Refugee status is getting permission to settle in a foreign country because of circumstances like being unable to return to the home country. Countries do evaluations called the Refugee Status Determination. It is to make sure that a person is fit to settle as a refugee in a country to legitimize them. Illegibility for refugee status depends on whether a person is outside the refugee country. The prosecution is based on race, ethnicity, religion, nationality, or membership in a particular group and if the person has not yet settled in another country. It is also to make sure that the person who has applied for a place in an asylum is qualified to be a refugee.
Refugee status is not limited to many countries. It has no expiry date. However, a refugee must apply for residency and citizenship in the United States after one year of settling down. Therefore, they can get jobs and earn citizen rights such as voting. No one can terminate the refugee status contract. Refugees can return to their home country (Boyd, 2018). However, this is highly discouraged by many immigration attorneys due to their safety. If the person eloped from their country due to religious matters, they would still be there when they returned. Therefore, their lives would still be at risk. Unlike ordinary aliens, a refugee cannot avail themselves of documentation such as national passports since they now are not under the protection of their own country.
Refugees primarily seek international help. They lack basic support systems such as security. They are poor because they need essential assistance such as food, shelter, clothing and, medication (Morrice, et al., 2020). Many countries have started refugee programs to help these people. Well-wishers and charity organizations make donations to help the refugees with basic needs. Organizations such as the Red Cross and some religious institutions come through to give them food, build camps, clothe them and give them free medication for the sick. Others come forward to offer education and job opportunities for people who wish to.
However, the situation at the refugee camps continues to deteriorate with time. Most of them leave their home countries with few or no personal belongings. Living as a refugee entails overcrowding, starvation, constant exposure to diseases due to poor sanitation and lack of security in the camps. On average, one in three refugees suffer mental health disorders such as anxiety, post-traumatic disorder and depression (Ellis, et al., 2019). The camps are the most dangerous environments with drug use practices and sexual assaults. Few deaths were reported from the refugee camps and asylums due to robbery, diseases and suicide.
In so many ways, refugees contribute to poverty. They drain host-state resources, exert pressure on facilities such as hospitals and schools, and deplete their economy. Countries set aside many funds from their treasury to aid the refugees, but it does not seem to get better. Refugees face life-threatening poverty in host countries, especially when their allocation is over. They can barely engage in business activities due to a lack of capital and other incentives granted to the country’s citizens. Looking at the positive side, when refugees receive the right tools to succeed, they can return more money to the economy than they cost. The best way to break the cycle of poverty amongst refugees and reduce its effect on the economy is to give them the right incentives to thrive.
References
Boyd, M. (2018). Gender, refugee status, and permanent settlement. In Immigrant Women (pp. 103-124). Routledge.
Ellis, B. H., Winer, J. P., Murray, K., & Barrett, C. (2019). Understanding the mental health of refugees: Trauma, stress, and the cultural context. The Massachusetts General Hospital textbook on diversity and cultural sensitivity in mental health, 253-273.
Morrice, L., Tip, L. K., Brown, R., & Collyer, M. (2020). Resettled refugee youth and education: aspiration and reality. Journal of Youth Studies, 23(3), 388-405.
Individuals who ran left war, murder, or discrimination and pass an international boundary to seek asylum in another country are known as refugees.
A refugee is someone who:
Is not a citizen of the United States of America;
Is of special societal significance in the United States;
Persecuted or are at risk of being persecuted because of their gender, religion, ethnicity, political convictions, or membership in a particular social subgroup;
Is not well-established in a new country;
It is legal to enter the US.
What is Refugee Resettlement?
The movement of refugees from one asylum country to another that has agreed to accept them and eventually offer them permanent status is known as resettlement.
Resettlement is necessary because it provides individuals with the opportunity to live a good life.
Children’s formative years in refugee camps are deprived of all chances.
People in most refugee camps live on supplies that are insufficient to provide quality education.
“There are now nine national resettlement agencies in the United States, with over 350 local affiliates” (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2020).
What is the Difference Between Refugees and Migrants?
A migrant is someone who chooses to relocate, whereas a refugee is someone who has been forced to do so.
Refugees flee their countries because staying there is perilous. Refusing to accept migrants might result in their death.
They frequently arrive without their own stuff and occasionally without having planned ahead.
Migrants, on the other side, may be compelled to move due to a number of factors.
Some of them relocate to be closer to family or to save money.
Others relocate in search of a better education.
After a few years, many of them return to their native nations.
They may usually organize their own journey and either bring or sell their stuff.
What is an Asylum-seeker?
”Asylum seekers” seek refuge because they are scared of discrimination or have been subjected to crimes against humanity.
The term “asylum seeker” refers to someone whose application for asylum has yet to be approved.
To assess who qualifies for refugee status, national asylum processes are in existence.
Interview method with every asylum seeker who passes a border is not always practicable or essential during big migration waves, which generally occur as a result of apparent conflict.
Where are Refugees Coming From?
The United States accepts refugees from over 60 different countries throughout the world.
How Does the Refugee Resettlement Process Work in the US?
DHS/USCIS performs refugee eligibility assessments with everyone coming to The United States as a refugee.
All individuals in a family fleeing persecution will be interviewed, albeit only one household member must meet the US refugee threshold to be recognized.
Once a refugee has been temporarily accepted by DHS/USCIS, the RSC requests financial assurances from the US.
The Refugee Processing Center, which is part of the State Department, oversees the guaranteed procedure in collaboration with the nine national refugee resettlement organizations.
What is the Demographic of Refugees in Nevada?
“As a result of immigration, nearly one-fifth of the state’s people were born outside of the United States, while one-sixth were born in the United States but had at least one immigrant parent” (American Immigration Council, 2020).
The majority of immigrants are legal immigrants who speak English proficiently.
In 2018, 587,686 immigrants (foreign-born people) made up about 19% of the total population (American Immigration Council, 2020).
Immigrants made up 297,865 women, 267,865 men, and 21,956 children in Nevada (American Immigration Council, 2020).
In 2018, there were 465,843 native-born Americans in Nevada who had at least one immigrant parent (American Immigration Council, 2020).
References
American Immigration Council. (2020). Immigrants in Nevada [Graph]. Americanimmigrationcouncil.Org. Web.
The recent refugee crisis in Europe has brought the issues of refugee and asylum seeker rights to the forefront of international politics. With continuing conflicts in the Middle East, the number of refugees seeking protection has been growing over the past years, and it is likely to grow further if the political situation remains unfavorable. Moreover, people may also seek asylum for reasons other than war, which contributes to the number of people in need of support. Consequently, international organizations have been actively involved in the protection and support of the rights of refugees and asylum seekers. International organizations are crucial in this context because they can facilitate agreements on government actions protecting refugees, monitor issues related to refugee rights, and help to ensure that refugees and asylum seekers are protected in their host countries (Gil-Bazo 2015). Ensuring the successful work of international organizations in this area, therefore, helps to foster collaboration on the issues of refugee rights and resolve or mitigate these issues promptly.
Still, there have been concerns that the actions taken by the Council of Europe to protect the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers have been insufficient (Bulley 2017). The present paper will show that the effectiveness of the Council of Europe in this regard has indeed been limited. The paper will first review the background of the literature to explain the issues of migration and provide insight into the functions, roles, and organs of the Council of Europe. Then, the review will present the literature on the practice of other international organizations, such as the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM). Based on this information, the paper will also evaluate the response by the Council of Europe in terms of its capacity, mechanisms used, and effectiveness. As the paper will show, the work of the Council of Europe in the area has not been sufficient, and improvements are required to enhance the protection of refugee rights.
Background
Refugees and Asylum Seekers
Refugees and asylum seekers represent the people who are the victims of forced migration. Based on the explanation by Shasthri (2013), the history of asylum-seeking in Europe began in 1685 when 250,000 French Protestants fled to other European states to avoid religious struggle. Political asylum-seeking became prominent following the French revolution in the late 18th century and increased in levels during significant conflicts, including World Wars I and II (Shasthri 2013). The necessity to protect refugees has become particularly evident in the early 20th century after World War I: “with the establishment of the League of Nations in 1920 it was argued that the international community owes an obligation to prevent the abuses and gross violations of human rights and also a positive duty to provide refugees’ protection’ and constantly endeavor to find solutions to their problems found a new emphasis” (Shasthri 2013, p. 246). As a result, the rights of refugees and asylum seekers emerged among the core areas of focus in international law and diplomacy.
In modern times, the issues of refugee rights have not lost their relevance. According to research, forced migration is a serious issue in the contemporary world, and people are forced to seek asylum due to political conflicts, religious prosecution, terrorism, and even environmental struggles (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). The steady growth in the number of refugees fleeing due to armed conflicts or political tensions has put pressure on international organizations and bodies to establish mechanisms of guiding the states’ responses to the problem. Still, many countries impose restrictions on the protection regime, including preventing the entry of asylum seekers through extraterritorial procedures and deterrence practices, such as administrative detention and visa restrictions (Shasthri 2013). Issues of human rights and ethics are particularly important in the question of asylum-seeking since the competing principles of security and generosity affect countries’ responses and their consequences for society (Vietti and Franzini Tibaldeo 2015). In this context, official international organizations have the opportunity to affect local policies through binding agreements and legal action in cases where violations of human rights have been detected (Goodwin-Gill 2017). The use of appropriate mechanisms of action can assist in protecting the rights of refugees while also taking into account the interests of individual countries and their security.
Council of Europe
The Council of Europe is an international organization that was established in 1949 to improve collaboration between countries of the European region on the issues of law, human rights, and democracy. In contrast with the European Union, the Council of Europe has 47 member states, including the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Denmark, France, Norway, Sweden, The United Kingdom, Ireland, and Italy as the founding members (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). The organization has several important bodies, which include, among others, the Congress of the Council of Europe, the European Court of Human Rights, the Commissioner for Human Rights, the Committee of Ministers, and the Parliamentary Assembly. The primary way in which the Council operates is through conventions and agreements that are binding to the states that signed them (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). However, the Council has also been involved in the study of local and global problems and their potential solution, the facilitation of negotiation between countries and their bodies through conferences and meetings, and in the education and training of diplomats and policy experts (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). In relation to these functions and roles, the Council of Europe has been involved in a number of issues pertaining to its focal areas, which included international crime, climate change, and human rights violations. The problem of supporting the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers has also been considered by the Council, with some action taken to support member states in accepting refugees and ensuring their welfare without compromising their citizens’ interests (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). However, as will be shown in other sections of the paper, the authority that the Council of Europe has paired with its substantial reach of countries in the region could assist it in addressing the issue of refugee rights in the future much more effectively.
Practices to Support the Rights of Refugees and Asylum-Seekers
Research in international relations often focuses on specific issues that affect regional interests or the global society at large, which is why the support of refugee rights is a relatively popular field of inquiry. Reviewing past literature on the subject could help to evaluate whether the response issued by the Council of Europe is sufficient and determine the levels of its compliance with best practices and scholars’ expectations. Furthermore, studies of the ways in which other organizations have addressed the rights of refugees and asylum seekers could also highlight pressing concerns relevant to the Council of Europe’s area of work.
International Organizations and Refugee Rights
Research gathered on this topic can be divided into two topics, with the theoretical relationship between international organizations and refugee rights being one of them. Indeed, scholars have produced a significant number of articles, books, and chapters that focus on the role, importance, activities, and authority of international organizations in supporting refugee rights. Research by Gil-Bazo (2015) focuses on the developments in international law relating to the issue of asylum that has influenced the role of international organizations in refugee rights protection. The scholar states that “It is now well established that international human rights law protects individuals against refoulement” (p. 2). Consequently, international organizations have been engaged in processes of establishing internal flight alternatives, monitoring and protecting refugees against human rights violations, and supporting the very principle of non-refoulment (Gil-Bazo 2015). In the European region, the work of such organizations has been particularly important due to the increased number of refugees and asylum seekers in the past years, as well as because European Union (EU) law establishes legal protections for individuals who qualify for it but are not considered refugees in the technical legal sense (Gil-Bazo, 2015). This enables various international organizations operating in the European Union to address and negotiate protection for forced migrants even if they do not have legal refugee status. The two organizations that have gained the most attention in research on refugee rights and protection of asylum seekers, besides the Council of Europe, are the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
UNHCR
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), or the UN Refugee Agency, is one of the most prominent international bodies in the area of refugee rights and forced migration. Established in 1950, the organization pursues the goal of protecting the lives, rights, and futures of refugees, people seeking political asylum, and stateless persons (). The organization has been involved in a variety of activities related to the forced migration of people in the second half of the twentieth century and remains active today. There are several core mechanisms by which the organization functions today. These include delivering information to policymakers on the needs of asylum-seeking and supporting states and organizations in developing relevant laws and policies, providing operational and humanitarian support to governments and individuals, and engaging in research on pressing issues in the area of refugee rights and forced migration (). It should be noted that “persons of concern to the UNHCR include not only those meeting the technical definition of refugee but also groups such as asylum seekers, people applying for refugee status; internally displaced people (IDPs), people displaced within their own countries; and stateless individuals, people without the protections of any state’s citizenship” (Field 2010, p. 516). Hence, the organization has been involved in many policy issues and humanitarian efforts involving persons under its mandate.
In contrast with the Council of Europe, the UNHCR does not have the authority to facilitate binding agreements between the states. For this reason, the organization is mostly involved in operational activities rather than in diplomacy and policymaking (Stevens 2015). The practices used by the organization to support refugees include placements, legal aid, financial and humanitarian support, and protection in displacement (Stevens 2015). The scope of UNHCR’s activities has been both praised and criticized. On the one hand, the organization offers valuable support mechanisms that could be used to relieve the situation of thousands of refugees (Field 2010; Stevens 2010). On the other hand, it lacks the regulatory authority that is essential to enforce any of its recommendations and initiatives (Field 2010). Consequently, the organization is relatively effective at doing what is possible in its current level of responsibility but lacks mechanisms to address the problems of refugees and asylum-seekers. in the long term.
International Organization for Migration
International Organization for Migration (IOM) is a different body that was originally instituted in 1951 as the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration. The function and role of the organization are rather similar to the UNHCR because its purpose is to provide guidance to governments on issues concerning refugees, asylum seekers and migrant workers (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). The organization also provides services and guidance to migrants, thus supporting them in protecting their human rights (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). Forced migration is only one of the areas of activity that IOM is involved in, others being facilitating migration, migration regulation, and development. One of the primary achievements of the IOM in the 21st century the signing of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration. The organization is also involved in programs and initiatives aiming to provide refugee relief (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). However, it has been criticized for the lack of a “formal mandate to monitor human rights abuses or to protect the rights of migrants and other persons, even though literally millions of people worldwide participate in IOM-sponsored programs and projects” (Human Rights Watch 2003, p. 1). As a result, the role of the organization has been mainly guiding and supporting provision rather than regulatory. This affects the scope of practices that can be implemented by the IOM in response to refugee and asylum seekers’ concerns. Furthermore, the organization faced criticism for participating in returns of migrants and refugees to their countries of origins, despite having no mechanisms “to evaluate whether decisions to return are, in fact, made under duress or under circumstances that are directly or indirectly coercive, or to assess that conditions in certain countries are safe enough to allow for returns” (Human Rights Watch 2003, p. 3). Consequently, the degree of the organization’s beneficence to refugees has been criticized along with its level of authority in refugee-related issues.
Evaluation of the Council of Europe
Capacity for Refugee Protection
As evident from the discussion above, some international organizations that participate in the protection of refugees and are involved in relief efforts often lack the authority to influence the situation on a more significant scale. The Council of Europe does not face this problem due to the binding nature of its agreements. Despite not being able to force countries to sign, the Council of Europe has the authority to influence compliance with the regulations based on its “quasi-legal mechanisms of supervision” (Follis 2015, p. 55). Thus, the Council has the capacity to promote collaboration between nations and supervise the fulfillment of agreements, while its member states are responsible for local policies, procedures, and initiatives. This enables the Council of Europe and the various bodies within it to influence member states and support refugee rights indirectly. These characteristics make the Council of Europe potentially important to the question of refugee rights protection and prompt further evaluation of how this capacity has been used to protect human rights of refugees and asylum seekers in Europe.
Past Activity
The Council of Europe and its bodies were involved in a variety of situations that required political and legal support on the issue of refugees. For example, in response to the crisis in Kosovo, the organization has adopted two recommendations “on the evaluation of the humanitarian situation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, particularly in Kosovo and Montenegro [and] on the respect for international humanitarian law in Europe” (Tessenyi 1999, p. 498). However, these activities did not provide substantial regulation or relief of the situation in Kosovo since they did not involve any remedial action (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). In the 2000s, the activity of the Council was mainly limited to the evaluation of local refugee crises and the development of recommended solutions. For instance, Ochoa-Llido (2004) reports that “The Committee has shown its concern with the clandestine migration, and the human rights of illegal migrants and rejected asylum seekers, presenting the reports on the creation of a charter of intent on clandestine migration (Recommendation 1577 (2002)), on expulsion procedures in conformity with human rights and enforced with safety and dignity (Recommendation 1547 (2002)), on non-expulsion of long-term immigrants and on the human rights (Recommendation 1504 (2001))” (p. 500). Still, there were some more important accomplishments as the Council has instituted a platform for developing and signing agreements among member and non-member states in 2003 (Ochoa-Llido, 2004). These findings suggest that, despite promoting diplomacy in the region and on a global level, which undoubtedly supported the resolution of refugee rights’ issues, the response of the Council of Europe to major crises in the area has been limited.
Current Action
More recently, the refugee crisis in Europe has prompted new action from the Council of Europe. For example, the Council has been involved in legal protection of refugees in the past years. According to Ktistakis (2018), “the organs of the Council of Europe have recognized a series of procedural measures to protect asylum seekers in order to ensure that the proceedings are fair and that the examination is objective and carried out individually” (p. 11). This action is important to prevent discrimination and wrongful procedures in courts deciding the fate of refugees. It supported the mission of the Council of Europe with regard to preventing human rights violations by ensuring that the extradition or expulsion of migrants complied with human rights standards developed by it. Still, the activity of the Council has faced some criticism in recent years. For instance, researchers argued that the support provided by the Council to non-member states was limited, and thus the scope of its influence is also restricted (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). With respect to Europe, it has also been argued that the recommendations and requirements provided by the Council are often loose and can be misinterpreted, thus hindering meaningful action (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al. 2014). Additionally, Follis (2014) argued that the regulations and procedures that exist within the Council of Europe present challenges to establishing control over states who do not wish to allow it. The article concerns the reports of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean Sea and the issues with government reporting of them. Follis (2014) concludes that, although the Council was able to conduct an investigation, its enforcing power is limited to the agreements and clauses signed by the states. Hence, despite the continuous involvement of the Council in the affairs of its member states concerning refugees and asylum seekers, the problems of human rights violations persist, and it is not clear whether the Council could help to address them in the future with its current level of authority.
Conclusion
Overall, the rights of refugees and asylum-seekers are a pressing concern for national and international politics in the modern world. Continuous crises, including political, military, and environmental, force thousands of people out of their homes and into other states. In order to navigate this refugee crisis successfully, various international organizations have established bodies and initiatives to support refugee rights. In most cases, these organizations are involved in providing humanitarian aid, legal assistance, and guidance to governments and individuals. The organizations that are widely researched, including the UN Refugee Agency and the International Organization for Migration, generally lack the mechanisms to offer long-term solutions to issues faced by refugees and asylum seekers.
The Council of Europe is among the most prominent organizations in the region, and it includes nearly twice as many states as the European Union. The primary purpose of the Council is to support collaboration between states on issues pertaining to law, human rights, and democracy. The binding nature of the agreements signed by its member states increases the potential influence of the Council in comparison with other international organizations. Still, the Council lacks formal control over its member states beyond the subject of agreements. This limits its power to interfere in violations of refugee rights, as evident from the discussion of its past and current activities. Therefore, while the Council has the potential to assist in resolving the refugee crisis in Europe, its activities to this day have not been sufficient, and further developments in policy and authority are required for it to have a significant influence.
References
Bulley, Dan. 2017. “Shame on EU? Europe, RtoP, and the Politics of Refugee Protection.” Ethics & International Affairs 31(1): 51-70.
Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Elena, Gil Loescher, Katy Long, and Nando Sigona, eds. 2014. The Oxford Handbook of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Field, Jeannie Rose C. 2010. “Bridging the Gap Between Refugee Rights and Reality: a Proposal for Developing International Duties in the Refugee Context.” International Journal of Refugee Law 22(4): 512-557.
Follis, Karolina S. 2015. “Responsibility, emergency, blame: reporting on migrant deaths on the Mediterranean in the Council of Europe.” Journal of Human Rights 14(1): 41-62.
Gil-Bazo, María-Teresa. 2015. “Introduction: the role of international organizations and human rights monitoring bodies in refugee protection.” Refugee Survey Quarterly 34(1): 1-10.
Goodwin-Gill, Guy S. 2017. “The politics of refugee protection.” In International Refugee Law, edited by Hélène Lambert, 145-160. London: Routledge.
Human Rights Watch. 2003. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Human Rights Protection in the Field: Current Concerns. Web.
Ktistakis, Yannis. 2018. “European Immigration Controls Conforming to Human Rights Standards.” New England Journal of Public Policy 30(2): 10-17.
Ochoa-Llido, Maria. 2003. “Recent and Future Activities of the Council of Europe in the Fields of Migration, Asylum and Refugees.” European Journal of Migration and Law 5: 497-500.
Shasthri, V. Seshaiah. 2013. “The Role of International Organisations in the Protection of Refugees.” In An Introduction to International Refugee Law, edited by Rafiqul Islam and Jahid Hossain Bhuiyan, 245-266. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2013.
Stevens, Dallal. 2016. “Rights, needs or assistance? The role of the UNHCR in refugee protection in the Middle East.” The International Journal of Human Rights 20(2): 264-283.
Tessenyi, Geza. 1999. “An Update on the Work of the Council of Europe on Refugees and Migration.” European Journal of Migration and Law 1: 497-501.
Vietti, Francesca, and Roberto Franzini Tibaldeo. 2015. “A Human Rights and Ethical Lens on Security and Human Dignity: The Case Study of Syrian Asylum Seekers.” Information & Security 33(1): 35-53.
An immigrant is a person who leaves his country of origin and moves to a foreign country or region voluntarily.1
Definition of Refugee
A refugee is a person who migrates from his country of origin due to restrictions or threat of danger to his life.2
Differences
From the above two definitions, both immigrants and refugees leave their countries of origin and settles in a different country but for different reasons. Immigrants travel due to either push or pull factors.3 The country of origin may push them as a result of harsh economic conditions, and on the other hand, the destination country may pull them due to better standards of living and promise of good education.
Refugees travel to their destination country because of fear. Refugees fear that if they continue staying in their country, their life will be in danger and might be killed, detained or even injured.
Immigrants travel voluntarily to find opportunities to better their lives. The countries of origin fail to provide to their needs and therefore force them to look for better opportunities elsewhere. As they move to other countries, they still have a chance of coming back to their home countries.4
Once they are satisfied of the economic gains from their host countries, they may come back and invest their new-found wealth in their country of origin. On the contrary, refugees do not have that chance of coming back to their mother country. Because they fled their country for fear of persecution, their chances of coming back is almost zero.
Another difference between immigrants and refugees is that immigration is regarded as a natural phenomenon. Since time immemorial, people have been migrating to different parts of the world to look for better opportunities.5 The early man is believed have his origins in Africa. His descendants migrated and occupied other parts of the world.
The movement of refugees is not historical but it is forced movement. Refugees experience pressure from their home country and they have the fear of being in danger if they continue staying there. Circumstances like war, civil strives, religious or political persecutions and even natural disasters force people to move to places they feel are safe.
It should also be noted that immigrants are different from refugees in the sense that immigrants are subject to the laws that govern their hosting country. Every country has its own laws that govern immigration of persons and some paperwork has to be completed before one is accepted as an immigrant.
Refugees are protected by the refugee law and the 1967 protocol that relates to the refugees status. The 1967 protocol and the 1951 convention allows countries that have signed the accord to offer standardized treatment to refugees and guarantees them certain rights as stipulated in the accord.6
As concerns freedom of movement, immigrants have more freedom of movement in the adopted country as compared to refugees.7 Once the necessary paperwork has been done and the immigrant granted access, one is free to move within the borders of the host country and seek his own settlement.
Refugees are restricted in camps from the time they enter the host country and provided for up to the time they will be allowed to move out. Usually, they are given help in terms of food, medicine, education and settlement.
Moral responsibilities towards immigrants and refugees
The United Nations through the universal declaration of human rights drafted 30 articles that stipulate the rights that every human being is subject to. The rights and freedoms apply to every person irrespective of sex, status, language, race and religion. Therefore, every country has to put this into consideration in regard to moral responsibilities towards immigrants and refugees.
The basic moral responsibility accorded to both entity is the freedom to movement.8 The universal declaration accords everybody the freedom to move inside the borders of any country and are also free to move to other countries and stay there.
This means neither an immigrant nor a refugee should be turned away without any justifiable cause. Having recognized the human right to immigrate, countries have a duty to respect this right and admit those people seeking entry.
States also have an obligation to allow people have access to education irrespective of their status.9 This is a provision in the universal declaration of human rights that apply to those in their own countries and also those residing in other countries. Being a universal right, no immigrant or refugee should be deprived the opportunity to acquire education with an aim of improving their life.
Another fundamental moral obligation to be given to both immigrants and refugees is security.10 As states strive to offer security to their citizens, the same should be accorded to immigrants and refugees without regard to their status or place of origin.
Immigrants and refugees need to have access to housing. As a moral responsibility, states should allow them to have access to housing without any discrimination. People should be allowed to move freely and find their housing of choice and should not be subjected to any exile.
All human beings have a right to make a living either through self employment or through wage earning. Similarly, immigrants and refugees have the same right despite their status. Any country that denies them this privilege will be violating fundamental rights of human beings. People should be able to make a living whether in their own country or a foreign country.
As a moral responsibility, states should allow immigrants and refugees have the right to a family. Just like the citizens of any country, immigrants and refugees have families and should take care of them by providing the basic amenities. Moving to foreign country is a way of improving their family life and therefore should exercise their right without any obstacles.
States are also obligated by the 1951 Convention to desist from expelling would be immigrants. No one should be penalized for illegal entry into any country but the state must ensure that the international obligations are met.11
Imposing penalties without considering the merits of a person’s claim to be a refugee will most probably violate the obligation of the state to make sure that it protects the human rights for everybody within its borders.
The universal declaration of human rights give protection to all people against any discrimination.12 Immigrants and refugees are also to be protected against any sort of discrimination although they are in a foreign land.
The declaration states that all people are equal before the law and this should not be applied by discrimination. They are also protected against violation of the declaration or any incitement against the discrimination of the declaration6.
Notes
UN High Commissioner for Refugees. (1951). Convention relating to the status of refugees. Web.
UNHRC.
Abernethy, V. Environmental and ethical aspects of international migration. International Migration Review,1996. 30(1), 132–150.
Carens, J. H. Realistic and idealistic approaches to the ethics of migration. International Migration Review, 1996. 30(1), 156–170.
Abernethy.
Human rights education associates (2003). Freedom of movement. Web.
HREA.
Abernethy.
Jacobsen, K., & Landau, L. The dual imperative in refugee research: Some methodological and ethical considerations in social science research on forcedmigration. Disasters, 2003. 27(3), 185–206.
JamesWoodward, “Commentary: Liberalism and Migration,” in Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People and of Money, ed. Brian Barry and Robert E. Goodin (University Park: The Pennsylvania State Press, 1992), 61.
UN (n.d) Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Web.
H. L. A. Hart, Law Liberty, and Morality (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1963).
Bibliography
Abernethy, V. Environmental and ethical aspects of international migration. International Migration Review,. 30/1 (1996), 132–150.
Carens, J. H. Realistic and idealistic approaches to the ethics of migration. International Migration Review, 30/11 (996), 156–170.
Hart H. L. A., Law Liberty, and Morality (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1963).
Jacobsen, K., & Landau, L. The dual imperative in refugee research: Some methodological and ethical considerations in social science research on forcedmigration. Disasters,. 27/3, (2003), 185–206.
UN High Commissioner for Refugees. (1951). Convention relating to the status of refugees. Web.
Woodward J., “Commentary: Liberalism and Migration,” in Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People and of Money, ed. Brian Barry and Robert E. Goodin (University Park: The Pennsylvania State Press, 1992), 61.
The photo depicting the death of Syrian boy Alan Kurdi has become a symbol of the refugee crisis in Europe. It caused major concern among the officials as well as common people and brought a surge in donations to charities, which work on refugee issue. While the current situation of Syrian and Iraqi refugees is unprecedented, the problem of refugees, in general, is well-known, and it was studied since the middle of XX century. Thereby it is a question of great importance, how European nation would overcome the crisis. Although EU has all the necessary resources to help the refugees, it would be a challenging task which requires the development of the new methods to work with them.
The term “refugee” was not invented in XX century; its technical meaning was developed after First World War. It distinguishes those, who lost the protection of their state from the ordinary immigrants. Their protection has become a responsibility of newly ordered League of Nations along with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The first refugees they dealt with were Russians, who were scattered through Europe due to revolution and civil war.
As seen, the refugee phenomenon is not as modern as some books tend it to portray. There is no fundamental difference between the Russian refugees of the 1920s, Jewish in 1930s, Vietnamese of the 1970s and Syrian and Iraqi ones of nowadays. While modern refugee movements have their unique features, like their pure scale, each movement has a home troubled country, a displaced individual and a host country. There also may come other participants such as non-government organizations, protecting the refugees, but those three are a constant.
It is still up to researchers to understand the fundamental reasons that caused the situation, leading millions of Syrians and Iraqi to leave their homes in the pursuit of better life, but the current crisis was already called one of the worst humanitarian disasters since the 1940s. The most obvious reasons for people to flee are war, violence, and poverty. The true causes for people to risk their lives in sinking boats, however, are running much deeper.
The crisis has to deal with more than destruction of order in the Middle East. It is a consequence of failure of Arabic civilization to embrace the modernity. The eastern world managed to build economies that at certain degree allowed people to live in prosperity, but failed to deliver the modern political systems, which progressive-minded people desire. After the fall of Ottoman Empire, the Arabs have tried several ideologies, and most of them did not work.
The social nationalism of Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser has failed just as authoritarianism of Libya’s Muamar Gaddafi and Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. It is impossible to compare the achievements of no less authoritarian Lee Kwan Yew in Singapore with the legacy of Saddam Hussein in oil-rich Iraq. The radical Islamism, which now prospers in devastated regions, is not an ideology of choice for the most Muslims. Furthermore, the atrocities committed by the fanatics of ISIS, devalue more moderate flows of Islam.
While refugees are fleeing for their lives, European Union has problems of its own, and most likely that refugee crisis will only worsen them. The economic gap between the prosperous countries like Germany, Sweden, Denmark and Norway, and less successful ones as Greece and significant part of the Eastern Europe is growing and it questions the very existence of the EU. More countries refuse to host the refugees; some are even constructing walls on their borders while politicians of the highest level allow themselves harsh statements on the refugee problem.
Theresa May of the British Conservative Party wanted to ban migrants from the UK unless they have a job and the Prime Minister David Cameron described the refugees coming to his country as a “swarm”. International organizations have criticized them, but if the problem exists on the highest level, what is possible to say about common people? It is doubtful that many Europeans are eager to share their riches with the millions of refugees.
It may cause a systematic discrimination, which in turn may lead more Arabs to the radical Islamism. The vicious circle requires new patterns of work at all levels of society. Not to mention that the richest countries of the Persian Gulf such as Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and UAE have refused to host a single refugee of the 7.6 millions of Syrians and more than 2 millions of Iraqis, suggesting that western countries have to deal with the crisis on their own.
The non-governmental organizations such as Human Right Watch are major forces in dealing with the crisis. They require the EU to do its best in order to overcome the crisis. HRW specialists require implementing effective border and migration control that may help vulnerable people to avoid the dangerous journeys through the Mediterranean Sea on unreliable vessels like the one caused the death of Alan Kurdi. The European coastal guard in its turn should pay more attention to those who have no other choice, both saving the lives of the unfortunate refugees and ensure the action against smugglers’ criminal business.
Other ways of helping the refugees include increasing legal and safe channels into the EU, reforming its Visa Code and expand family reunification. Speaking of long-term actions, European countries should make their best to prevent violation of refugees’ rights, allow them to have the legal job and provide legal education for their children, in a word, allow them to socialize in the unfamiliar place. It is still however a matter of discussion, how much the refugees want to socialize themselves.
In my opinion, this is the first refugee crisis of the XIX century, but most likely not the last. The world is changing dramatically and we are only beginning to embrace the consequences of these changes. The western countries may look rich and prosperous for the poor Syrians, who have nothing to lose, but their power still has limits. It may be not the matter of amount of resources, but their distribution.
Meanwhile, the displeasure of the common Europeans is growing, and it may cause the outbreaks of anti-Islamism and even nationalism; thus the liberal values such as tolerance to unlike people are yet to be tested. Being a terrible humanitarian catastrophe of its own, the refugee crisis is also a consequence of many actions done wrong, and we have to admit, that some of these actions were committed by the western world, not the Arab dictators or Islamic fanatics. Still I hope, that the crisis, while presenting many challenges to the European countries will eventually make the world safer and fairer place to live.
Bibliography
Betts, Alexander, Loesher, Gil. Refugees in International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
The invasion of Ukraine led to a significant wave of refugees, which brought many changes to the countries of asylum. Pettrachin and Hadj Abdou (2022) note that Ukrainian refugees and society’s attitudes toward them are significantly different from people from other countries. This group has a more welcoming reception due to cultural and geographical proximity to European countries, news coverage of events in Ukraine, and other factors (Pettrachin and Hadj Abdou, 2022). To understand such features and differences, studying the topic requires a theoretical framework and considering existing models and approaches to studying refugees.
Researchers use various approaches to explain migration-related phenomena in their studies. At the same time, FitzGerald and Arar (2018) note that refugees usually do not receive attention in migration theories. Authors distinguish the existence of several approaches to understanding the concept of refugees and the application of world systems theory, integration of theory, and theories of assimilation and citizenship (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). These theories explain the reasons for seeking asylum and consider the features of staying in a new country. Integration theories in refugee studies receive the most attention, but research highlights different aspects, like support or relationships (Phillimore, 2021). Another crucial theoretical direction is refugee adaptation; for example, Von Haumeder, Ghafoori, and Retailleau (2019) use Social cognitive theory to study the psychological adaptation of trauma survivors. The researchers also offer their models based on cultural adaptation (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Refugees adaptation model
As part of the current study, it is essential to consider the specifics of accepting refugees by other migrants. In particular, De Coninck (2020), based on social identity theory and group threat theory, argues that the categories of refugees and migrants differ significantly, creating the basis for conflict. The Unified Instrumental Model of Group Conflict highlights the possibility of conflict, emphasizing the different situations of refugees and migrants (Weisser, 2022). Typically, refugees are more dependent and have fewer opportunities to solve problems (Weisser, 2022). Finally, refugees may face discrimination and xenophobia, which is also considered by theories (Peterie and Neil, 2020). Thus, several approaches can guide and inform the current study of attitudes toward newly arrived migrants.
Reference List
De Coninck, D. (2020) ‘Migrant categorizations and European public opinion: diverging attitudes towards immigrants and refugees’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 46(9), pp. 1667-1686.
FitzGerald, D. S. and Arar, R. (2018) ‘The sociology of refugee migration’ Annual Review of Sociology, 44, pp. 387-406.
Peterie, M. and Neil, D. (2020) ‘Xenophobia towards asylum seekers: a survey of social theories’, Journal of Sociology, 56(1), pp. 23-35.
Phillimore, J. (2021) ‘Refugee-integration-opportunity structures: shifting the focus from refugees to context’ Journal of Refugee Studies, 34(2), pp. 1946-1966.
Spanhel, K. et al. (2019) ‘Cultural adaptation of internet interventions for refugees: results from a user experience study in Germany’ Internet Interventions, 18, pp. 1-13.
Von Haumeder, A., Ghafoori, B. and Retailleau, J. (2019) ‘Psychological adaptation and posttraumatic stress disorder among Syrian refugees in Germany: a mixed-methods study investigating environmental factors’ European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 10(1), pp. 1-10.
Weisser, R. A. (2022) ‘A near‐real‐time analysis of societal responses to Ukrainian refugee migration in Europe’, International Migration, pp. 1-20.
The eruption of violence between Russia and Ukraine has resulted in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. It is estimated that approximately 2 million Ukrainian citizens fled the country within a week of the conflict (Weisser, 2022). The crisis demonstrates the evolution of interactions between refugees and host nations and the impact of close geographical proximity on attitudes toward immigrants. For instance, Eastern European immigrants are seldom discriminated against in the UK (Weisser, 2022). Specific theories and models have been proposed to explain the relationships between different groups of refugees and how they adapt to the cultural and political elements that define their host nations. Weisser (2022) demonstrates how European nations implemented strategies designed to facilitate the accommodation of Ukrainian refugees. The literature review, which focuses on Ireland, will address definitions of refugees and immigrants, the Ukrainian crisis, legal and cultural contexts, and theoretical perspectives. A comprehensive assessment of the cultural and legal context of immigration is essential to understand how the proposed theoretical frameworks apply to Ireland’s situation.
Refugees and Immigrants
The theoretical underpinnings for migration research form the basis upon which various factors that affect displaced people can be explored. There has been a substantial debate as to whether specific groups of people are to be considered refugees or immigrants. Article 1(A)(2) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees defines them as “people who leave their countries of origin for fear of being persecuted because of their race, nationality, or religion” (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018, p. 389). The definition places emphasis on the notion of protection from persecution, which has long existed in human history.
Migrants are viewed as individuals who leave their host nations for economic reasons. They are often equipped with documents that allow them safe passage and access to resources in the host nation. There is, however, a significant challenge in navigating the political and economic dichotomy that separates the two groups of individuals (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). This is because it obscures the motivations that drive people’s decisions to leave their host nations. Some nations often apply economic tools to disenfranchise rivals by limiting their ability to access employment opportunities, land, and markets (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). It is often the case, therefore, that some migrants qualify for refugee status, on account of the conditions that prompted their exit. It is vital that a framework that analyses each of the cases independently is formulated to effectively address the needs of affected populations.
The Ukrainian Crisis
The Ukrainian War has resulted in an influx of refugees in Ireland. The war broke out on the 24th of February 2022, to the dismay of the rest of the world (Rahimi and Talebi, 2022). It is estimated that the number of refugees in Ireland will exceed 90,000 by March 2023 and rise to 107,000 by June of the same year (Morahan, 2022). A comprehensive analysis of data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees by Morahan (2022) indicated that approximately 61,000 Ukrainian nationals have been assigned PPS numbers. The data reveals that Ireland has received an unprecedented number of refugees, based on the analysis of historical trends. The incoming individuals are offered housing and access to essential services by the government. Most of the refugees have accessed accommodation in Kerry, South West, Galway, and Clare (Morahan, 2022). The majority of the displaced individuals are women and children.
A point to note is that minority groups among the refugees fleeing Ukraine have received differential treatment in host nations. Racism and immigration remain contentious issues in the current global political dispensation (Sambaraju and Minescu, 2019). South Asian and African citizens have faced difficulties leaving the country and gaining admission into host countries (Simar and Stanford 2022). The experiences of Black and Asian Ukrainian citizens demonstrate the systemic devaluation of individuals from ethnic minority populations. This is evidenced by the fact that Black and Asian Ukrainians fleeing the country were subjected to differential treatment by authorities in host nations (Simar and Stanford 2022). Racism remains a significant stumbling block in the face of a humanitarian crisis.
Individuals fleeing Ukraine have received preferential treatment in many countries, including Ireland. For instance, the Ukrainian and other select groups of refugees will be allowed to work in the region until March 2024 (Wilson, 2022). People fleeing conflict from other regions of the world are expected to file formal applications for international protection, which often takes years as relevant authorities evaluate each of the cases (Wilson, 2022). Individuals from other war-torn nations have expressed concern at the fact that a specific group of individuals is receiving preferential treatment (Carlsen and Toubøl, 2023). In their study, Carlsen and Toubøl (2023) found that different activist groups disagree as to whether a specific group of individuals is entitled to preferential treatment. It is worth pointing out that the Irish government has postponed plans to replace Direct Provision because of the pressure to house Ukrainian citizens (Wilson, 2022). Direct Provision remains the main modality through which refugee issues are addressed in the country. This means that refugees from other nations have to wait for the fulfillment of their applications while the needs of the victims of the Russian conflict with Ukraine are addressed.
The Irish government made special provisions for individuals displaced by the Ukrainian war. It adopted “The Temporary Protection Directive,” which provides better opportunities for integration compared to Direct Provision (Wilson, 2022). For instance, the Temporary Protection Directive facilitates the immediate and temporary protection of displaced people in a shorter duration of time compared to Direct Provision (Wilson, 2022). While it is acknowledged that the Irish government has experienced heightened pressure as is the case in Poland and its housing sector, there are calls for equity (Trojanek and Gluszak, 2022). Many have voiced the view that the Irish government should extend favors to all refugees and not just Ukrainian citizens. This view is supported by Weisser (2022) and Carlsen and Toubøl (2023) who highlight the need for equity. The prioritization of all refugee needs is an essential aspect of service to humanity.
The Legal and Cultural Context
The association between race, immigration, discrimination, and nationality is complex and multifaceted. Discrimination on the basis of race is prohibited in numerous legal statutes across the world, as is national origin, which refers to an individual’s country of origin (Fennelly and Murphy, 2021). According to Fennelly and Murphy (2021), nationality is defined as an individual’s legal bond of citizenship and is seldom considered grounds for discrimination. This is vital because EU law as currently constituted does not outline prohibitions for nationality-based discrimination. A close examination of Ireland’s legal statutes is vital because an individual’s migrant status is a significant source of vulnerability, differential treatment, and marginalization (Fennelly and Murphy, 2021). Fennelly and Murphy (2021) note that while most European states have strong protections against racial discrimination, migration-status-based discrimination is excluded in most legal frameworks.
Refuge and Asylum in Ireland
Immigration law in the Republic of Ireland is governed by European Union and national directives. Asylum seekers in the region are kept in a direct provision system, meaning that individuals are housed communally and are incapable of living independently (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The aforementioned conditions present challenges regarding the processing of documents and access to employment opportunities in the host nation. It is worth noting that integration strategies have been ineffective as many displaced people struggle to piece their lives together in a system that faces challenges addressing their needs, as highlighted by Murphy and Vieten (2019). While the government’s efforts to address the issue should be lauded, more needs to be done to effectively address refugee needs.
The direct provision program in Ireland is the primary means through which immigrants are processed upon arrival. Murphy and Vieten (2019) examined elements of integration and their influences on political education and the labor market in a population of second-generation African youth, many of whom had accessed the country through direct provision. The researchers noted that barriers to integration such as racism were prominent. Other issues that were identified included prejudice and bureaucratic mistrust in direct provision centers, political rallies, and communities (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The researchers also noted that the economic hardships that plagued Ireland resulted in an increase in racial abuse directed towards minorities owing to the reduced employment opportunities (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The challenging conditions that refugees face directly impacts their ability to adapt to new environments.
The Cultural Context
The complex cultural conditions that characterize Ireland’s society have made it particularly challenging to isolate the problems and social conditions foreign-born minorities experience. In addition, challenges such as differences in languages, cultural practices, and distance from home make acculturation difficult (Zhu, 2022). It is worth noting that discriminatory and racist actions against refugees are the direct result of the ongoing tensions in the region (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Cultural identity in Ireland is exceedingly complex in view of the fact that nationalism, religion, and politics intersect (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The identities, which have largely been shaped by historical events have resulted in the creation of a deeply divided society.
The prevalence of negative attitudes and prejudice in Ireland is a recent issue because past conflicts dissuaded people from seeking asylum in the region. The population of foreign-born nationals in Ireland has grown significantly in recent years, which is s stark contrast of its largely racially homogenous past (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The effects of globalization, such as the increased spread of people, mean that Ireland must contend with a higher number of refugees than at any other point in its history.
Theoretical Perspectives
Economic Self-Interest
The economic self-interest theory provides a platform through which the examination of a community’s attitudes to foreign-born individuals can be examined. Early theorists proposed that personal political attitudes are defined by an individual’s determination of whether or not a political action or policy had economic benefits (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Lippard and McNamee (2021) support the application of the aforementioned perspective on politically charged discussions such as immigration. The economic self-interest theory posits that a population’s attitudes towards immigrants are a reflection of their narrow and material self-interests (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Such a view facilitates the application of a variety of factors to forecast attitudes toward immigrants. These include employment, income, occupation, status, and level of education.
In essence, a person’s attitude towards refugees may depend on the individual’s financial state and whether they view the arrival of foreigners as detrimental or beneficial to their economic status. This is evidenced by the fact that economic concerns played a critical role in the adaptation of Syrian refugees in Turkey (Şafak-Ayvazoğlu et al., 2021). Şafak-Ayvazoğlu et al. (2021) demonstrated that economic concerns such as limited access to employment opportunities increased the degree f animosity directed toward the refugee population In addition, the health needs that refugees face increased pressure on health systems in host countries (Rzymski et al., 2022). In a study of the impact of refugee influx on a host nation’s healthcare system, Rzymski et al. (2022) note that there is a significant increase in the burden of disease in the affected nation. Şafak-Ayvazoğlu et al. (2021) argue that based on the economic self-interest theory, people with lower levels of education and income tend to view immigrants in a negative light.
The economic self-interest theory may not always predict behavior toward refugees. This is because research findings have been mixed, with some studies indicating that low income and unemployment had no impact on immigrant attitudes (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Lippard and McNamee (2021) conducted a study to assess the prevailing attitudes toward the resettlement of Syrian refugees in Ireland. The researchers note that while socio-economic status may not impact attitudes, residents viewed immigrants as a threat when asked about their personal or national economic status. According to Lippard and McNamee (2021), negative attitudes toward immigrants increased when foreign-born individuals accessed social benefits that were largely coveted by the parent nation’s citizens. These include health insurance and other economic welfare attitudes. Therefore, direct competition for resources served to increase the frequency of negative attitudes towards refugees.
Economic self-interest is closely aligned with the ethnic competition theory, which is an essential issue to consider. In a study to assess the impact of anti-immigration attitudes on fixed-term contracts, Ersanilli and Prag (2021) demonstrate the influence of ethnic competition theory on employment status. The ethnic competition theory surmises that people often support far-right political entities in a bid to reduce competition from immigrants for scarce resources. The issues under contention include housing, employment, health benefits, and sexual partners.
Social Exposure
The second theory that has a bearing on the prevalent attitudes towards immigrants in Ireland is the social exposure theory, also referred to as the contact hypothesis. It posits that prolonged contact between members of a group to those external to it fosters the development of positive attitudes towards the latter (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The close connections are demonstrated in relationships with coworkers, close friendships, or schoolmates. According to a review of research studies by Lippard and McNamee (2021) Northern Irish citizens demonstrated positive attitudes towards foreign-born individuals when their friendships included immigrants. Lippard and McNamee (2021) also demonstrate that frequent contact with individuals from eastern Europe and other minority groups resulted in the expression of increased tolerance to individuals from the aforementioned groups. The quality of exposure is vital for the development of positive attitudes. It should be noted, however, that Lippard and McNamee (2021) reference a 2014 study that demonstrated how increased contact increased the feelings of prejudice that Spanish residents felt towards Muslims. These feelings were fueled by the increasing global apprehension against Muslims on account of devastating terror attacks around the world. This demonstrates the value of quality interactions with regard to the development of positive attitudes.
The contact hypothesis could help explain the warmth with which Ukrainian refugees have been received in European nations. According to Pettrachin and Hadj Abdou (2022), the reception of displaced individuals from Ukraine differs significantly from those of individuals from other countries. It is theorized that the nation’s geographic proximity to Europe has aided in the alteration of attitudes, which as demonstrated earlier, are typically negative. The change in attitude is also evident in the fact that refugee settlement for refugees in Ireland has been hastened, with most receiving independent housing and housing in Irish homes, travel passes and work passes in record time compared to individuals from other war-torn nations.
Cultural marginality helps contextualize the unique social makeup present in Ireland. The cultural marginality theory suggests that native citizens express positive views about immigrants if their communities have suffered the ravages of systemic oppression or marginalization (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The increase in negative attitudes that have been seen in many parts of Ireland is believed to be the result of the widespread fears of terrorism and the rising rates of immigration experienced in the United Kingdom.
The perceived threat to cultural interests is thought to contribute significantly to the prevalence of negative attitudes toward immigrants. For instance, the continued influx of individuals who do not speak the native language, understand traditional practices, or eat the local food makes residents feel like their way of life is under threat. The concept of ethnic competition has gained immense interest, with researchers demonstrating the prevalence of the perception that the influx of Muslim residents would alter cultural norms and practices in European countries (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The negativity towards immigrants in the highlighted scenario stems from the belief that foreign-born individuals will refuse to embrace local traditions and beliefs.
Refugee Adaptation Model
The cultural adaptation model explains the factors that contribute to the success of refugee integration. The model proposed by Spanhel et al. (2019) is based on the specificity of refugee characteristics and challenges. The model highlights the sequential changes and experiences that refugees experience as they advance through various stages of social disruption. The first sub-theme in the model is the stressors and problems faced by refugees. The authors contend that the appreciation of a refugee’s strains and burdens is critical. The specific stressors that the individual experiences are vital to their ability to adapt to a specific environment. These include language barriers, lack of employment, limited access to health services, and barriers associated with adapting to a new culture. It is vital to address health problems while respecting the seriousness of the underlying issues each individual experiences (Spanhel et al., 2019). It is also important to exclude all traumatic images associated with the individual’s past experiences in their native nation.
Daily habits, socialization, and values form the second sub-category of characterization. The aforementioned elements must always be considered in the adaptation of refugees. The inclusion of diverging habits in the interventions designed to address refugee needs is immensely beneficial. Aid workers must use concrete and vivid descriptions when dealing with immigrants is essential in view of the fact that a number of refugees have low levels of education (Spanhel et al., 2019). Aid workers should also use simple language in view of the fact that it helps a majority of individuals overcome challenges associated with assimilation in a different environment. There is a need to recognize differences in the systems of values among displaced individuals. This is because variations in value systems impact communication and adaptability in host nations.
The disease and treatment concepts of displaced individuals often determine their ability to adapt to new environments. It is often the case that refugees are seldom interested in mental health issues because such topics are considered taboo in most of their cultures (Spanhel et al., 2019). Most refugees often resort to traditional treatments instead of contemporary Western medicine. The appreciation of the refugee’s views on the management of mental health issues and the inclusion of certain aspects in the treatment intervention improves outcomes. Finally, the higher fit and relevance of measures designed to address refugee needs can be increased by addressing specific issues, such as managing specific stressors that refugees had before reaching the host country (Spanhel et al., 2019). In addition, disease treatment concepts and everyday habits must be considered to ensure all emergent needs are addressed. The cultural adaptation model is highlighted in figure 1 below.
Figure 1. Refugees adaptation model
Conclusion
The attitude populations have towards immigrants and refugees is determined by a variety of factors. It is evident that an individual’s determination of whether or not a political action or policy had economic benefits defines their attitude towards foreign-born individuals. The preferential treatment of Ukrainian refugees can be explained by two key theoretical viewpoints. Firstly, extended contact between immigrants and the nation’s citizens facilitates the development of positive attitudes towards the former. Secondly, citizens often express positive attitudes towards refugees if their communities have experienced the difficulties of systemic oppression and marginalization. It is vital to understand the impact of a community’s political and cultural context when devising policies that best address the needs of all individuals fleeing war and economic hardships in their native countries.
Fennelly, D. and Murphy, C. (2021) ‘Racial discrimination and nationality and migration exceptions: reconciling CERD and the race equality directive’, Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 39(4), pp. 308–328.
FitzGerald, D. S. and Arar, R. (2018) ‘The sociology of refugee migration’, Annual Review of Sociology, 44, pp. 387-406.
Murphy, F. and Vieten, U.M. (2019) ‘African asylum seekers and refugees in both Irelands’, in Fanning, B. and Michael, L. (eds.) Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands. Manchester: Manchester University Press, pp. 58–71.
Spanhel, K. et al. (2019) ‘Cultural adaptation of internet interventions for refugees: results from a user experience study in Germany’, Internet Interventions, 18, pp. 1-13.
Trojanek, R. and Gluszak, M. (2022) ‘Short-run impact of the Ukrainian refugee crisis on the housing market in Poland’, Finance Research Letters 50, pp. 1–6.
Weisser, R. A. (2022) ‘A near‐real‐time analysis of societal responses to Ukrainian refugee migration in Europe’, International Migration, pp. 1-20.
Child labor is a significant problem in countries with a large number of refugees and illegal immigrants. Children of illegal immigrants are often forced to work to make sure their families have enough resources to provide for their basic needs.1
The total number of Syrian refugees around the world is close to 5.6 million, which is a considerable part of world-wide migration2 This especially true for refugees from Syria that moved to Lebanon due for various internal and external reasons. According to the latest estimated provided by the UN Refugee Agency, there are 938,531 registered refugees and 208,358 households, which causes the influx of labor force in the country.3 In spite of various laws and regulations on tackling labor issues with regard to Syrian refugees, many people encounter poverty. The Inter-Agency Coordination of Lebanon reports that 37,000 Syrian children are engaged in labor with physical, moral, and psychological hazards.4
According to Article 32 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, children have the right to be protected from any sort of economic exploitation, which includes street-based child labor.5 Therefore, the matter needs in-depth research to assess the needs of underage working Syrian immigrants and identify effective strategies to address these needs.
Research Question, Study Objectives, and Significance
The International Labour Standards on Child Labour (ILO) determine the phenomenon of working children as the violation of human rights, hindering their development, and leading to an adverse impact on their personality.6 In Lebanon, children of Syrian refugees are forced to work instead of receiving education and finding their own path in life.7
In this connection, it is critical to pay closer attention to different dimensions of children working on the streets of Lebanon in the context of human rights. The research aims at answering the following question, “What are the legal and social improvements that should be made to improve the situation of Syrian refugee children working on the streets of Lebanon via the close examination of underlying causes of their current situation?” The objectives of the study are to review relevant literature to and assess international and local human rights conventions and instruments, profile children working on the streets and assess international and local human rights conventions and instruments, and propose efficient strategies to address the problem of street-base child labor in Lebanon.
The research question applies to Syrian refugee children, who have to work 4-6 hours per day to ensure that their families have enough resources to satisfy their basic human needs.8 Such a situation is critical since the violation of human rights is evident. The significance of the proposed study is associated with an in-depth understanding of policies, regulations, and laws that were issued to help the mentioned population. The increased awareness of these issues and causes of the problem would allow formulating potential options for enhancing the current status of children in Lebanon. It is expected that the proposed research would contribute to the evidence by providing a comprehensive review of national policies, institutional contexts, and legal frameworks and evaluating them. Compared to other analyses and interpretations that largely focus on children engaged in agriculture or construction, the proposed study would explore the situations of Syrian refugee children working on the streets.
Current Literature
Legal Status and Economic Repercussions
In 2003, Lebanon and UNHRC signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that formally recognized the presence of refugees in the country, acknowledging their right to asylum.9 It should be emphasized that Lebanon was identified as the transit country that was assigned the task of providing temporary residence for refugees.10
However, the latter is not widely accepted by Lebanon authorities, which creates additional difficulties for Syrians.11 In turn, the UNHRC was bound with the task of finding a pertinent solution of resettling refugees to a third country, yet lengthy bureaucratic processes impede the implementation of further resettlement.12 The mentioned stakeholders did not establish the protection regimen; instead, they introduced a de facto prima facie status that determines the current position of Syrian refugees in Lebanon.13 Therefore, the legal status of Syrian refugees requires increased attention from human rights organizations around the world.
Currently, the majority of Syrian refugee children are not officially registered in the country, which limits their possibility to enroll in education programs. According to Rima, the actual number of Syrian refugees in Lebanon is close to 1.5 million, which implies that more than one-third of immigrants are not registered.14 Around two-thirds of the refugees belong to vulnerable populations, which are women and children.15
Children are often separated from their family and protectors, which leaves them without care and the ability to register to receive help from official sources.16 Separation from legal protectors also leads to increased dangers of physical, sexual, and moral abuse of unprotected populations.17 In other words, children refugees require significant help from the government and non-government organizations to acquire official registration before enrolling in educational programs.
The economic consequences of escaping from Syria refer to the regulations that determine foreign labor in the country. According to UNICEF, foreigners can work in the areas that are not eligible for nationals, which predominantly take the so-called liberal professions.18 Obtaining a work permit is obligatory for all the foreigners, who should apply for the Ministry of Labor of Lebanon. The principle of reciprocity is another important point that allows both nationals and foreigners to practice the same rights. However, domestic and agricultural workers are not covered by the mentioned principles, but these are the two main areas in which Syrian refugees work.19
These regulations restrict the employment opportunities of refugees, making them face poverty, crime, and other associated repercussions. Nevertheless, Lebanon should follow the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that secures people’s rights for fundamental freedoms.
Challenges and Impacts of Child Labor
Child labor among Syrian refugee children is caused by a range of factors, of which poverty is the most powerful one. In particular, the average amount for ensuring a family living in a refugee camp is $119.7, while $50.7 is earned on average.20
Such a situation forces families to encourage their children to work and bring money to have the possibility to satisfy their living needs. According to UNICEF Lebanon, “participants do not consider behaviour as ideal but feel pushed to practicing it to provide for their families.”21 The strict social and cultural norms also affect children, especially adolescent girls, who have to work and perform household shored simultaneously. The Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MEHE) receives the support of UNHCR and UNICEF: 57% of children study in public schools.22 A lack of education is another challenge that prevents children from understanding their human rights, including the one to the safe environment.
The impact of labor on children is rather adverse since it impedes their balanced development and poses various threats. The conditions of work are often hazardous and present many risks of being injured.23 A higher threat of being exposed to sexual and verbal abuse can cause physical and psychological traumas.24 In a long-term period, such children are less likely to have a good job, sufficient remuneration, and proper health.25 Working without food, water, and rest, children in Lebanon often have poor access to healthcare services.26 In short, child labor negatively affects all sides of child development, which leads to significant consequences for physical and mental health.
Street-Based Child Labor
Children working in the streets are concentrated in the centers and involved mainly in vending and begging as the methods of earning money. The recent study shows that 79% of street-based children work in such cities as Tripoli and Greater Beirut.27 The majority of these children are of Syrian origin, and their estimated age is between 10 and 14.28 As stated by the Child Protection in Emergencies Working Group (CPEWG), these children compose the primary source of income for the majority of Syrian families residing in Lebanon.29 There are many cases when children travel from their homes to city centers for long distances.30
The current literature profiles street-based children briefly, paying little attention to the ways to combat it. For example, it is considered that the Internal Security Forces Unit to Combat Working Street Children should be responsible for addressing this problem.31 However, the evidence lacks clarity on how to implement the theoretical considerations into practice.
Legal Framework for Child Labor
The reality in which Syrian refugee children live affects their engagement in labor instead of education. In particular, the decrease in the amount of support that is provided by the Lebanon government to refugees leads to a fiercer labor market. Despite the fact that the Lebanese Ministry of Labor aims to eliminate the most hazardous types of child labor, it is still a problem. In order to address the problem, a strategy needs to be developed using local and international legal frameworks. However, as mentioned above, Lebanon’s laws are not flexible enough to support the needs of working refugee children. Therefore, the framework needs to be modified in order to adhere to international documents protecting the rights of children.
Among the international documents that are expected to protect children, the 1990 Convention on the Rights of the Child is the most remarkable one. According to the convention, every child has the right to appropriate standard of living to promote his or her social, physical, mental, moral, and spiritual development.32
In families with street-based working children, the latter often faces violence from parents, malnutrition, and overall negligence, abuse, and exploitation, which contradicts the Convention. The Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, C182 by the ILO, also prohibits child trafficking, slavery, and forced labor.33 The Minimum Age Convention establishes the age for employment (15 years), clarifying that restricted social and economic conditions reduce this age to 14.34 In short, international law provides a clear framework for creating programs that address the problem of child labor in Lebanon.
The Lebanese legal documents set the regulation that legalizes the work of children under the age of 18 if it is not hazardous. The latter include potential danger to morals, health, and life of persons. According to Decree No. 8987 that is accepted in Lebanon, children under the age of 16 are eligible for some types of hazardous work if they have special education and are fully protected at the workplace.35 In the case of Syrian children, they have no training and lack vocational education. The recent report by the Child Labor Unit at the Lebanese Ministry of Labor reveals that 30% of working children were injured at least once while performing their job.36
At the same time, only 18.3% of children were enrolled in schooling, and 50% stated that work was the key barrier to accessing education.37 Therefore, the legal framework of Lebanon is imperfect because its use for addressing the problem is limited. However, the Lebanon government found limited success in improving the situation concerning child labor in the country.
Addressing the Problem of Child Labor
Even though the situation concerning child labor in Lebanon is a considerable problem, the government of the country managed to reach moderate success in addressing the issue in 2018. According to the Bureau of International Labor Affairs, the government was moderately successful in eliminating the worst forms of child labor.38 ILO identifies several types of such forms, including slavery, trafficking of children, debt bondage, serfdom, forced labor, armed conflict participation, prostitution or pornography, illicit activities, and potentially hazardous activities.39 The report found evidence of the presence worst forms of child labor with excessive representation in potato and tobacco growing.40 However, the associated numbers have decreased significantly for various reasons.
First, the Policy for the Protection of Students in the School Environment was introduced, which allowed better protection of children’s right to education.41 In particular, the Lebanese government encouraged schools to open second shifts and provide education for Syrian refugees.42 However, the country still lacks financial and human resources to educate all children in need.43 Moreover, schools require children to have official documents and registration in the country, and many children do not have it due to separation from their protectors.44 Children with special needs are also often denied, which forces them to work.45 However, the encouragement from the government led to significant improvement of the situation concerning child labor.
Second, the Lebanese government also launched several education programs to increase awareness about children’s rights. This intervention targeted employers by reminding them of possible legal, health, and social implication of child labor.46 Moreover, the program aimed at empowering former child laborers.47 Even though the consequences of this endeavor are difficult to measure, they are expected to have a positive impact on the situation.
Finally, the authorities have been working on improving labor and criminal law enforcement efforts. In particular, the government gradually increases the number of labor inspectors and criminal law enforcers.48 However, the specialists require additional training to acquire the needed skills for addressing the problem in the most efficient way.49 Even though the country does not have enough financial resources, the emergence of educational programs mentioned above may mean that future intervention will focus on law enforcers.
Theoretical Framework
In order to answer the target research question, it is important to focus on the structural nature of child labor in terms of human rights, which should include social, political, and economic factors. The influx of refugees led to marginalization of society and vulnerability of Syrians in Lebanon. The struggle for survival encourages child labor, being driven by familial norms and views, the community context, and the occupational environment. The theories, concepts, policies, and legal regulations that are to be used in the proposed study will be focused on assessing various dimensions of the wellbeing of children.
The present study aims at utilizing the framework of participatory research, which allows the inclusion of ideas and thoughts of children concerning the discussed problem. Meincke views participatory research as a “process of sequential reflection and action, where local knowledge and perspectives are key elements.”50 In other words, the emphasis of the theoretical framework is to shift the emphasis from expert opinions to the real experiences of the target population. The method is especially relevant for the purposes of the present research since the theoretical and official sides of the problem are thoroughly discussed in the overviewed literature. However, there is a significant gap associated with the representation of real stories of children refugees from Syria engaged in street-based child labor.
The traditional research strategy, which uses authorities as the primary source of data, has several flaws. First, the adult of view of children imposes a stereotypical view on the problem. Meincke states that children are commonly portrayed as needy victims or criminals, and research does not often go beyond this image.51 Participatory research will help to shift the emphasis on children’s views and first-hand experiences, which may be associated with an innovative approach to the identified problem. Second, the framework allows going beyond official reports and expertise that may conceal the reality behind falsified numbers and vague statements. The stories told the children are carefully recorded with every possible detail, which is vital for acquiring trustworthy information. The advantages of the theoretical framework are expected to guarantee a fresh look at the problem.
Despite the identified benefits, the method is also associated with significant difficulties. First, the children may experience difficulties in formulating their thoughts due to insufficient ability to generalize information or describe the events of the past. The problem may be aggravated by the language barrier between interviewer and interviewees. Second, the acquired data may appear challenging to process since children are often unable to understand what information is significant and what can be omitted. Third, the research will need to adhere to all the standards and conventions concerning the rights of children, which requires extensive research of literature and normative acts. The perceived benefits, however, are expected to surpass the possible difficulties, which makes participatory research a suitable framework for the present study.
Methodology
The methodology includes three parts, including an extensive literature review, information gathering, and data analysis. To obtain the structural understanding of the problem, an extensive review of the literature and official reports will be performed. The review will focus on the current state of matters concerning Syrian refugees in Lebanon and the comparison of policies utilized by the Lebanon government against those used in other countries. European countries are of particular interest due to the advanced practices utilized there, which were mentioned by UNICEF.52 The review is expected to synthesize evidence concerning the most efficient strategies designed to address the violation of children’s rights.
For the second stage, semi-structured interviews will be conducted to collect primary data in the field. It is expected to conduct between ten and twenty semi-structured interviews from children engaged in street-based child labor. The use of semi-structured interviews is determined by the identified theoretical framework of participatory research. It was initially considered to use quantitative methods to assess data from questionnaires.
However, the language barrier was believed to make the answers to questionnaires non-representative. Moreover, as mentioned in the literature review for the present proposal, many children lack proper education and may experience difficulties in reading and writing even in their own language. Therefore, it was decided to turn to semi-structured interviews and qualitative methods. The interviews will be recorded and carefully transcribed to incorporate every detail in the research.
The final step of the research is data analysis, which is expected to be a laborious process. The interviews will be analyzed for common themes and presented in an excessive discussion. Data concerning the needs of children, their experiences, and possible strategies for addressing the problems will be extracted. After that, the information will be juxtaposed with findings of the literature review to identify the most efficient strategies to address the problem of violation of children’s rights. Even though the described qualitative methods may have validity and reliability issues, it is identified as the most appropriate way to find innovative ideas to approach the issue. Data collection and analysis are expected to be completed in five months after the start of the project. However, the process of research may affect the choice of methods if other, more efficient approaches are discovered.
Bibliography
Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Lebanon: Moderate Advancement. Bureau of International Labor Affairs, 2019. Web.
Cronin-Webb, Morgan. “An Assessment of Gender-Based Violence Programmes in Insecure and Protracted Refugee Settings: A Case Study of Dadaab.” MA Candidate thesis, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, 2018.
Jacobsen, Karen and Loren B. Landau. “The Dual Imperative in Refugee Research: Some Methodological and Ethical Considerations in Social Science Research on Forced Migration.” Disasters 27, no. 3 (2003):185–206.
Rima R. Habib. Survey on Child Labour in Agriculture in the Bekaa Valley of Lebanon: The Case of Syrian Refugees. Beirut, Lebanon: American University of Beirut Press, 2019.
Schimmel, Noam. “Freedom and Autonomy of Street Children.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights 14, no. 3 (2006): 211-234. Web.
UNICEF Lebanon. Behavioral Drivers: Violence Against Children in Lebanon. UNICEF, 2019.
UNICEF. A Child Is a Child: Protecting Children on the Move from Violence, Abuse and Exploitation. New York: UNICEF, 2017. Web.
UNICEF. Addressing Barriers to Multi-Dimensional Child Wellbeing through Integrated Programming, n.d.
UNICEF. Out-of-School Children Mapping and Profiling 18-19. n.d.
UNICEF. Tackling Child Labour among Syrian Refugees and Their Host Communities in Lebanon, UNICEF/ILO, 2015. Web.
Footnotes
UNICEF, A Child Is a Child: Protecting Children on the Move from Violence, Abuse and Exploitation (New York: UNICEF, 2017), 10. Web.
Habib R. Rima, Survey on Child Labour in Agriculture in the Bekaa Valley of Lebanon: The Case of Syrian Refugees (Beirut, Lebanon: American University of Beirut Press, 2019), 14.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child (OHCHR, 1990), 9. Web.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour, 24.
UNICEF Lebanon. Behavioral Drivers: Violence Against Children in Lebanon (UNICEF, 2019), 30.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour, 24.
Amreesha Jagarnathsingh, Global Migration: Consequences and Responses (RESPOND, 2018). Web.
Ibid.
UNICEF, Tackling Child Labour among Syrian Refugees and Their Host Communities in Lebanon (UNICEF/ILO, 2015), 6. Web.
Karen Jacobsen and Loren B. Landau, “The Dual Imperative in Refugee Research: Some Methodological and Ethical Considerations in Social Science Research on Forced Migration,” Disasters 27, no. 3 (2003):186.
Ibid.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour, 14.
Ibid.
Cronin-Webb, Morgan. “An Assessment of Gender-Based Violence Programmes in Insecure and Protracted Refugee Settings: A Case Study of Dadaab.” (MA Candidate thesis, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, 2018), 5.
Ibid, 3.
UNICEF. Tackling Child Labour among Syrian Refugees and Their Host Communities in Lebanon (UNICEF/ILO, 2015). Web.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour, 3.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour.
UNICEF Lebanon, Behavioral Drivers, 66.
UNICEF, Addressing Barriers to Multi-Dimensional Child Wellbeing through Integrated Programming, 4.
UNICEF, A Child Is a Child, 24.
Ibid, 21.
UNICEF, Out-of-School Children Mapping and Profiling 18-19.
UNICEF, A Child Is a Child.
Jagarnathsingh, Global Migration, 21
Ibid, 22.
UNICEF Lebanon. Behavioral Drivers, 3-4.
Ibid.
Ibid, 10.
Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights, Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1.
International Labour Organization, C182 – Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (ILO, 1999). Web.
International Labour Organization, C138 – Minimum Age Convention (ILO, 1973). Web.
UNICEF Lebanon, Behavioral Drivers, 5.
Rima, Survey on Child Labour, 10.
Ibid.
Bureau of International Labor Affairs, Lebanon: Moderate Advancement (Bureau of International Labor Affairs, 2019) 1. Web.
International Labour Organization, C182.
Bureau of International Labor Affairs, Lebanon, 1.
Ibid.
Ibid, 2.
Ibid.
Cronin-Webb, “An Assessment of Gender-Based Violence Programmes,” 5.
Bureau of International Labor Affairs, Lebanon, 3.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid, 4-5.
UNICEF, A Child Is a Child, 49.
Anne Louise Meincke. ‘Children’s Voices’: OHCHR Study on The Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Children Living and/or Working on the Streets (London: Consortium for Street Children, 2012), 5. Web.
Globally, countries are highly affected by the refugee crisis. While some countries, especially in the Middle East and Africa, are the source of the refugees, countries in the west, including the USA and Canada are among the popular destinations. As a popular destination for refugees, therefore, Canada has been a net immigration country. As such, a considerable percentage of the Canadian population (20 percent) is made up of foreign-born permanent residents (Khanlou et al. 1). It is worth noting that the averages for refugees per year have been changing from 18000 in the 1980s to 11000 since 2000 (McKeary and Newbold 2). With the Syrian crisis and the socio-economic issues in the MENA region, more refugees are heading to Canada with the authorities accepting and settling 28,499 in 2016 (Tyyskä et al. 2). This paper attempts to answer critical questions regarding refugees in Canada. First, the paper justifies the noble initiative for refugee acceptance. Second, pertinent policies that govern refugees and how they work are discussed. Third, the paper focuses on challenges and concerns on opening doors for refugees.
Reasons for Accepting Refugees in Canada
Canada may not be the richest country and may not have all the required resources to settle refugees. However, it is considered the most generous country globally about its treatment to newcomers (Alexander 615). Canadians’ generosity and fairness is the most outstanding reason that allows them to welcome and host people fleeing persecutions and who fear prosecutions from their countries (Tyyskä et al. 5). The values of humanitarianism and generosity urge the Canadian government, politicians, and community leaders to perform their moral duties and accept refugees. The Canadian public is praised for getting refugees from camps and accepting them in cots and churches (Tyyskä et al. 5). Moreover, Canada is under international laws and regulations regarding refugees. As such, Canada must accept refugees and asylum seekers with the view of refraining them from going back to risks, and other humanitarian crises. Refugees flee wars, famine, political crises, and other risks. It would be morally irresponsible for Canada to turn such people away according to international humanitarian laws (Durieux 637).
The Canadian Refugee Policy
In Canada, the refugee system is regulated and controlled by a multi-disciplinary framework. The most pivotal element of the framework is the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, which entails the Refugee and Humanitarian Resettlement Program and the In-Canada Asylum Program (Library of Congress par. 1). The Refugee and Humanitarian Resettlement Program deal with refugees who seek asylum in Canada coming from other countries while the In-Canada Asylum Program is mandated to cater to refugees from within the country but fear possible torture or treatment from their country. Notably, the government of Canada and the province of Quebec play the initial role of providing assistance and settlement of refugees.
Moreover, non-government organizations, or/and private citizens are permitted by law to identify and sponsor refugees, provided the persons meet the set admissibility and eligibility requirements (How Canada’s refugee system works par. 6-7). Other than the local legal framework, the Canada refugee policy is greatly influenced by the collaboration and working together between Canada and the UNHCR during the identification of refugees for settlement. Another critical aspect regarding refugee policy in Canada is the Canada-US Safe Third Country, which hinders people from claiming refugee status at the border unless when specific exceptions are apparent. In all the cases, the refugees’ identification and settlement processes undergo thorough, rigorous, and multi-staged verification procedures. The procedures include, among other requirements, criminal, security, and medical checkups. Once settled, refugees are allowed to receive benefits from the government and other sponsors. It is worth noting that not all refugee claims are successful. Those who are not successful in their claim are deported or not allowed entry (Alexander 615).
Concerns about Acceptance of Refugees
Refugees come to Canada in tens of thousands every year and, therefore, challenges and concerns are apparent. The concerns are also evident in other countries that accept refugees, especially in huge numbers and from different parts of the globe. One of the greatest concerns regarding opening doors for refugees is the issue of security. It is vital to note that the government of Canada has an important duty to protect its citizens. Globally, there are trends where refugees and asylum seekers are involved in terrorism. It has also been reported that some elements of terrorism are associated with refugees coming to Canada, especially those coming from the Middle East. Many are concerned when Syrian refugees, especially male refugees, are allowed to settle in Canada (Tyyskä et al. 5). The concerns are linked to global terrorism activities, especially those involving refugees. For instance, the Paris attack and the Cologne sexual attack were linked to refugee terrorists.
Notably, the security concerns have made other countries, including the US, to practice anti-refugee measures (Tyyskä et al. 5). It is worth noting that the US and Canada have been trading partners for a considerable amount of time. As such, the border between the two countries is a strong route for refugees. With the US propagating anti-refugee policies, the border security between the two countries is heightened and this may have unintended effects on bilateral trade. On the other hand, the security problem has resulted in another concern where male refugees are discriminated against. Linking male refugees to terrorism have raised concerns from people championing for equal treatment of all asylum seekers regardless of their gender. Moreover, there are concerns regarding health provision to the refugees. Many scholarly articles have been published indicating that refugees in Canada are experiencing health-related problems. For instance, a study reveals that since refugees’ legal status is not clearly defined, they face huge health risks, especially women (Khanlou et al. 11).
Conclusion
Canada accepts tens of thousands of refugees annually. Most of the refugees come from regions affected by, war, famines, and other areas with humanitarian crises. Several reasons obligate Canada to accept refugees. The most compelling reason is the humanitarian values and generosity of the people of Canada. Also, Canada must follow international laws on refugees. The laws require that countries should accept and settle people fleeing humanitarian crises. It is worth noting that the refugee system in Canada is controlled by a multi-disciplinary framework that gives provisions on who should identify and settle refugees, who qualifies for a refugee claim, and what befalls those who do not qualify. Nevertheless, the refugee system in Canada faces some issues that raise vital concerns. The most evident concern is the heightened insecurity associated with refugee acceptance. In several parts of the world, refugees have been linked to terrorist activities. The security concern raises other issues such as issues regarding the Canada-US border and bilateral relationship. Lastly, acceptance of refugees in Canada raises concerns regarding legal provisions, especially in healthcare services.
Works Cited
Alexander, Chris. “Health care and refugees in Canada.” CMAJ, vol. 186, no.8, 2014, pp. 614-615.
Durieux, Jean-François. “The Duty to Rescue Refugees.” International Journal of Refugee Law, vol. 28, no. 4, 2016, pp. 637–655.
Khanlou, N, Haque, N, Skinner, A, Mantini, A, Kurtz, Landy, C. “Scoping Review on Maternal Health among Immigrant and Refugee Women in Canada: Prenatal, Intrapartum, and Postnatal Care.” Journal of Pregnancy, vol. 2017, no. 8783294, 2017, pp. 1-14.
“Library of Congress. Refugee Law and Policy: Canada.” 2016. Web.
McKeary, Marie and Bruce Newbold. “Barriers to Care: The Challenges for Canadian Refugees and their Health Care Providers.” Journal of Refugee Studies, 2010, pp. 1-23.
Tyyskä, Vappu, Blower, Jenna, Kawai, Shunya, Walcott, Ashley, University, Ryerson. “The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Canadian Media.” 2017. Web.
The flow of refugees from South Sudan in neighbouring countries does not stop. It might lead to the emergence of new problems not only for the refugees but for the population of host countries as well. Recent news indicates that the number of people who left the country exceeds 1.5 million, and this number continues to grow. [1] This situation imposes a burden on the neighbouring countries in connection with the liability they have to carry when accepting refugees on the territory. Despite the criticality of the situation, the donors do not furnish due care and cannot increase funding for humanitarian operations.
The Core of the Crisis
The complexity of the setting is amplified by the fact that refugee camps are almost full, which increases the risk of epidemics. This poses a threat to the native population as well. Also, the situation in Southern Sudan, low productivity, ongoing conflicts, and the lack of required aid might lead to a humanitarian crisis. [2] Many refugees are forced to live under the open sky, they do not receive enough food and other essentials, which leads to the fact that people are suffering from malnutrition, diseases, and, in general, have to perish waiting for help. Despite all the appeals, assistance emanating from several international charity organizations is not sufficient.
Several years earlier, South Sudan was a young developing country, which has faced an ongoing conflict and was consecutively decimated by it. In 2013, the country experienced a power crisis, which has turned into a multifaceted process of destruction. [3] The conflict was the results of disagreements between President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, and Riek Machar. Still, it exacerbated in a crisis that affected millions of people and became the biggest conflict in Africa. At present, South Sudan experiences a political, national, and ethnic collision. Parts of the country are in dreadful condition with people starving to death. The setting has pushed more than 3 million people to abandon their homes and lands in a search for peace and security. People have settled in such countries as Uganda, Kenya, Sudan, and Ethiopia, and many of refugees are scattered across the world. [4] Although in 2015 a peace agreement was concluded, the war has never stopped.
Image 1. Refugees coming through the forest (Leithead 2016).
The majority of the refugees are women and children. The minors suffer from severe hunger and malnutrition. Also, more than half of them have waterborne diseases, which they receive when consuming undrinkable water. According to expert evaluations, the situation will continue to deteriorate, and significantly more refugees will be affected by extreme hunger. [5] Apart from that, host countries experience severe security problems as people have to strive through forests for days to reach safe places since they are aware of militia groups operating on the roads. [6]
Conclusion
Thus, governments and authorities of countries are trying to figure out what to do with the refugees from Southern Sudan since most of them are illegal immigrants, which imposes additional constraints on their integration into society and normal life. Every day thousands of people leave this African country in search of safety; however, running away from war and persecution, they have to live in poverty and wait for anything, which comes next. In three years, the country has turned into a state where trade and markets have been demolished, where people die of hunger, and where it is no longer safe for anyone.
Reference List
Begum, S 2013, Upper Nile refugee crisis, Oxfam, Oxford.
Furtak, F 2015, ‘The refugee crisis – a challenge for Europe and the world’, Journal of Civil & Legal Sciences, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 1-2.
