Category: Politics & Government 2182

Ben Carson is famous for being an excellent neurosurgeon before pursuing a political career. He attended a medical school and became the director of pediatric neurosurgery at Hopkins Hospital. At that time, he was only 33, and this was an extraordinary achievement for such a young man. However, it was not his position that made him famous throughout the country. Carson successfully managed to separate conjoined twins, and he became the first neurosurgeon who ever did such an operation. Therefore, while being the youngest-ever director, he proved his talent by attaining professional goals.

The early life of Ben Carson had significantly influenced his success in both the medical field and other areas. He was born in a low-income family, and his mother did her best to educate Ben and his brother Curtis. Even the choice of medical career was conditional upon the fact that the family struggled to receive healthcare services at the time. Moreover, his mother made him read two books a week in addition to regular school homework. In this way, future achievements of Ben Carson were defined by his upbringing and severe conditions, under which the family lived when he was a child.

Ben Carson has many hobbies and extracurricular activities not connected to his work, and they complete his image of a successful man. He is a published author, and his six books include the most known memoir Gifted Hands and the political writing One Nation. Some of Ben Carsons books were even made into movies. One of them, Hard Choices, made the New York Times bestseller list. Moreover, Carson and his wife, Candy, are active philanthropists, and they established the Carson Scholars Fund that assists promising students.

It seems like just yesterday that I took command, but it has already been almost six months. In that time, I have been genuinely impressed by the Soldiers and civilians of the 310th MI Battalion  their teamwork allows them to provide world-class technical support to counterintelligence investigations and operations worldwide.

General Governed structure ascertains that the General Government is depended on the public measures in the context of safety and otherwise helping people or the general mass to follow the jurisdiction of law. This system of governance helps the organization to uphold the law in a wider sense. The general structure of governance has been a well formulated configuration and it has proved to be a successful organization in terms of law enforcement in the area. Public Safety and Law is one of the most important priorities of the armed force and the civilians alike. By this measure they help to maintain peace and law all over the area. Additionally, it should be taken into account that in the field of community services the armed force has prove to be a wonderful example of military efficiency. Time and again it has been seen that during natural calamities the U S armed force is always there to help the civilians with their services and maintaining peace and law at the time of disaster thereby helping the civilians greatly.

The armed force is extremely instrumental in handling the matter of law and by taking interest in this field the armed force ensures that the law is enforced properly and effectively as because with the use of security the general mass of the area tends to be more law abiding in the context of principals. Similarly enough the same could be said about the armed force while dealing with the calamity protection system on behalf of the general people. Though the mater of calamity protection hardly comes under the jurisdiction of the armed force under normal circumstances and in general sense it could be mentioned that the U S armed force is doing a great job for the civilian in this context. It would have been far more difficult for a civilian to receive justice and safety if not for the presence of the armed force. This way the armed force is doing a substantially wonderful job from the perspective of the civilians and this in the context proves to be a nice gesture from the point of view of the armed force but all these are possible with the active participation of the civilians.

This past quarter our team has been busy. We have had several of our Soldiers and civilians deployed to all three major military operations, and they have performed magnificently. We have also had a wide range of TDY missions across several different continents. We also bid farewell to a few team members, most notably Ms. Sue Butterfield who retired with 30 years of federal service.

Coming from a FORSCOM environment, I did not understand how important the role of civilians is to the success of our battalion. We just could not cover all of our missions without the interventions of our civilians. They are the heart of the battalion, and may have specific (and even unique) skills and experience not readily available in uniform. Additionally, many of them previously served on active duty, and bring a wealth of history to our operations; including time spent in sister services. We have veterans from Vietnam and Desert Storm, like Tom Longazel and Don Shiles, as well as many civilians who volunteered to support the battalion task force for OIF or subsequent deployments.

I have grown to appreciate the crucial institutional knowledge that our civilians have. Unlike our military members, they do not rotate every two-to-three years, and can rapidly provide the lessons learned of previous missions. This stability not only helps us with operations, but contributes to the sense of pride and tradition. We have employees who have served for decades, and they have become part of our social fabric. I am amazed at the estimate of how many holiday parties, change of command receptions, and other social events that have been planned and run by our informal social committee of Ms Burkhart, Ms. Devillasee-Miller, and Ms. Curry over the years.

In closing, CSM Gabr and I am proud of all our Soldiers and civilians who serve the battalion every day. Their individual personalities make it a dynamic place to work, and there is never a dull moment. We look forward to advancing our capabilities and assuming the global technical counterintelligence mission. Always on the Alert!

Introduction

The issues of governmental surveillance are not the burning issues of everyday life. Moreover, most people do not even think that there is a possibility that the State can observe their personal lives. However, when the movie Enemy of the State appeared on the screens, these issues became quite actual and broadly discussed. Surely, people do not wish someone (especially the government) to observe their lives; however, some clearly realize it may be useful for the sake of their own safety. Anyway, surveillance is not disproved by federal agencies, however, the means and the tools of surveillance are not and will not be discovered by them.

Some surveillance tools are intended to restrict the freedoms of the citizens, and this often happens without any awareness of the citizens, while the others do not have such an intention. It is necessary to emphasize that not all surveillance means are acceptable, however, we need to understand the essence of these mechanisms in order to realize what should be expected.

Arguments for Surveillance

The movie clearly shows that the government has an opportunity to follow any citizen by means of bugs, satellite surveillance and controlling the credit cards of everyone. Some of these points may seem unreal and close to science fiction, however the possibility of surveillance is real. Arguing for the surveillance, people often provide the arguments, which are closely linked with State security and safety issues. The fact is that such a perfect surveillance system gives an opportunity to monitor all the movements of some suspected personalities. The fact is that these personalities are not random, and they are often suspected in the violation of State security and the safety of the citizens, consequently, this surveillance is the only way to avoid terrorist attacks, massive murders at schools, unlawful financial operations etc.

It is necessary to emphasize that all unlawful actions should be avoided and prevented, but not investigated, as prevention is the best way of struggle. The other arguments are not so powerful, as they presuppose the necessity of surveillance because of the increased population and increased number of gamblers, who lost their fear, and feel themselves free and unpunished.

Surveillance is an effective tool for crime deterrent. The presence of video cameras, and the notion that surveillance is possible can help to prevent crime, as criminals do not want to be chased and captured. Individuals are more afraid of cameras, thus, the number of unorganized crimes may be seriously decreased. Surveillance offers great help for investigation. The data and images obtained from surveillance systems may be used as evidence while proving or disproving the guilt.

It is also argued that many surveillance practices have good or at least neutral intentions. These intentions generally include: desires for safety, welfare, health, efficiency, speed and coordination.

Arguments against Surveillance

People who stand against surveillance often support their point of view by the issues of violation of private life. Originally, they consider that only those people stand for the surveillance, who is engaged in it, and have never been surveyed. These arguments also involve video monitoring in public places. It is argued that it is the direct invasion in privacy, however, most even do not notice the cameras, consequently, it is even more violent invasion, as people even do not suspect they are observed. Another argument is the potential misuse of the surveillance data. The attained data (images, numbers, contacts) should never be published, however, sometimes they are, even without the direct necessity (the direct necessity is the help in investigation). People are simply tired of being observed anywhere and anytime: in public places, at work, on the roads etc. so they just wish to live their private life at home, and be sure that their phone talks, internet chatting and other parts of very private life will not be surveyed.

These practices help to create the world and the atmosphere of mistrust. People do not feel they are trusted and they start searching for trust, and fell into depression and despair in the case of failure. It fosters suspicion and the fragile relations among people ruin finally.

Conclusion

In spite of the fact that these arguments (both for and against) may explain a lot, the discussions on these issues are rarely published in the mass media, and the participators of the discussions have only banal confirmations of their righteousness, as the federal services will never discover the real situation, as they need to do their job and guarantee safety to citizens. The only thing they will not disprove is the fact of surveillance itself, though, the means and the tools of such surveillance will be known only from books and movies about spies, consequently, this issue will not trespass the frames of discussions, which are often unsubstantial, and do not have any evidence to confirm the key points.

References

Lyon, David, ed. Surveillance as Social Sorting: Privacy, Risk, and Digital Discrimination. New York: Routledge, 2002.

Mcgrath, John E. Loving Big Brother: Performance, Privacy, and Surveillance Space. New York: Routledge, 2004.

Introduction

The federal government in the United States gives individual states important powers, such as building roads, funding schools, and organizing police work. Given the differences in approaches to lawmaking, the American states are rightly called laboratories for democracy (Elazar, 1984). However, no less important is a rather noticeable difference in the political culture of states and even US cities in different regions of the country. One of the most interesting examples in this context is Houston, located in Texas, which represents a symbiosis of liberalism and traditional values, which, however, leads to synergy rather than the entropy of the citys political system.

Main body

Houston is considered a politically divided city in which the balance of power often fluctuates between Republicans and Democrats. Most of the citys wealthier neighborhoods vote Republicans, while the citys working-class and minority districts vote Democrats (Lovell, 2017). Many suburbs, which were mainly wealthier and in majority-white people live manifest a tendency to support moderate Republicans.

In 2009 Houston appeared to be the largest city when an openly gay mayor was elected. Representative of the United States Democratic Party, Ennis Parker, who openly admitted her non-traditional sexual orientation, won the election as mayor of Houston, the fourth most populous city in the United States (Collier et al., 2015). This is a surprising fact since Texas has long been known for its general conservativeness and strong support for traditional values. Houston is a southern city, and its politics, like in most other cities in the South, experience the influence of segregation. Some most conservative citizens voted for Democrats namely because of their race. This fact is shameful for the city, however, it is a historical reality since the times of slavery. Due to the latent nature of racism, it is very difficult to fight racism or even reveal the facts of it. However, at the same time, the extremely diverse content of Houstons population prevents the city from becoming the one with evidently acute racial problems.

Houston has a unique ethnic diversity. Due to its proximity to Mexico, the proportion of Hispanics is 43.8% of the total population (Lovell, 2017). Moreover, the number of Hispanics increased from 731 to 920 thousand people over the period 2000-2010 (Lovell, 2017). This, to a certain extent determined, in particular, showed fluctuations in the preferences of citizens during the last presidential elections. Houston, which previously voted confidently for Republicans, was grayed out on the voter preference map as undecided.

At the same time, racists and segregation moods still retain their popularity in Houston as a southern city. Perhaps the most disturbing is that, according to the Pew Research Center, Houston is the most income-segregated of the ten largest U.S. metropolitan areas. It has the greatest percentage of rich people and the third-greatest percentage of poor people.

Conclusion

Houston represents a unique phenomenon on the political map of the USA. One can definitely say that Houston can be attributed neither to an individualistic nor traditionalistic category according to Elazars (1984) theory. It can be called a real melting pot, like the US as a whole used to be called until recent decades of aggravating racial contradictions. In fact, there is no single ethnic group enjoying the city majority. The diversity of Houston enables the occurrence of a kind of political synergy  voting for LGBT representatives and advocating traditional political course, thus not allowing acute conflicts to arise.

References

Collier, K., Galatas, S., & Harrelson-Stephens, J. (2015). Lone star politics: Tradition and transformation in Texas. CQ Press.

Elazar, D. J. (1984). American federalism: A view from the states. Harpercollins College Div.

Lovell, D. (2017). Lone star politics: Theories, concepts, and political activity in Texas. Cognella Academic Publishing.

Despite enormous technological and intellectual progress and the rapid pace of globalization, the 21^st century still witnesses political, cultural, religious and territorial disputes, conflicts and even wars over unsettled issues of nationalism and ethnicity throughout the whole world. The struggle of stateless nations, i.e. geographically concentrated populations sharing common identities but which are situated within some larger composite state or states has become a growing concern in terms of politics, economy, language, religion, issues of national identity and independence (Moreno 2). Despite the fact that these problems have long history, many of them are vital and urgent demanding immediate attention.

The roots of these problems lay in the fact that the state frontiers mismatch the peoples claiming national status (Minahan 14). In other words, being a sate doesnt mean encompass people of the same nation and cultural beliefs. To such long-time nationalist conflicts belong Catalonian and Basque cases in Spain, the issues of national identity of Kurdish people in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey, Israeli- Palestinian conflict, Basque Country in France, Welsh and Scottish nationalist issues and miscellaneous conflicts in Asian, American and African countries.

Usually, struggling nations belong to minority ethnic groups within the territory of a state which seek independence from it by means of secession. One factor that is of immense importance when dealing with stateless nations is that they should comprise three criteria: self-identity as a distinctive group, the display of the outward trappings of national consciousness and the formation of specifically nationalist organizations (Minahan 12).

However, according to multiple studies, it is difficult to establish the objective criteria for identifying the rights of different minorities and nations and their status within the large state they belong to. It is necessary to point out that due to multiple attempts to claim justice for oppressed nations, the process of liberations has greatly advanced. Thus, many stateless nations enjoy linguistic and cultural rights or even certain political autonomy from the host-state. A major advancement in resolution of these problems was the enactment of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages to protect some specific cultural and linguistic rights in 1992 (Moreno 3).

On the other hand, despite the attempts to constitutionally appease minority frustrations, certain articles of the constitution downplay recognition of distinct national identities and limit the degree of autonomy of stateless nations (Greer 155).

Let us now deeply investigate the case of Catalans and Basques in Italy, the issue that received an extensive coverage in mass-media over the past decades, as they serve as a good example of stateless nations with their own claims and aspirations and demands over their sovereignty and independence. The Catalans is the nation of the Mediterranean region in Europe, comprising mainly the territory of Spain and France. The Catalans themselves claim to be a nation without a state. Barcelona is the capital of Spanish Catalonia that has a rich eventful history. In 1981 Catalonia was granted autonomy within the Spanish state that accepted and legalized Catalonia as a separate nationality.

The adoption of Catalonian national flag served as the display of national consciousness and self-determination towards their culture and national identity. This fact symbolized the liberation from the oppression of the dictatorship of Francisco Franco whose politics was mass repression and suppression of the feeling of national identity and self-determination.

It should be stressed that existence of stateless nations within the host-state makes the linguistic and cultural issues very acute since every nation has its own history and national features that might significantly differ triggering clashes within the country. To avoid this, the Catalan language was accepted as one of the three official languages in Spain in 1979 (Greer 31), which may be regarded as major accomplishment of Catalan nationalists to preserve the spirit and identity of a nation that is irrevocably embodied in its language.

The current achievements of Catalan nationalists are of great importance for this stateless nation in the light of long-term oppression of their culture, language and political and national rights. However, notwithstanding those great advances, Spanish Catalans interpret them as only the first step to an independent Catalonia (Minahan 408) though it may entail a lot of difficulties. The matter is that Catalonia is a very important industrial region in Spain, which makes it reluctant to separate Catalonia from the rest of the country. Consequently, it may be assumed that the obstacles on the stateless nations consist not only in linguistic and cultural issues of national identity but theyre much deeper concerning issues of economic and industrial spheres.

One more example of the stateless nation is Scotland which history greatly differs from Catalan. Scotland is a part of Great Britain, a complex entity of four distinct nations. It is widely assumed that the British form a relatively homogeneous society with a strong sense of identity, but it is an assumption that requires considerable qualification. Historically, Scotland has been perceived as inseparable part of British Isles but, in fact, Scotland is a nation without a state.

Now a part of Great Britain, a small vulnerable state in the past, Scotland has no choice but to become a part of England in the 17^th century. Nowadays Scotland is regarded as a stateless nation within the borders of UK. It should be stressed that Scotland has its own flag and the overwhelming feeling of national identity, culture and traditions. Furthermore, Scotland has been struggling for independence for years. However, the case of Scotland is more cultural than political.

It should be pointed out that despite the fact that Scotland has its own parliament and party with extensive policy autonomy, it has limited rights to organize and control it (Greer 24). It is clear that Scots feel more Scottish and less British especially after the creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, but despite a strengthening sense of Scottishness over the last thirty years, the sense of being British is still widespread and similar in Scotland as it is in England. Moreover, being one of the oldest European nations, Scotland share a common tongue, similar cultural, religious and political beliefs with England, which makes it complicated to claim for some unique national identity.

Thus, the host-state often tries to meet minor demands of the stateless nation to escape the crucial issues. Moreover, the spreading of globalization that lessens the borders of countries and facilitates merging of cultures makes it difficult to claim for national identity. However, Scotland has achieved significant success in struggling for its own sovereignty without much violence even if they still not achieved full nationhood (Minahan 1691).

All things considered, in the case of Scotland and Catalonia, successful cases of autonomy and toleration, it is more appropriate to say of the issues of dual identity (Moreno 2).

Taking into account the amount of stateless nations all over the world, it may be assumed that the issue of differences of national identity, cultures, history, language, religion and traditions within multicultural states has become of crucial importance all over the world though still demand much improvements and attention on the part of governments.

Works Cited

Greer, Scott L. Nationalism and Self-Government: the Politics of Autonomy in Scotland and Catalonia. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2007.

Minahan, James. Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations: S-Z. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002.

Moreno, Luis. Scotland, Catalonia, Europeanization and the Moreno Question. Scottish Affairs 54 (2006): 1-21.

Polling or sampling is the process by which the views of a number of people in a population are taken so as to represent the way the entire population looks at or views a certain issue. Polling is basically carried out in all aspects regarding issues that the public is entitled to have a say on. It is not possible to go round and get the views of each person in the population hence polls are used, although they are subject to errors. There will be, in this paper, a description of each of the polling techniques and the cons and pros associated with them as well as an explanation of the bandwagon effect. The conclusion will come last (Thompson, 1995, p.10).

So as to get these views from the population, various methods are employed. There is random sampling, the quota system as well as cluster method. In the random sampling, also called probability sample, all people within the population that is targeted get a fair chance to be selected to take part in the polling process. In this method, there are extensions to which when a certain percentage of participants is reached, it is no longer important to collect more data as they can hardly change the overall results. This method is called random because no specific order is followed in choosing who gets a chance to take part in the poll. The means used in data collection are by way of telephone (calling the participants via phone and questioning them), online survey via email or an interview that involves face-to-face contact with the interviewee. By telephone surveys, the random digit dialing is used in which case, the interviewer will choose telephone numbers from a list of the ones published recently, then he or she will go on to call these numbers randomly such that even those individuals who got telephones most recently, also participate. This way, random sampling comes out as fair, lacking bias (Thompson, 1995, p.12).

Cluster sampling on the other hand, refers to interviewing people who emanate from one neighborhood. In cluster sample, the interviewer goes from one home to another whereby after several cluster samples are carried out in selected neighborhoods, the results are combined and the poll is summed up. This method has an advantage over random sampling because samples of in-home views from varied locations but at random, the cost of having to travel many kilometers to get these in-home results is a discouraging factor. However, the fact that various geographical regions in a place are chosen randomly, it remains true that margin errors will occur (Deming, 1970, p.23).

In the quota sample, there is a variation in terms of the individuals who take part in the poll. Various individuals are chosen with an effort being made to ensure that the demographic variables including sex and age are as varied and as distributed and as much as possible. In this method, sampling is so important such that if the researcher is for example sitting at a specific place, they will ensure they pick on people basing on demographic variables such that if the researcher had interviewed people of a certain age limit before such as youth and boys mainly, he or she will now target those of an older age mainly the old so as to distribute and balance the survey well. The problem with this method however, is that there are chances of the interviewer being biased as he or she chooses on who to select based on the demographic variables (Deming, 1970, p.25).

Bandwagon effect or cromo effect refers to the situation in which people get to believe, and also do what other people do without having to decide on their own. This effect is associated with behavioral psychology whereby beliefs can quickly spread in groups of people such that within a short time, many people tend to believe and do the same thing. In another way, it can be seen that these people who follow what the crowd is doing are afraid of thinking on their own. Relating this to polls, there can be a situation whereby if the interviewer is openly interviewing people in the open, some will simply say or answer exactly what others have said, without it being their sincere views. In this case, the sample will not be a genuine representation of what the large population thinks or holds (Deming, 1970, p.27).

Conclusively, we note that due to the feature called random digit dialing in telephone surveys, random sampling comes out as the fairest and most reliable polling method. This method ensures that the demographic variable gets a fair chance hence the population receives a fair representation.

References

Thompson, S. (1995). Sampling techniques. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Deming, W. (1970). Sampling Theories. New Jersey: McGraw-Hill.

Pleasurable diversions have the capability to create a society where people are distracted to the point where they can hardly notice that they are living in servitude. This is the essence of Aldous Huxleys novel, which was published in 1931 (Huxley, 2004). At this time, he did not perceive the dystopia as an imminent threat. With time, however, an increasing number of people have concluded that such a world is possible in the near future. This is especially because of the rapid evolution of science and technology.

Huxley opines that dictatorships will be produced without the pain of war or concentration camps. Through deception and the use of pharmacological processes, the citizens will actually be dissuaded to support their own oppressors. The author states that they might, indeed, enjoy living in servitude because the desire to rebel will be suppressed through brainwashing and propaganda (Huxley, 2004). This is likely to be the last stage of the evolution of humankind.

New behaviors will be cultivated via the process of operant conditioning. Punishing people for deviances like those that George Orwell suggests is not as effective as rewarding them for exhibiting acts which are reinforced. Therefore, the conduct is best shaped using positive reinforcement, and hence, the reason Huxley believes that pleasure can be exploited by the controlling oligarchy to subjugate the rest of human beings (Huxley, 2004). By doing so, docility will be habituated and the likelihood of civil unrests will be reduced.

Control and Subjugation in Brave New World

In Brave New World, Aldous Huxley describes a dystopic future where nations across the world will have been merged into a super World State. The most remarkable aspect of life then is that everyone will be alike. Babies will be genetically engineered while in the womb and upon birth, infants will be placed in various castes. They will then be classically conditioned differently in readiness for the roles they are pre-ordained to play (Huxley, 2004). This kind of control will be a direct consequence of the unchecked development and expansion of the capitalist ideology.

The subjugation in the Huxleys World State is relatively successful. Individuals feel like they are making the choices while, indeed, this is not the case. The kind of happiness everyone seems to be having is preconditions, and when it wanes, the exuberance is revitalized with a special drug called Soma (Huxley, 2004). The cabal that is in charge seem to find it absolutely necessary to keep the members of the society deluded.

Surprisingly, there are parts of the world where the science of genetically engineering embryos has not reached. In Savage Reservation, which is located in New Mexico, the supposedly backward people residents continue to believe in their gods, endure emotional suffering, as well as physical pain. They do also give birth normally, and the variations in lifestyles compel Bernard Marx and Lenina Crowne to start wondering if what they have back home in New London should qualify as happiness (Huxley, 2004). Apparently, the conditioning of these two, and possibly that of several other individuals, has not reached a point beyond which one cannot think for themselves.

There is evidence of people having lingering doubt about other dogmas as well. Marx had summoned Crowne to complain about her seemingly monogamous lifestyle, and he reminded her that an individuals body is for meeting the needs of everyone in the society. This is rather contradictory, as he actually wants to establish a long-term relationship with her against the norms in New London (Huxley, 2004). Nevertheless, the level of control is still noteworthy because a majority follow what has been inculcated into them.

Comparison Between World State and the Contemporary World

There are clear differences between the dystopic future described by Huxley and the present world. Now, for instance, children are born naturally and without the advanced genetic engineering. It is also noteworthy that there are no caste systems in North America and Western Europe. Nonetheless, social classes do exist and some people find it quite difficult to progress. This is particular because of the influence that demographic factors have on an individuals probability to acquire a university degree (Staniszewska et al., 2020). While some of these issues are attributable to historical injustices, nonetheless, it is highly unlikely that a cabal is conspiring to prevent some members of the society from achieving.

The most outstanding similarity between Huxleys dystopic future and the contemporary world is how the citizens are being indoctrinated. The traditional and new media are being used by various groups of people to influence the make-up of what is deemed to be the mainstream culture. These are the ideas and customs which a majority tend to agree with (Staniszewska et al., 2020). Although some people have the habit of defending dogmas aggressively, they do not even share credible reasons why the views of others should be disregarded. It appears as if societies are evolving towards the World State, but with the approval and the support of the ordinary citizens who are actually moral policing their fellow countrymen and women.

Comparison between Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four and Huxleys Brave New World

Brave New World and George Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four are comparable. In both cases, the powerful seek to redefine the roles of the state and the self, and subvert what have always been considered to be the universal truths (Orwell, 2021). The idea is to make the masses on the state with no one living their lives as they choose (Huxley, 2004). The lust for power is overwhelming, and hence, anything that obstructs its quest is removed.

The two literary works are themed around dystopias where there are serious injustices. Orwells country of Oceania is terrifying, particularly due to how the rulers crush freedoms and human spirit (Orwell, 2021). There are also constant wars, which lead to political instability and widespread hunger. On the country, the citizens of the World State are deluded. Even if some are having doubts about the appropriateness of their system, at least they are misguided into believing that they are in control of their lives (Huxley, 2004). Therefore, Huxley envisions a future where those in power will use technology and trickery to achieve their aims, while Orwells view is that the authoritarian regimes will prioritize on the use physical force in quelling any dissent.

In both World State and George Orwells future states, government policies will lead to the obliteration of family units. Free thinkers will be harassed, although such persecution is bound to be more severe in Oceania than in Huxleys dystopia (Orwell, 2021). Pleasure is the guiding principle in the latter, while obedience is demanded in the former. At least for the people living in the World State, there is a solution for sadness which is in form of a drug. The citizens are also encouraged to have casual sex instead of forging long lasting relationships. These measures are geared towards eliminating anxiety among the populace.

The main difference between Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four and Huxleys Brave New World is the methods used by the cabals to attain and sustain power. Orwells ideas do not seem to be workable in the long run. History shows that people tend to overcome fear, and when enough of them resist, the authoritarian oligarchy loses their authority (Huxley, 2004). On the contrary, Huxleys dystopia seems to be more sustainable. There is an insignificant resistance, and the citizens seem to have conceded voluntarily. In essence, the deceit in World State is more dependable than relying on the use of force like Orwell suggests.

Life in the Brave New World Versus life in the Savage Reservation

Life in either World State or in Savage Reservation is unappealing. Even if there would be comparatively lesser pain among the citizens of the former than is the case with the latter, the consent of the people living in Huxleys world is unqualified. They lack the necessary information to make credible decisions, and it is possible that most of them are unable to choose. The inquiry, therefore, is if living an automated life is better than embodying the faculty of reason, even though that means suffering emotional distress and physical pain from time to time.

The values that the citizens of the Savage Reservation esteem are remarkably different from those of the World State. For instance, their way of life is determined by cultural practices, which have been passed down from generation to generation. Making a transition is difficult as it is apparent that John the Savage, in spite of having parents who came from the brave new world is unable to survive in New London (Huxley, 2004). Lack of respect of familial bonds, life, nature, close personal relationships, and religion makes the World State intolerable for him.

It is noteworthy that even people like Bernard Marx who belong to the highest caste are frustrated with life in World State. He cannot fit into a society that has accorded him a lot more than most of his fellow citizens. His personal challenges could be what makes him cruel and petty at times. Similarly, Lenina Crowne is privileged and yet she is unhappy with life in the dystopia (Huxley, 2004). Although she, like everyone else in this society, uses sex as a means of interacting with others, she has an unorthodox behavior which makes her a misfit and unhappy.

In the Savage Reservation, the citizens do not experience serious personal conflicts. While they get frustrated from time to time, that seems to be similar to living in the contemporary society. The biggest advantage is that one has freedom, and this is in spite of living in an underdeveloped jurisdiction. Nevertheless, some cultural beliefs could be retrogressive, and the beliefs in gods may hinder scientific progress (Staniszewska, Czerwonka, & Kompa, 2020). There is a correlation between religiosity and socioeconomic wellbeing of a country, and it is based on this view that it is predicted that Savage Reservation could have the kind of problems not found in secular countries.

All factors considered, life in the Savage Reservation is preferable to living in New London. In the former, people have the freedom to pursue their own happiness, speak, and act as long as their behavior is not contrary to the cultural norms. The overall quality of life is presumably higher in the Savage Reservation than in World State. Indeed, with the passage of time, the fact that people living in the former are free to think and create would result into higher productivity than in the brave new world (Huxley, 2004). If the choice must be between these two civilizations, therefore, the Savage Reservation is recommended.

The Ultimate Flaw in the Brave New World

The characters in Huxleys Brave New World indicate that there could be a great deal of unhappiness among the people living in New London. It does not seem like Soma is solving peoples problems as it is expected to do. Marx is perpetually concerned about his height and the fact that people ridicule him over it and Helmholtz Watson is highly talented and yet he cannot exploit his abilities. Linda dies after overdosing on the same drug, which was supposed to be helpful to her, and John the Savage is terribly unhappy following Lindas death (Huxley, 2004). If these people are unhappy, and yet pleasure was believed to be the only thing, which could keep them subservient, it is unclear how the stability of the state is maintained.

In addition to the problems with the pleasure drug, not every citizen seems to be convinced that sex ought to be used as a means of casual interactions with others. It calls into question how their programming was done, and why it seems not to have succeeded. It is also logical to wonder if the extent of the drawback is pervasive, and if it can cause World States disintegration.

Huxley should have explained in details how this contradiction is resolved. It does not make sense that the citizens will continue working hard to sustain a system that hardly serves them. This is particularly the case if such pockets of backwardness as the Savage Reservation remain. The dispirited can always seek-out alternatives given that they already know of other civilizations. Huxley also fails to determine who between the savages and the civilized wins. Had these issues been addressed, the authors case for the dystopia would have been more convincing than it is at the moment.

Conclusion

Huxleys Brave New World is a civilization where positive reinforcement will be used to shape peoples behaviors as per the aspirations of the controlling oligarchy. Indeed, the powerful cabal will start by having human beings produced using artificial wombs where they are genetically engineered. Habituation will be done in a bid to fit individuals in specific castes, which means that their destiny will have been decided prior to their birth. The main difference between livings in World State in George Orwells dystopia is that the controlled ones will believe that they are free.

In Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four, the suppression is obvious and the rulers use physical force to subjugate people. Huxley believes that the use of such might is counterproductive, and hence, it would undermine the stability of the country. The essence of Huxleys argument is that through a carefully designed system, there will be no need for restraints. On their part, the citizens will see no need for revolving, which means that the cabal will have realized their lust for power without bloodshed.

References

Huxley, A. (2004). Brave New World. Coradella Collegiate Bookshelf.

Orwell, G. (2021). Nineteen Eighty-Four. BoD  Books on Demand.

Staniszewska, A., Czerwonka, M., & Kompa, K. (2020). Rational behavior of dictators  evidence on gender and religiosity. International Advances in Economic Research, 26(3), 289301.

Introduction

The impact of European integration studies on the state administrations of the associate states of the European Union (EU) have pointed towards an irregular practice of Europeanization. While there has been indisputably growing variety and regularity of links between state administrations and the EU structure. There is small proof of an expected union towards a common institutional replica. This irregular Europeanization is presently clarified with allusion to a neo-institutionalist structure, drawing principally on the work of March and Olsen. It is disputed that the politico-administrative structures of the member states differentially acclimatize to the demands of European assimilation in a way which echoes the pre-existing equilibrium of domestic institutional structures, as well as the wider matrices of principles which characterize the nature of proper political forms in the case of each state polity. Distinctive state blueprints of institutional modification, rather than appearing inconsistent, emerge as consequent to a basic reason of delineation in dissociable from the integration process itself. The general dispute is demonstrated by an extensive comparative study of France and the Netherlands, examining both the construction and the execution of European guidelines in the two countries. (Achard, 1972)

Decisions of the EC and the people behind them are getting to be part of the national decision-making processes. This is how state administrations are getting Europeanized though it doesnt bring with it considerable transformations in the structures of administration of member states. The institutional union has been confined to awareness of fresh public management ideas but not direct consequences of the integration process. All the member states do have a similar institutional form at the national decision-making system level with a permanent representation at the EU headquarters in Brussels. These representations take part in crucial EU decision-making process which otherwise is not present at the domestic level of each member state. However, within the member states, various EU policymaking as well as implementation for different domestic systems within the EU continue to exist though there is very little indication of converging towards s uniform representation. The provisions given only echo the strengths and weaknesses of each member state and their respective existing national blueprint, but not new preplanned guidelines to meet the stringent demands of EU policies. Therefore No country has started anew and designed a system for European policy coordination from first principles. (Andeweg, 1988)

A Comparison of France and the Netherlands

This section looks at the models of adaptation exhibited by two member states. The two cases selected, France and the Netherlands, offer a useful set of parallels and differences. These two countries are regarded as core member states of the European Union as they are the original members of the European Communities. Apart from that, they are also on the forefront in pursuit for closer integration of the EC. However, their respective state constitutions and political cultures have major divergences. The French have a centralized and hierarchical policy making process while the Dutch system in contrast is more spread and consensual in approach to decision-making. (Besselink, 1996)

Their national sovereignty too also still does have major differences between the two countries. A traditional notion of state sovereignty still remains highly prominent in the French case, while in the Netherlands on the other hand, state sovereignty has not been of grand historical significance (Besselink 1996, 193195). Its only associated rather more to the independent privileges of the component parts of Dutch society (see Besselink, Albers and Eijsbouts1994). By and large, the present union of these two states is sincerely entrenched in the integration process despite their major differences in their domestic institutional arrangements and practices. The methodical evaluation of the two national understandings should, in consequence, allow for an interesting initial discovery of disparity in state adaptation to the common demands of the integration process. (Edwards, 1995)

There are two subsections involved in this comparison that solely deals with the two major interfaces between the supranational as well as the domestic politico-administrative systems. The first one looks at the dissimilar manner in which these two countries have outlined their involvement in the EC policymaking process while bearing in mind the concerns of their interministerial coordination. The section part examines the execution of EC norms at the domestic level, pointing out both the particular institutional dissimilarities and wider differences of approach between the two countries. The second section then looks at the domestic implementation of EC norms, highlighting both specific institutional differences and broader differences of approach between the two states. The French case is discussed in one section, and then the Dutch case is explained that eventually yields a number of comparative observations. (Metcalfe, 1994)

National Systems of European Policymaking

France

In terms of European policymaking, France is frequently depicted as the classic national case of centralization. Linked to the continuation of the General Secretariat of the Interministerial Committee for European Economic Questions, the centralization is primarily THE EUROPEANIZATION OF NATIONAL ADMINISTRATIONS 87 that is vital in the coordinating system in the case of France. A reinforced part as the central locus of French European policymaking, the SGCI has come to engage this central position which requires that it be situated in the broader national politico-administrative context. (Kortmann, 1994)

To cope with the needs for interministerial policy coordination created by the institution of the then Organization for European Economic Cooperation and the administration of Marshall Plan aid, the SGCI was established in 1948. The Schuman government decided to create an interministerial committee serviced by a small permanent secretariat when it faced with a prolonged disagreement between the foreign and the finance ministries over the coordination of European policy. In keeping with this interministerial compromise, it was further decided to attach the newly created secretariat to the presidency of the council of ministers. The SGCI saw its remit steadily increase with the function of the development of European integration the subsequent decade. The responsibility for the coordination of French positions in terms of the European Economic Community, the European Coal and Steel Community as well as the EURATOM was successfully given to the secretariat. The SGCI remained in essence an administration de mission, a horizontal coordinating body created to deal only with specific problems throughout. (March, 1984) (Metcalfe, 1994)

The Netherlands

The Netherlands has an open attitude as far as assimilation of international law is concerned. As far back as 1950s, binding international norms direct within the domestic legal order as well as superior force over any conflicting provisions of national law were all amended in the Dutch Constitution. This model made it very easy for the European Community law to fit in. (Kellermann 1983). Despite missing the deadlines for the implementation of EC norms due to the slow consensus building at the domestic legislative procedure, the requisite measures were adopted without problems. Essential re-evaluation of the implementation of EC norms in the Netherlands started to occur by the end of the 1980s as a large backlog had begun to accumulate due to the single market project. The domestic implementation procedure was changed through recommendations suggested by the legislative proposals Review Commission that facilitated implementation of EC norms which were then taken over as government policy officially. (Metcalfe, 1994)

The Dutch reforms just like the French reinforced the execution of the procedure downstream. Effective monitoring of implementation as well as coordination was realized once the community adopted the measure. This shows how the Dutch system responded in the same way as the French did. It shows that despite their differences in governance, their local systems are respected. The new General administrative law act was amended specifically for better implementation of EC norms. The national implementing authorities are given the mandate by the EC to choose genuine policies. Therefore the adoption of administrative measures meant for the implementation of EC norms are fast tracked by the provisions of the AWB. The French case, the integrity of the domestic system has to be respected by both the European as well as the domestic law, according to the adamant French Council of State. The Dutch on the other hand has a more pragmatic approach to the extent of bending its rules to better fit with its supranational counterpart. (Edwards, 1995)

Conclusion

The explanation suggested at the outset, the neo-institutionalist for differential patterns of national administrative version to the demands of European integration seems mainly to come from the two national case studies analyzed. Both the French and Dutch have indicated different blueprints to the adaptation to the process of European integration. Preservative patterns have been broadly displayed by both national administrations in the context of the integration process. The domestic implementation of EU norms as well as European policy making are centralized in the case of the French whose structures are based on the prevailing national models for decision making that emphasizes recognition mechanisms within the framework of well defined politico-administrative hierarchies. In contrast, the Dutch case, high degree of interministerial coordination as a result of European integration doesnt belittle the consensual character of the domestic politico-administrative system. Both European policymakings as well as European policy implementation domestic coordination have THE EUROPEANIZATION OF NATIONAL ADMINISTRATIONS 105 that identifies the basic principles of ministerial independence and parity central to the Dutch version of cabinet government. There is very minimal evidence of a basic structural rapprochement between the two systems despite the growth of decentralizing pressures in the French case and countervailing centralizing pressure in the Dutch case as a result of the integration. In defining the administrative adaptation differential patterns in both cases, broader matrices of values have similarly played a role. The development of implementation strategies for community norms in both national systems, different conceptual frameworks governed the entire process.

References

Achard, P. (1972). Les incidences des communautés européennes sur lorganisation. Paris: Guyomarch 1993, 467.

Andeweg, R. B. (1988). Centrifugal Forces and Collective Decision-making. European Journal of Political Research.

Besselink, A. E. (1996). An Open Constitution and European Integration. Berlin: Dutch Report to the 1996 Berlin Conference.

dEtat, C. (1989). Rapport Public 1988: Etudes et Documents No. Paris: La Documentation.

Edwards, J. S. (1995). Europeanisation- Institutional. London: Goethe-Institut/London School of Economics and Political Science.

Kortmann, B. (1994). The Kingdom of the Netherlands. Deventer: Deventer.

March, J. J. (1984). The New Institutionalism. New York: The Free Press.

Metcalfe. (1994). International Policy Co-ordination and Public Management. Publius: Journal of Federalism.

Origin

The American political scene is centered on two major parties. There are clear reasons as to how democracy was defined in terms of the parties. Democracy is only workable in the existence of parties (Aldrich, 1995). This means that all democratic nations have political parties. The United States in this case was no exception. It was the parties that articulated the issues raised by their members who were the citizens of America. In order to trace the genesis of the American democracy, it is important to take into account that the American society was undergoing several political changes and was rapidly evolving during the formation of the two parties. It is this kind of fragile situation that led to the arguments forwarded by many organizations that existed.

However it was generally accepted that all these political forces were aimed at gaining power and taking control of the fledgling nation. All those efforts were driven by the motivation to shape the country in a way that would benefit all the citizens. This led to heated debates that were generated over the right course of action to be taken. It is that kind political atmosphere that led to the origin of the two parties which were believed to give a definite direction to their supporters. All the different sides were incorporated into two parties. These were the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans. The name of two party systems was developed by two proponents of the philosophies around the two parties: Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson.

The evolution of these parties was entirely as a result of the strength of these two individuals. The two men had differences in their schools of political thought. Hamilton was reputed for his superior interpretation of the US Constitution backed by his strong belief in law and order. He believed in the federal government vested with more powers. Jefferson on the other hand feared tyranny. He favored the literal interpretation of the constitution while limiting governments powers in other aspects of citizenship. One of their agreements over the American democracy was that any deal in elections had far fetched consequences. When elections are far apart they tend to expose the country a violent crisis. When they are held quite frequently they keep the citizens in constant excitement. This led to the Americans prefer to a middle ground that fused the two arguments to maintain the state in good shape leading to the mutability of the laws and opinions of Hamilton and Jefferson.

Realignments

The alignment and the realignment of the two parties have taken place over the past decades. This has been defined by many as the path of development (Coleman, 1995). There were two major parties that induced incentives for ambitious politicians to identify with one party or the other. These ambitions emerged only because of the prior existence of the two parties (Aldrich, 1995). It this is argument that led to the theory of political parties as the basis for the development of new institutional arrangements within a given historical context shaped by actors seeking to realize their goals. According to him, this notion led to the parties becoming candidate centered. Inevitably, this led to the creation of the parties and eventually, these parties became stronger and more important in their circles. Further, they were characterized by a highly effective governing capacity with clearly defined cleavages. This led to the reshaping of the parties (Aldrich, 1995). It marked the begging of the realignment of parties. In the begging there was clear nonpartisanship from the parties of Federal and Republican. The new political realignment produced a revived two party system.

In order to have a clear view of how the realignment took place the historical perspective is necessary to be taken into account. The DemocraticRepublican Party held power fro 28 years after the inauguration of President Jefferson in 1801. This made the Federalist Party quite unpopular. Its demise in 1812 left the Democratic-Republican Party as a single national political organization. (Hough, 1996).the changes in the US economy and the social structure led to a gradual formation of new political alignments in the one party. These changes were occasioned by the westward expansion, the agricultural evolution in the south and the development of the manufacturing and capital accumulation in the north.

These advancements led to the development of pioneer farmers class, the slave system, wealth and influence of the manufacturers, merchants, bondholders and land speculators (Hough, 1996).The Jefferson democratic policies of limited government were popular among members of the urban class and the wealthy. However the minority of American population favored a more active role of the federal government. This resulted in the formation two parties namely the National Republic under Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams and the Democratic Party under Andrew Jackson in 1828 (Aldrich and Niemi, 1990).The events that followed, led to non-reconciliation of the two parties. Instead other parties were formed including the liberal, abolitionists and the free soil party as time progressed. During the post-civil war the Republican Party took control of power and articulated matters of national interest and the Democratic Party was the official opposition party.

However the great depression of 1928 eventually led to the signing of the New Deal that was designed to foster economic recovery. This led to the strengthening of the Democratic Party as a controlling force. According to Aldrich (1995) the 1960s was the critical era that led to the stable era of 1970s and1980s in which the parties were well redefined and took the face they hold to date (Aldrich and Niemi, 1990). The parties were judge according to their candidates and their views rather than on how to change the existing political, economic and social arenas. Over time several party leaders in power have tried to denounce such assertions it is clear that very little has been done to separate parties from their candidates.

Negatives

There have been several arguments about the negatives and positives of the two party systems in the United States of America. It has been accused of locking out the advancement of a third party in the electoral system. The parliamentary of the United States government can only work well if there is support for more than two parties. However in the present circumstances representation is awarded to the party, according to how many people voted in their line. This means that a multiparty election would not necessarily lead to a more representational government. The unpopular party that does not take into account the needs of the Americans can secure victory at the expense of the majority views. Within these political parties there are interest groups whose views should be taken into consideration. However in the current circumstances a party with a very narrow focus or even fringe position can easily end up representing the other bigger population. This can be as a result of the acrimony that is likely to occur in the other party due to conflicting interests. The disgruntled members can end voting to the opposing camp as a protest for not being considered or not participating in the electoral process all together therefore reducing the numbers in their own camp.

The political ills committed in America are attributed to the failure of the two great American parties. Congress members are preoccupied with their on re-election therefore unable to work for the good of the public. The president on the other hand is concerned with personal popularity (Aldrich, 1995). This makes him spend too much time on leading the nation and out of touch with the congress. In order to pass a policy, the president is forced to form a workable compromise with the congress. Another shortcoming in America is that the elections are based on the candidate rather than the party. Party conventions are held at the national level and everything is done in a hurry unless the media points out the loopholes in their manifestos (Aldrich, 1995).

Aldrich further argued that the officeholders have created, maintained, used or abused reformed or ignored their political parties. This means that the strings weaknesses, formations and roles are driven by politicians. Parties act as vehicles for politicians to achieve their ambitions. Political parties have also been shaped by the technological advancements negating their original attraction of formulated policies. In the 19^th century political parties were the only feasible means to conduct elections, currently television, air travel, and the computers allow the politicians to create and organize personal campaigns. The voters on the other hand have taken a different approach in the electioneering process. The members of a given party are forced to vote ideologically between the liberals and the conservatism their decisions are no longer based on district service delivery but on what the candidate of the office offers. However the choice of the candidates is limited to the party which ensures uniformity in their visions thus limiting innovativeness of the candidates.

The dynamics of these parties have changed over time. The political parties have locked out potential and capable candidates who are not their members. They tend to control the political careers of most people because of their popularity. Balkanization of the country can easily occur in situations of political turmoil. It is now evident that there are states that always vote in predetermined manner. They cast to a particular party in all the elections thus posing a threat to the democracy itself. The interest of the minority groups can at times be taken for granted since the party leaders enjoy popular support across the country. Their votes are regarded as non consequential. It is therefore important that party leaders practice political maturity by addressing all the concerns of their citizens even if they do not count in numbers.

References

Aldrich, J. Why Parties? Chicago: Chicago press.1995.

Aldrich, J. and Niemi, R. The sixth American Party system: The 1960s Realignments and the candidate-centered Parties, Duke University Working Papers in American Politics. Volume No. 107.1990.

Coleman, J. Why Parties? The origin and transformation of party politics in America the journal of politics. Vol 58 no 4 1214-1217 1996.

Hough, J. Hanging party coalitions. New York: Algora publishers. 1996.

Introduction

Political stability is one of the major movers of an economy since it creates a platform on which all the institutions of the government touching on economic or social agendas play their role. Many countries have gone through political turmoil in where dictatorship and political abuse has played a key role in abusing the rights of the citizens. However, the realization of the importance of democratic regime has made such countries to undergo political transition and embrace the rule of law. Venezuela is one country that has seen both sides of the political rule from the dictatorial rule and abuse of human rights in the earlier and mid years of the 20^th century to the current democratic leadership.

Venezuela is a country lying on the northern coast of the South American continent, whose history, politics, economic endowment offer a good lesson to behold. Having attained independence from Spain in 1821, the country has progressed tremendously both in political and economical platform; indeed, it is one of the leading producers of petroleum products. The political space in the country has never been a smooth one especially considering that, until 1958, the country was one of the countries where political abuse was rampant. There was dictatorship spearheaded by the then leaders including vincente Gomez, Eleazer Lopez, Medina Angarita, Romulo Betancourt, Romulo Freire, Carlos Delgado and Marcos Perez Jimenez (Davis 42). However, 1958 marked the transition year where the rule of law was adopted in the country with Edgar Sanabria taking over as an interim caretaker and democratic elections proper taking place in 1964 where Betancourt took charge as president elect.

This transition has gone far to transform the Venezuelan political and economic environment and currently the country is among those that are highly developing due to good government policies. Despite the prior abuse of human rights, there has never been set a truth commission especially considering that there was mass death of innocent lives during the coup detat. This paper will discuss the political process of Venezuela since the time of dictatorship including the main actors and tactics used to the time after political transition.

Principal actors and tactics used in the conflicts

It took Venezuela twenty-three years to move from authoritative regime to the rule of the law where democracy has been viewed as the way forward for peaceful coexistence. Since military took power and rested it on individuals some of whom that abused it, various institutions have been born to correct the situation (Leonard 1659). The death of President Gomez created many problems in the political arena which necessitated General Eleazer, the dictator to assume the leadership immediately (Ebel, Tara and Cochrane, 1991, p. 116). Although gaining support from the congress, his leadership was followed by much opposition from the citizens who demanded the dictatorship to be liberalized but Eleazer, realizing this, immediately freed the long-term serving prisoners who had opposed the previous regime and thus cooling off the political turmoil that existed. Those people who had initially exiled returned and formed different political parties, although the new constitution of 1936 banned them from engaging in political affairs.

The eruption of a general strike in 1936 was one of the most trying moments of the Gomez regime since it was so severe that it almost pushed the regime to the wall. This government had already refused legal acceptance on the existence of opposition parties and had witnessed the suppression of the oil workers who were among the main participants in the strike. Moreover, the leadership illegitimated the labor unions in the year 1937 claiming that they were involved in activities that are illegal and not acceptable in the nation. According to Davis (43) the president made more emphasis on the economic development by introducing central bank and other agricultural and industrial banks that were controlled by the government and also started new oil fields that led to the program of improving the infrastructure and development in the economy. However, the speed at which this was being implemented was so slow that wide range criticism was received on the integrity of the plan.

In the year 1941, the congress decided to replace Eleazer with Angarita as the minister of war, who came up with a new political plan different from that initiated by Eliezer. However, the escalation of the World War II interfered with the plan especially on the transportation system, forcing immediate establishment of new laws on foreign affairs to boost the exportation of oil

The legalization of Democratic Action in influenced members to form a local government and elections were later held in 1943 where the party gained victory. Following the end of the WWII in 1945, there was conspiracy intending to overthrow Medina, planned by the Patriotic Military Union and resulting from the perception by the junior officers that there was lack of professionalism in the power carried in the senior ranks. Betacourt was asked by the officers to be the president of the planned new government and immediately after the coup, two camps were formed where one (AD) was mandated to manage the government while the other (UPM) was mandated to manage the military, with the senior majors being forced to retire immediately from the military (Denova and Fredrick 94).

In October 1946 ADs principal competitor decided to elect a governing body that would form a new constitution. It had to organize its political will to match with the existing politics and was fortunate enough to win the elections with overwhelming numbers in the Constituent elections and the presidential elections of 1947. The large victory of AD made its leaders to believe that they can do better and push more for the progressive programs even without wondering the actions of the opposition. In the year 1947, they promulgated another new constitution and the party had strong vision to better the conditions for workers and social justice in the country.

The popularity grew larger after the election of Romulo as the president in the year 1948 and was followed by the signing of the land bill despite complaints from the most powerful land owners who were against it. Moreover, the number of military personnel was reduced which enhanced the reduction of the reduced the budget allocated to the military. In November 1948, the UPM issued a threat to the president demanding that COPEL to share powers with the AD but following the decline of their demand, the government was overthrown and the military provision of Junta took the control in the government led by Delgado with support of anti-AD party citizens. The military of junta did so many changes in the government including the avoidance of the 1947 constitution and finally banning AD and persecuting its members. Delgado is assumed to have taken a more improved direction as compared to Junta members on matters like dismantling of the AD group and encouragement of transition from the military government to the civil government. He later assassinated in 1959, an action assumed to have resulted from public disagreement with Llovera and Perez who had in history advocated for the rule of military. However, the AD went on being stronger despite the underground formation of Frente Electoral Independiente party by the leaders of Juntas military arm, which they thought would help to win in the political arena.

Five years that followed witnessed one of the worst forms of dictatorship that created a lot of suffering to the people throughout the country. Pedro Estrada came up with National Security Police that banned any opposition where very many people were tortured and others killed while the political authority rested in the inner circle of people who surrounded Perez. In the year 1957, the opposition sprang up with the underground movement known as junta that was determined to overthrow the government. The electoral body in the 1957 was designed to remove Perez from power by voting him out but detecting the kind of embarrassment that could be faced; he cancelled the elections that were planned to take place. However, Perez Jimenez was declared the winner leading to a large outrage opposition from the civilians and the military. What followed was an attempted coup detat which did not succeed because there wasnt any coordination between the organizers. As a result of this, people were much offended and went to the streets to demonstrate in the entire town and even the outside. The army, seeing this, feared that the life of Perez was in danger and forced him to resign from the government and exile from the country, becoming the last dictator running away from the country and leaving a legacy that involved wanton killing and wounding of innocent people (Davis 46).

In the year 1958 under the formed electoral law junta decided to convoke the planned elections in the later part of the same year, and since all parties that had contributed to the political changes did not agree on a single candidate, they decided to come up with a common idea so as to split the posts in the cabinet among the parties. The three major parties elected their leaders with AD deciding to nominate Betancourt, URD nominating Larrazabal and COPEL going for Caldera as their candidate, all of whom participated in the elections that were won by Betancourt. The inauguration of Betancourt as the new president in the year 1959 depicted the transition from dictatorship to democracy in the country history and a lot of reforms were expected to follow thereafter as people had the voice after all.

Political transition

The year 1958 marked as the transition point of the country from political dictatorship to democratic rule (Trinkunas, 2005, p. 62). The three parties decided to create better image so as to market themselves to improve matters with respect to the economy. During this period the local industries were protected from foreign interference through institution of governance measures. Betancourt did well in his reign with new labor measures such as the existence of collective bargaining and right to association. Trinkunas (2005, p. 64). argues that the poor benefited greatly from the governments provision of essential resources and services such as food, healthcare and housing, an initiative that led to acceptance of the rule of Betancourt by the people from all over the country.

The coordination of the main political parties that existed after the political transition was a key factor in the sustainability of democratic rule in the country. Indeed, Trinkunas (2005, p. 63) observes that the leaders of the three main political parties (AD, COPEI and URD) were very competent and used their political skills to control their parties and integrate interests for a sustainable democratic process. The coalition of the parties was however not to last for long since in the year 1960, URD left the governing body protesting the presidents refusal of acceptance of Cuban leader Fidel Castro. When the URD left the government, it linked up with another rebellious group and both formed Fuerzas Armedas de Liberation National (FALN) with an aim of overthrowing the government. Despite the fallout, the AD became even stronger than before Betancourt as new and better ways of improving their party were established. They provided better military services, better wages and salaries and amnesty to the crimes that were committed during rule of dictatorship. The Catholic Church by this time had expanded its political image in the government having initially opposed the dictatorial rule of Perez. Its main concern was looking for past enemies and uniting them and ensuring that the impending elections were not interfered with or disrupted. Despite having a weak treasury that had been inherited from the previous regime and which had slowed implementation of the proposed agendas, Betancourts successful elections of 1963 are claimed to be one of the highest achievement during his tenure.

According to Ebel, Tara and Cochrane (1991, p. 115) the countrys transition to a democratic state was facilitated by its richness in oil reserves and institutionalization of a national competitive party system. Being a country rich in oil and actually one of the leading exporters of the oil products, the country was able to collect enough revenues that were distributed to the civilians thus ensuring their living standards were uplifted. This distributive nature of resources influenced the harmonization of the democratic space in the country. However, the mainstream political ground was witnessing push and pull for supremacy as witnessed in the disintegration of the ruling party in the year 1967 due to lack of agreement on the preferred presidential candidate thus causing problems on the ruling party. These problems dogged the party into elections and it lost to one of the breakaway parties led by Caldera, who was elected as the president after garnering majority votes. What followed were major improvements in the social and educational sector with the economy being reported to be flourishing especially due to good policies that replaced the previous governments policies that were seen to be archaic. Finally, bilateral trade was restored encouraging the Soviet Union and other socialists to contribute well into the newly established economy. The Country security had greatly improved and the president adopted pacification policy which legalized the major political parties of the time. It is in this regime that the history of violence is claimed to have been brought down completely in what is called death of Ernesto. The regime that followed after the 1974 elections led by Peres was quite unfortunate since inflation did set in and destabilized the economic progress, and thus leading to the introduction of the investment Fund to combat pressing problems.

Truth and commission

There has never existed a truth commission but currently, there has been a debate to start this commission to try those who masterminded the coup d etat that was not successful anyway. Following the political transition and until the turn of the century, Venezuela was seen as an exception democratic country compared to other nations in the continent and those years were taken as the time of the civilians of the country to heal from the atrocities they suffered from previous regimes (Trinkunas, 2005, p. 62). However, the head of catholic churches in Venezuela is more concerned in initiation of this commission following the incumbent president Hugo Chavezs promise to have those who were involved in the coup to go through the process and be punished if found guilty. Chavez and his group of supporters have come to an agreement that they should create a panel that find out those who must have sparked many shootings of innocent victims during massive rallies by the opposition.

The pressure from the church leaders and other influential people are more likely to force the president to allow the formation of the truth commissions to try those masterminded the shooting and killing of people during the failed coup de etat and ensure that impunity is not condoned in the country. However, the preference of Venezuela to protect its independence and interests and enhance the living standards of its people as well enhancing cooperation with trading partners (Ebel, Tara and Cochrane, 1991, p. 116) may be an influence to the country from external interference in the form of commissions. Many leading groups for human rights in the country of Venezuela had already agreed on the formation of the commission so as to find out more about the deaths that led to President Chavez removal from power for two days. They require that the parliament must set a deadline for producing the delegates who will work in the truth commission. The setting up the truth commission would be a step forward towards ensuring that the human rights are respected.

Conclusion

The political dictatorship of the earlier years of the 20^th century made Venezuela, a country with a lot of potential, to be a subject of human rights abuse. Bad political governance and corrupt officials made the country to suffer not only economically but also socially since the citizens had no voice and their lives were left under the manipulation of the political dictators. Venezuela had been seen going through the democratic process that is good for the people comparing to earlier years. Indeed the country has moved from times of dictatorships to periods of rule of law where democratic institutions have been active in ensuring that the political structures are functioning well for the benefit of the society. Although there are some flaws in the present system of governance there has been a great improvement.

Works Cited

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