries to provide a substantial assurance to the victims explains that the role played by reparations in improving state security is considerable (Sullivan 2006; Moffett 2014). Consequently, reparations instil discipline among countries because they compel them to work hard and minimize incidences that affect agents of United Nations and other international organizations. The discipline that these countries practice can include ethical procedures administered to the agents, protection of the agents as they undertake their activities, and creation of an environment that is free from any harm or injury.
Improved State of the Victims
Improved state of victims is also a benefit that accrues from effective application of reparations. In essence, when reparations take toll on states or governments that subject agents of the United Nations to injuries and harm, the countries engage in activities that eventually improve the well-being of the victims. Reparations like compensation, rehabilitation, and restoration have components that champion for improvement of the victim’s well being. Evans (2012) asserts that when the victims receive an equivalent compensation for the lost opportunity, time, and medical expenses, their well-being improves. Therefore, these reparations are important for the United Nations, and thus, scholars and concerned stakeholders cannot underscore them in their quest to address problems that organizations and employees encounter in various workstations.
Existence of State and Non-State Actors in the International Community
Liberalism and Realism
The theories of liberalism and realism are very evident in the development of state and non-state actors that are integral in the international community. While liberalism advocates for freedom of press, speech, and expression, realism expects individuals to visualise affairs in their factual nature. Essentially, these theories are very critical in human life and enable individuals face challenges that life presents as they undertake their daily endeavours. According to Sullivan (2006), liberalism is a theory that enhances the self-esteem and confidence of a person. Therefore, the incorporation of the values espoused by the theories into the principles of state and non-state actors is significant.
State and non-state actors have incorporated several principles that are part of the policies contained in liberal and realism theories. The fact that several non-state actors such as IGOs, UN, and the Red Cross champion for freedom and improved conditions of living clarifies the essence of principles of the liberal theory (Chen 2015). Moreover, because state and non-state actors encourage individuals to execute their activities in a factual and realistic manner, the actors are indeed utilising the policies and concepts of the realism theory. As such, the theories are practical and their application is crucial in advancing and implementing the roles of state and non-state actors.
State and Non-State Actors
The existence of state and non-state actors in the international community is evident in contemporary society. Apparently, the International community is a composition of state and non-state actors that have diverse perspectives. While state actors represent governments and countries, which are sovereign and autonomous, non-state actors imply organizations that do not have any inclination towards governments or states. According to Ben-Ari (2012), non-state actors comprise organizations such as the Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Multinational Companies (MNCs), and Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs). State and non-state actors are the major players that characterize the present international community. The roles that the actors play in the international community have increased overtime. Some non-state actors can at times employ the powers vested on dominant states such as the United States in their quest to persuade countries to implement certain policies that they deem are in accordance with the common good of the society.
The roles played by state and non-state actors substantiate the fact that they characterize the international community. IGOs such as the United Nations, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and NGOs like the Red Cross are among the dominant players that represent non-state actors. The ability of some non-state actors to persuade and convince governments to implement their policies implies that that their presence in the international community is noticeable and pronounced. In the explanation advanced by Kinsella, Russett, and Starr (2013), IGOs and NGOs advocate for several policies that champion for the common good of human beings and environmental conservation. The explanation compounds and clarifies the presence of cooperation between state and non-state actors in the international community. Therefore, scholars and stakeholders in the field of international law need to understand that the current international community is a composition of state and non-state actors, which perform a set of interrelated initiatives.
Conclusion
The United Nations is a legal organization recognized by international laws. Principally, the organization performs several roles that focus on improving the welfare of humanity and the environment. Conceptualisation of the United Nations organization as a legal person before the international law improved its global state. Moreover, recognition of its legal personality by international courts enabled the organization to sign treaties, advocate for issues that promote human and environmental welfare, and sue states or countries that do not honour its policies. The implication of conceptualisation and identification of the United Nations as a legal person means that it can compel countries to implement due reparations in the event that its employees sustain injuries in the subject nations. As such, the organization drafted a reparation policy of 1949 that looks into systems of redress in the advent of injuries. The role played by state and non-state actors is one that explains the presence of cooperation between the actors and their interdependence in achievement of objectives that advocate for common good of the society and human welfare.
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