The local community is concerned about the recent attacks on the Asian community and wants to know how the police plan to curtail future attacks.
Well-organized crime prevention is helpful in reducing the rate of victimization and enhances community safety.
All people’s lives are improved by effective, ethical crime prevention. Long-term gains include a decrease in the price of the formal criminal justice system as well as other societal expenses brought on by crime.
At all costs, this must be stopped because it is inhumane. To lessen the volatility, more deliberate action must be taken. To combat this irksome and barbarous habit of cattle theft, a four-pronged strategy might be used: organized discourse, ongoing education, governmental backing and goodwill, and alternative development.
Theory
The link that holds a social organization together is deteriorating, leading to social disorder. According to the hypothesis of social disorganization, a person’s physical and social environment heavily influences the behavioral decisions they make. Increased nonconformist conduct among its members, particularly among children and teens, is a sign of social disorganization, leaving external, state-supported enforcement as the main method for controlling crime (Koerner and Staller 30).
According to the social disorganization hypothesis, place matters in predicting criminal conduct. Physical decay, poverty, and more racial and cultural mixing are all present in areas with the highest crime rates.
How Police Will Prevent Future Attacks
The police should encourage citizens of the Asian community to report incidences and crime, which allows the law enforcement to fully understand the scope of the problem in the community and put resources to fight the attacks (Koerner and Staller 30). They should give the individuals an emergency hotline where they can call and report their crimes for the police to respond swiftly. This is important to create and maintain trust between law enforcement and the communities. The police should track and acknowledge the attacks so as to know the pattern and deal with them fast before they cause the community significant harm. They should establish agents or a task force tracking these types of attacks, which may lead to faster containment of the attackers.
Local, state, and federal law enforcement should be trained in handling these kinds of attacks in the future. They should also establish the source of these attacks. For example, they could be a result of hate towards Asian, racism, or tribalism. They should establish and expand language accessibility to the information about the attacks. The community and the law enforcers should be trained on how to identify and report these types of attacks.
There should be constant communication between law enforcement and the community (Chen et al. 6205). It is a good response for a community that is feeling vulnerable as a result of being a target of the attacks. This helps the residents of the Asian communities to combat fear, pain, and anxiety caused by the loss of victims’ families from the attacks.
Laws should be passed dictating the actions which should be taken against the people who perform their attacks. The attackers, therefore, will be well informed on the consequences of their actions which will result to decrease in such attacks.
Patrol officers in the Asian community residence should be increased in number (Yeh et al. 95). This will improve the security of the area, and they will be able to detect attacks faster. The Asian community citizens will feel safe when they see law enforcers around them.
The police should work hand in hand with the community leaders so that they can improve their methods on how to curtail attacks against Asian communities in culturally appropriate ways. This includes identifying the language barriers making connections with the community leaders and assisting with navigating the cultural sensitivities, which will help them to come to a decision on how to curb these attacks.
What the Asian Community Should Do in Preventing Attacks
It is important for the Asian community to work in closeness with the police to ensure that crimes and attacks shall not be tolerated, especially regarding the recent attacks that happened. If the police emphasize that there is no place for crime and attacks, it will scare away the attackers and warn them against carrying out future attacks. The targets and the victims should be placed under protection and escorts so as to get rid of the fear and anxiety of being a target of the crimes (Chen et al. 6209). The police should launch effective and intense investigation methods, alongside heavy punishment towards the people caught attacking the Asian communities. Suspects should be questioned and cross-examined according to police protocols. The policymakers within the Asian community should carry out an investigation on the leader and participants of the attacks and bring them to justice. This will help get rid of the attackers, scare them away, and discourage them from carrying out such activities. When they realize that the police are succeeding in catching them, they will stop the attacks.
The link that holds a social organization together is deteriorating, leading to social disorder. According to the hypothesis of social disorganization, a person’s physical and social environment heavily influences the behavioral decisions they make. Increased nonconformist conduct among its members, particularly among children and teens, is a sign of social disorganization, leaving external, state-supported enforcement as the main method for controlling crime (Liu and Lai 5160). According to the social disorganization hypothesis, place matters in predicting criminal conduct. Physical decay, poverty, and more racial and cultural mixing are all present in areas with the highest crime rates. The destructive impacts of social disorder have significantly damaged such institutions in many places. In a community, the police may strengthen their position as a force for norms by collaborating with these institutions and groups.
What the Asian Community Should Not Do
It is difficult to add problem-solving and community policing to the concepts of rapid response and retrospective investigation without increasing resources and fundamentally altering the administrative style of a police organization, despite the fact that logic and evidence support their potential for reducing crime. Without solid proof that it would be effective, it is difficult for a chief to make that decision.
The Special Intervention Service is a joint effort of special military and police organizations (DSI). People who are suspected of committing terrorist offenses are detained by this service. In the worst-case scenarios, it removes them.
Works Cited
Chen, Cheng, et al. “Simultaneously Learning Stochastic and Adversarial Bandits under the Position-Based Model.” Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence, vol. 36, no. 6, 2022, pp. 6202-6210.
Koerner, Swen, and Mario S. Staller. “From Data to Knowledge: Training of Police and Military Special Operations Forces in Systemic Perspective.” Special Operations Journal, vol. 7, no. 1, 2021, pp. 29-42.
Liu, Guanlin, and Lifeng Lai. “Action-Manipulation Attacks Against Stochastic Bandits: Attacks and Defense.” IEEE Transactions on Signal Processing, vol. 68, 2020, pp. 5152-5165.
Yeh, Jarmin C., et al. “Entwined Oppressions: Historicizing Anti-Asian Violence in the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Era.” Public Policy & Aging Report, vol. 32, no. 3, 2022, pp. 94-99.
Hiring and diversity of the police force have become a critical social issue in recent years and serve as a key step in improving police-community relations. As minorities, and later women, joined the force towards the latter half of the 20th century, they faced discrimination and secondary roles. Although there are officers of all representations currently, the force remains predominately white, which has caused tension within some communities, not only because of race differences but practices employed. Therefore, in the future, police leaders are faced with the unique challenge of diversifying the force and employees while maintaining high standards of service quality and sustainable community relations.
Article 1
The first article by Donohue (2019) is titled Shades of Blue: A review of the hiring, recruitment, and selection of female and minority police officers. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the evidence available on the recruitment practices of these minority groups into police and determine if there are any trends or gaps in knowledge. Furthermore, the article seeks to identify if certain limitations prevent forming a diverse workforce, requiring intervention at the policy level. The findings emerge with four thematic areas which impact minority recruitment. These are organizational predictors, motivations and attitudes, the effectiveness of hiring strategies, and obstacles in the screening process (Donohue, 2019). Despite a range of studies with different methodology and approaches, these key themes were consistently present, sometimes intermixed, but evidence generally supported these outcomes.
A theoretical foundation highlighted by Donohue is the theory of representative bureaucracy. It suggests that a public workforce that is inclusive of all people in terms of race, ethnicity, and gender representation will ensure that all groups’ interests are considered in critical decision-making processes (Vinopal, 2019). It essentially emphasizes that public organizations must mirror the communities they serve. In examining police agencies, elements of representative bureaucracy could impact department demographics. These include agency size and education requirements, representation of minorities in leadership and managerial positions, as well as representation in public roles (Donohue, 2019). Therefore, generating a perspective of diversity in police departments makes it more likely to attract minority and women candidates, allowing to make true diversity a reality.
The findings indicate that both internal and external influences directly impact law enforcement in their efforts to hire and select officers. Some of these aspects are clearly seen, such as the presence of CALEA certification is directly correlated to the hiring of female and minority candidates. It serves as an agency strategy to counter specific external influences such as local communities’ demographic makeups outside their control. Other elements are internal barriers that stem from leadership, structural procedures, cultural influences, and motivational differences. This article’s overarching theme indicates the comprehensive nature of factors both internally and externally that drive recruitment, and they should be addressed.
Article 2
The second article by Gibbs (2019) is titled, Diversifying the police applicant pool: motivations of women and minority candidates seeking police employment. Due to relatively limited literature on the topic of motivations for employment, the study aims to provide relevant view on what drives minorities and women to apply to police departments. In turn, understanding this can allow implementing functional changes in recruitment strategies of police departments to focus on these motivations and drive applicant interest. Although not explicitly discussed, Gibbs (2019) focuses on the motivations aspect as it is theoretically a critical element of the workplace both for potential and existing employees. There is intrinsic motivation, where behavior is driven by internal satisfaction; essentially, a person seeks to challenge themselves or attain self-fulfillment. Extrinsic motivation or behavior is associated with external rewards such as salary, benefits, or career growth.
Typically, employees have a combination of these motivations. Nevertheless, motivation is critical in identifying why people want to join an organization, and workplaces should aim to maintain that motivation as it can significantly impact the workforce. Motivation is associated with employee satisfaction, better performance, and lower turnover rates (Mahmoud et al., 2020). Gibbs (2019) notes that archaic literature emphasizes that motivations for joining the police force included job security, benefits, and a stable salary. However, in the contemporary realities, this has changed; while those extrinsic motivations may still play an influence, they are often not the primary motivator for women and minorities.
In the study, Gibbs (2019) conducted an open-ended interview with minority and women police candidates. The results presented a much broader picture. Common motivators were joining the police as a career dream and seeking to make a difference in society. Opportunities to help others, being a positive role model, and protecting those who could not defend themselves were also important motivators. While other factors played a role, such as a criminal justice education or military background, family legacy, and general recruitment strategies at career fairs, it is important to note that salary and job security were at the bottom of the reasons for joining. This data has an implication for leadership and police recruitment strategies. As departments seek to actively diversify and attract female and minority candidates, the highlighted motivators driving the racial and gender minorities should be used to shape and focus recruitment strategies. Meaning, that recruitment approaches specifically targeted at these populations, emphasizing the embodied values of helping others and making a difference, rather than material benefits, can potentially have greater success in attracting candidates and diversifying the force in the long-term.
Discussion
Both Donohue (2019) and Gibbs (2019) are aimed at discussing the importance of diversity in the police force. Across both articles, there are similar arguments regarding the necessity of such diversity, increasing effectiveness, positive culture, and community relations of police departments. However, where the authors differ is in their approaches. Donohue (2019) presents a more systemic overview, focusing on external factors, organizational challenges, and process requirements. However, notably, motivations and attitudes are also a major category discussed, which is the central concept of the article by Gibbs. Both authors highlight that women and minority applicants’ motivations are different from that of traditional white male officers. Motivations may also shift based on individual race or gender, background, as well as geographical location.
Further the article the intrinsic and extrinsic motivators of candidates. The author recommends policy changes in recruitment to focus on public messaging around the social factors of policing, such as helping others and community outreach, with community policing philosophy driving the recruitment of minorities and women. Meanwhile, Donohue (2019) calls for policy changes on a more systemic level, such as shifting the recruiting climate and organizational barriers to hiring minority candidates. Gibbs touches on this, suggesting that implicit biases should be removed from the hiring processes so that when there is motivation from the minority candidates, they are not disparaged by seemingly discriminatory attitudes. Donohue (2019) emphasizes examining and changing the environment and operational climate within departments, implementing programs such as affirmative action and CALEA accreditation, and reviewing internal hiring and evaluation practices. Inclusivity is vital to diversity, which in turn presents numerous benefits to the growth of the police force. As written in Colossians 3:11, “Here there is not Greek and Jew, circumcised and uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave, free; but Christ is all, and in all” – all humans are included under God, so the same efforts should be made to encompass all social groups in the public police workforce (King James Bible, 1987).
Sharing similarities and differences, these articles have solid implications for police leadership. Particularly, the role of police leaders in strongly reevaluating their hiring programs within the community while assessing attitudes within the respective departments to create environments that are friendly to women and minorities. There is an emphasis that recruitment should go beyond extrinsic factors of job security and stability that police may offer but consider many of the intrinsic factors and motivators which would drive candidates that are interested in police reform and working with the community within the contemporary context where law enforcement has a negative reputation. Leadership is fundamental to police change as a public workforce and can be a driving force and role model for making positive systematic improvements. Therefore, appropriate training and education to increase competencies are needed.
Conclusion
This paper examined the literature on the diversity of police departments and recruitment practices to attract minority and female candidates while also highlighting some of the key challenges. It is evident that greater diversity is needed for a successful law enforcement agency to engage with the community and be a solution to social issues, not its instigator. However, a tremendous burden lies on the leadership of the local and broader police authority, having to balance competent diversity policy with the standards and potentially other requirements of the departments. At the same time, both external and internal factors identified influencing the successful recruitment of minorities are difficult to pinpoint in practice and address systematically.
Citizens play a pivotal role in running the affairs of the government, including helping police officers to enforce the laws. The US police officers are obligated to serve and protect people within the US. This role is executed by patrolling communities, responding to calls, implementing arrest warrants, and enforcing the laws of the land. However, the state equally requires police officers to discharge their functions, while maintaining absolute professionalism at all costs, as reflected in the Police Accountability Act (PAC) of 2020. Contrary to expectations, the working of overtime police officers and regular police officers seems to differ, as the former is more hostile to the community.
Media outlets are emerging as the mainstream source, spreading what looks like the use of lethal force against the community. Police officers are accused of going to the extent of beating and maiming people before executing arrest orders. This happened quite often during the era of the former US president, Donald Trump. For example, lethal force was applied by the police in arresting George Floyd, which culminated in his death on May 25th, 2020, and was vastly aired by various media firms (Christián et al., 2022).
In my view, the lethal force used to arrest Floyd was unnecessary and displayed the negligence of the Minneapolis, Minnesota police officers. Despite the strictness of the current government in protecting human rights, a few incidences where police officers harass people dictate their daily activities. As a result, police officers remain targeted for misrepresenting US values across all states. As a patriotic citizen of the US, I am aware that I could be at risk at any time and call for the National Association for Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement (NACOLE) to investigate the conduct of US police officers.
People need to go about their daily chores without thinking that police might come their way and threaten their peace. If found blameworthy, police officers should be guided to comply with professional ethical codes to restore the relationship between them and the community. Police officers must maintain professionalism to be trusted by the community (Braswell et al., 2017). Restoring the relationship between police officers and the community will benefit the duo. As of now, each party views the other as an enemy, leading to more probabilistic dangers that one can cause to the other. Today, police officers become targeted by the community when they wear their uniforms.
References
Braswell, M. C., McCarthy, B. R., & McCarthy, B. J. (2017). Justice, crime, and ethics. Taylor & Francis.
In the United States, the number of innocent bystanders that have died or suffered injuries in the course of high-speed police car chases continues to increase at an alarming rate. In the year 2010, specifically in Milwaukee, the policy chief introduced a new policy indicating that the police force was not to engage in these violent and high-speed chases if the crime of the suspect did not justify the loss of the lives of innocent bystanders (McCrady, & Sorgi, 2010, p. 5). On the face of it, that proposition sounds ludicrous because it insinuates that the issue of losing bystanders’ lives as a collateral damage to a car chase gone sour is acceptable at times. Consequently, the various stakeholders had an opportunity to give their opinions on the matter. Understandably, most of the law enforcement agency personnel felt that this was an unwise move. In fact, by installing that exceptional status of the crimes that were fit for car chases, the message that was being convened to the public at large and specifically to the world of crime was worth addressing. The message was that criminals could get away with misdemeanours and other lesser felonies so long as the risk associated with initiating a car chase was equivalent to the loss of civilians’ lives.
Main body
I lost a brother in a car chase in 2011. He was simply walking back home from college. The suspect that was being pursued was suspected of the misdemeanors of drug handling and theft. My brother was only 19 years old. He already had his undergraduate degree. He was waiting for Stanford University’s response to an application for his scholarship, which was ironically granted on the day he passed on. His loss has severally wounded my family and disillusioned my mother. This incident continues to plague us two years down the line. Worse still, the fact that he was killed by police who were in the line of duty is some sort of acceptable collateral status to the authorities. Therefore, they did not dwell much on the incident other than to provide the family with meager compensation and condolence message from people who are high up in the ranks. In my neighborhood, four other families have similar stories.
One is that of the parents of a 44-year-old church leader who was hit by a fleeing motorist in 2010 during another car chase. He had been serving the fellow shoppers around him for two decades. He left behind many responsibilities that have since gone unfulfilled such as providing cheap food to the elderly and mentorship to the youth to have them abstain from criminal activities. Other innocent victims include a 72-year-old man in Lynnwood and a 42-year-old mother and nurse in the same location. To the affected families, it is often difficult to come to grips with the more saddening fact that the suspect being chased down survived (Clarridge, 2013, p. 1). Moreover, the police in effect go ahead and charge such said suspects with a first-degree murder, which again depends on the prosecution’s ability to prove a keen disregard for human life by the motorist during the collision. What good does that do to the families? Their loved ones are already gone.
A gap is apparent in this matter concerning the accountability of the police force upon the occurrence of such deaths or injuries. Statistical findings indicate that, in the past decade alone, California, which has been dubbed by several research results as the world’s “police chase capital”, had 10000 injuries and 300 deaths resulting from police chases gone awry (The Seattle Personal Injury Attorney, 2013). The FBI Law enforcement bulletin offers even more sobering alerts to this conundrum. According to o the law, the majority of the car chases are aimed at apprehending traffic violators. Each day, at least one person dies in police car chases, and that the percentage of injured or killed innocent bystanders in such chases totals to 42 percent of all the persons that are killed or injured. In fact, out of every 100 police high-speed car chases, at least one shall culminate in a fatality (The Seattle Personal Injury Attorney, 2013).
Conclusion
Surely, these figures ought to inspire some sort of preventive or proactive reaction from policymakers and other stakeholders and specifically the law enforcement agencies. Unfortunately, this does not seem to be a matter that is worthy of such high-ranking attention as no legislation has been passed towards the issue on a federal level. Most states are also reluctant to standardize procedure on the matter. The burden of its weight is borne by respective police officers in charge of stations and units. Most of these have reacted by introducing restrictive policies that require an officer to judge between the magnitude of the suspected crime and the risk involved. However, this kind of general direction is inherently flawed. The adrenaline rush experienced by the police officer at the crime scene in consideration of winning and making an arrest is mirrored in the suspect’s survival instincts. Therefore, preventive efforts require a deterrent feature. Much as the culprit shall be charged with the direct murder or injury of an innocent victim, the police should as well face disciplinary actions for creating dangerous circumstances by putting the suspect on flight mode. At the very least, this case would deter unwise judgment and offer a fuller sense of retribution to the families of the victims.
Reference List
Clarridge, C. (2013). Snohomish County’s death underscores risks of police pursuits. The Seattle Times , pp. 1-4.
McCrady, M., & Sorgi, J. (2010). New Policy on Milwaukee Police Chases. 620WTMJ Wisconsin Radio Station , p. 5.
The Seattle Personal Injury Attorney. (2013). Deadly Police Pursuit. Web.
Being well-educated and holding a college credential enhances an individual’s chances for better career development and creates new opportunities for personal growth. Education helps people feel, think, and behave in a way that contributes to their success in life. Thus, individuals with higher education qualifications are more likely to make the right decisions and develop better ethical and moral principles than uneducated persons. Despite the significance of higher education, mandatory college degree for law enforcement personnel has long been contested. While most police departments have traditionally required a high school diploma for job entry positions, a study indicates a positive correlation between higher education qualifications and better work performance for recruits (Edwards, 2019). Following the recent deaths of unarmed men at the hands of law enforcement, combined with calls for police reforms, there has been a nationwide debate about increasing education requirements for law enforcers. While police offers may not have needed diplomas or equivalent college degrees in the past, times are quickly changing. Law enforcement needs professionals equipped with 21st-century talents beyond traditional police academy training.
Arguments Supporting Mandatory College Education for Police Recruits
College Education Empowers Police Officers to Better Relate with Others
Better education qualifications can support the technical training that law enforcement professionals receive on the job or at the academy. Research indicates that tertiary education may improve police interrelationship skills and prepare them for their career (Edwards, 2019). In this regard, technical training and college education are crucial for the police force to effectively perform their work in the community. Higher learning offers invaluable chances to learn the work and strategies employed to tackle difficult situations. In this case, college enhances officers’ practical skills by participating in community services, internships, and even studying abroad. Traditionally, these programs linked to higher education boost moral reasoning, critical thinking, and openness to diversity. Therefore, giving a gun and a badge to young officers with a high school diploma and only a few months of technical training and sending them out to the community is not good enough. The interpersonal skills accumulated through higher education can help the police to work with groups and individuals in their professional and personal capacities. Therefore, if law enforcers go through college, they may get first-hand experience and reduce frequent complaints in the communities they serve.
Tertiary education can help foster more intercultural awareness among the police force. Thus, when the professionals in this field become more culturally sensitive, this will enable them to eradicate any bias or cultural barriers that impede their work. In this regard, years in college can assist the police in connecting and socializing with people from different cultural backgrounds. As a result, they may begin to recognize and appreciate other individuals’ values, beliefs, customs, and sexual orientations and interact with them without judgment or prejudice. One of the barriers for law enforcement agencies in effectively executing their mandate is inadequate experience with people from diverse backgrounds.
The lack of cultural competencies can inhibit the police from improving their relationships with the public and being unable to gain their trust. According to Miles-Johnson (2019), police misconduct typically transpires during engagement with public members or when deployed in high-crime areas or minority-concentrated neighborhoods, and they feel threatened by the situation. In this case, law enforcement officers may not be in a position to get help from the community to address local criminal activities. Therefore, when policing diverse people, being culturally aware can help the police build more connections and contribute to fewer interpersonal conflicts arising from cultural differences.
College education can promote better work ethics by being open to diversity. Experiences from higher learning institutions can help the police recognize how biases influence their perceptions and help them become more accommodating and respectful of people who are different or unique. Despite recent reforms, police in the United States have been reported to unfairly target people of color and ethnic minority groups when executing stop-and-search policies. Therefore, police failure to embrace diversity when performing their roles is responsible for the abuse of power and frequently observed behaviors of stereotypes and racist beliefs among law enforcement officers. Hence, as public servants, the police should continually strive to rise above personal prejudices and promote community harmony. The high education requirements may expose law enforcers to different perspectives and equip them with skills to serve everyone equitably regardless of age, gender, sexual orientation, and race. Therefore, they may renounce practices that portray the profession negatively.
Higher Learning Can Assist Law Enforcement Agencies to Adopt Best Practices
Knowledge and expertise accumulated in college may be essential in helping the police become more efficient in identifying quality data and scientific evidence. In this context, post-secondary education can provide the crime squad with the tools to think scientifically. The basic principle of scientific thinking is to present learners with the necessary tools to distinguish credible information from unreliable data (Schmaltz et al., 2017). In this regard, research shows that instructors in the tertiary education program tend to prioritize scientific thinking (Schmaltz et al., 2017). This means that many police recruits who do not continue to a post-secondary level after finishing high school may not acquire this essential skill to accurately assess the world around them. Therefore, if college education is not mandatory for the police, they may not develop the specific skill sets needed to be scientifically literate and, thus, become vulnerable to biases and logical fallacies. For instance, law enforcers usually learn de-escalation strategies in their academies to reduce the use of force. However, while de-escalation techniques are essential tools at their disposal, they may not always be effective or applicable. Therefore, officers who understand scientific methods, as taught in college, are better equipped to evaluate such department policies’ and adjust them.
College-educated officers are also better imparted with various capabilities to look more professional to the public. Apart from post-secondary education assisting law enforcement officers in displaying clarity in thinking, they can also be well trained and well versed to easily use emerging artificial intelligence technologies to solve crimes. In addition, they may have a broader grasp of the criminal justice system and robust knowledge of civil rights from multiple perspectives. Therefore, tertiary education can build police officers’ overall competencies and prepare them to be more suitable for the job. This is because, in college, learners have access to nearly limitless information, which helps them to accumulate knowledge and learn best practices to build the reputation of any profession. In this case, when police officers are highly educated, they can be more disciplined and act more professionally compared to those who are uneducated. Based on a report, only 11% of college-educated police officers were involved in all disciplinary actions compared to 75% of law enforcement agents with high school diplomas (Kimberling, 2020). Therefore, a four-year tertiary education correlates with positive attitudes and good behavior, which enhances the success of police recruits.
College education training helps enhance police legitimacy through improvements in public confidence in the law enforcement department. Post-secondary education is, for example, anticipated to boost police ethical awareness and occupational culture to assist them in adapting to changes in society and in improving their professional status (Terpstra & Schaap, 2021). Therefore, as mentioned earlier, making higher education a requirement for police will give them unlimited opportunities to learn various topics, such as theories of community, diversity, and the complexities of crime causation. As a result, this will enhance the legitimacy of the profession through the accreditation of police education and training. In this case, the public will be able to have trust and confidence in their law enforcement departments. Such assurances involve the belief that the police are more professional, competent, and honest and try to perform their job effectively by protecting the community against violence and crime. Thus, higher education for police recruits, especially a bachelor’s degree, is considered significant to counter a wide range of major shortcomings of law enforcement.
College-Educated Police Are More Likely to Prevent Violence and Crime
Law enforcement officers with college degrees are less likely to engage in professional misconduct. Police personnel with lower education qualifications are more likely to use excessive and deadly force than officers with post-secondary education. A report shows that college-educated law enforcement officers are 40% less likely to resort to lethal force on the job (Mekouar, 2020). Therefore, this means the group has a minimal chance of losing their jobs due to misconduct. Police violence against civilians includes firing or pointing a gun at suspects, using verbal threats and indiscriminately punching or grabbing suspects, or hitting individuals in their custody with a baton to cause physical harm. Therefore, tertiary education helps law enforcement agencies find and learn about effective strategies and implement them when confronted with difficult situations, especially during the upsurge of racially charged incidents.
Various reports of extrajudicial killings, such as the brutal murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, have triggered tension and distrust between communities and law enforcement forces. Thus, the assumption behind why police personnel with no post-secondary education may be more likely to use violence is that those with college degrees are better problem solvers. This implies that college-educated law enforcers are able to mitigate incidents with suspects amicably without resorting to physical force.
Higher education improves cognitive skills and reduces an individual’s likelihood of engaging in risky behaviors, which may decrease their chances of being violent. A study by Varela et al. (2018) indicates that school disengagement is closely linked with higher levels of violent conduct during adolescence and early adulthood. Another report shows that law enforcement personnel with at least a two-year degree are 40% less likely to be dismissed from their work due to professional misconduct (Bouffard & Armstrong, 2020). This means officers with college degrees generate fewer complaints from their departments and the public. Therefore, they are also terminated less frequently compared to their less educated counterparts for misbehavior. College-educated officers are more understanding of human behavior, are less authoritarian, and have better job performance.
Post-secondary Education Instill Police with Essential Skills and Leadership Competencies
Post-secondary education is vital in assisting the police to stay updated with the ever-changing needs of society. Boag-Munroe et al. (2017) recommend the acquisition of problem-oriented strategies as a means to enhance law enforcement capabilities to effectively execute their mandate. The traditional technical training programs may be outdated and insufficient in preparing officers to respond to emerging social problems, such as international terrorism and increased migration, as well as understand new policing laws required to effectively address these issues. In this regard, college is the only setting where learning and broadening knowledge occurs. This is because recruits will be inducted into different topics, ideas, and situations over a duration of time to become more problem-oriented in identifying crimes in the communities they serve. If a degree becomes mandatory for law enforcement, officers can easily determine the underlying causes of insecurity, develop suitable responses, and assess whether those responses work. In this case, they will have the opportunity to pursue educational backgrounds in sociology, public management, communications, psychology, government, and the natural sciences to develop new perspectives.
The accumulation of knowledge may help build effective leaders within law enforcement. This is because police academies’ inadequate focus on core competencies related to leadership, such as management and communication, are typically covered in colleges. Thus, these skills may initiate meaningful departmental reforms needed for transformational leadership. Effective governance is one of the most critical predictors of whether an institution can effectively function in a dynamic social and political environment. Therefore, police should be encouraged to make a college degree an employment requirement because they will better understand various aspects of society. For example, higher education can strengthen police officers’ leadership potential and promote them through the ranks. Research shows that law enforcement personnel with at least some higher education background are more focused on promotional advancement and aspire to retire in senior positions than those with no college degrees (Rosenfeld et al., 2020). Conversely, police who experience limited promotion prospects have a high chance of leaving the service (Boag-Munroe et al., 2017). In this case, it is not unexpected that administrators in law enforcement, including police chiefs, are likely to hold post-graduate and college degrees.
Higher Education Improves the Communication Prowess of Police Recruits
Unlike high school graduates, law enforcement personnel with a college degree often exhibit better verbal and written communication skills. Good verbal communication positively influences how police officers interact with their partners, other professionals, community members, victims, families, and court officials. Research indicates that college-educated law enforcers have impeccable listening and speaking skills, which helps them to easily build trust with people from diverse backgrounds to understand different situations (Edwards, 2019). This may assist the police in making fast and more informed decisions for the betterment of all individuals and communities involved. Additionally, improved communication skills help law enforcement forces to effectively gather evidence from crime scenes or during interrogations. For instance, an officer’s tone and body language may encourage or deter witnesses from divulging the account of events that may hasten or impede an investigation. Therefore, a college education helps police recruits acquire excellent communication abilities that foster better relations with the public resulting in information sharing, which makes inquiries easier and faster.
Good communication in law enforcement often assists in de-escalating volatile situations. Law enforcement agents with a college education have been linked to adopting less authoritative tones when interacting with the public than their counterparts. Speaking calmly in cases involving rowdy groups, protests, or other tense conditions can help the police diffuse such scenarios amicably. The use of practices, such as active listening and showing empathy, may create an atmosphere of mutual respect, which is critical in conflict management to avert further escalations. Thus, effective communication skills taught in colleges may help law enforcers learn to use conflict management strategies in solving issues rather than violence.
College-educated law enforcers demonstrate a better-written communication compared to high-school graduates. The use of simple, clear, and precise language in writing police memos and reports fosters information clarity to prevent misunderstandings (Edwards, 2019). Law enforcement agencies heavily rely on written documents; thus, well-written reports clearly show how events surrounding a particular case unfolded. Alternatively, poor reporting and documentation may cause misunderstanding and biases, impeding an investigation. Poor report-writing skills may make an officer lose their job. Therefore, a college degree may equip police recruits with the writing skills needed in the field.
Higher education equips law enforcement personnel with a unique skill set to interpret body language. Communication is not limited to verbal or written form because non-verbal cues, including facial expressions, tone, gestures, and body language, can generate different messages. Comprehending non-verbal communication may assist law enforcers in analyzing the body language of suspects or witnesses to detect any anomalies in their statements. Similarly, these cues can help officers read their partner’s body language or signals when they cannot communicate verbally in field exercises. Thus, tertiary education can expose police recruits to non-verbal communication that can aid investigations.
College Education May Improve a Recruit’s Chances for Promotion
Tertiary education can significantly boost a law enforcer’s chances of getting a promotion. Since college-educated officers have technological expertise, better leadership, communication, and problem-solving skills, and are more disciplined than high school graduates, they can quickly rise through the ranks and occupy bigger positions in the force (Dowd, 2021). In addition, recruits with higher education may earn better salaries than their peers with high school diplomas (Dowd, 2021). Moreover, recruits with a college education have better job security due to their diverse skills, which are critical in law enforcement owing to the low turnover rate associated with the profession. The increased promotion opportunities, salaries, and job security may give college-educated officers increased job satisfaction compared to those with high school diplomas. As a result, the officers with tertiary education may have a positive attitude towards their work, including the communities they serve. Research indicates that individuals who are happy with their jobs have increased job performance (Kundi et al., 2020). Therefore, recruiting individuals with higher education can significantly assist law enforcement in achieving equity because they will serve the public diligently despite their race, religion, or age.
Arguments Against Mandatory College Education for Police Recruits
Requiring law enforcers to have post-secondary education is a good idea. Nevertheless, incorporating college education as a pre-employment qualification for recruits may have unintended consequences which are detrimental to police agencies. This may explain why law enforcement agencies are yet to implement the mandatory college degree as a qualification despite the public uproar. The drawbacks to mandating higher education for police recruits include the following;
College Education May Create a Workforce Shortage
Making college education compulsory for police recruits may cause a significant decline in the workforce. This is because it will limit the number of applicants joining the force, thus creating an imbalance between work responsibilities and available resources. Similarly, over the years, the number of applicants entering the police force has significantly dwindled, leaving the agencies with many vacancies. Not to mention, there are four generations in law enforcement, including the Millenials, veterans, Generation X and Baby Boomers. Some veterans, particularly the Baby Boomers, are nearing retirement, creating other vacancies (Fry, 2020). This implies that blocking high school graduates from joining law enforcement will further deteriorate the vacancy crises.
There have been increased reports of several officers quitting the force. For instance, the Police Executive Research Forum report indicates that from 2020 to 2021, officers’ resignations and retirement increased by 18% and 45%, respectively (Sutton, 2021). This was partly attributed to low pay, high-stress levels, and the public’s negative attitudes toward the police. Therefore, it is evident that the police force is already facing a workforce shortage crisis. Hence, mandating college education among the applicants may impair the agency’s operations due to the lack of an adequate workforce.
Many college graduates may prefer other careers over joining law enforcement. Only a small population of the country has four-year college degrees. In this case, in 2021, only 37.9% of individuals aged 25 years and above in the United States had a college degree (Schaeffer, 2022). Nevertheless, not many of them would choose to enter the police force. Most applicants seek to join law enforcement due to the altruistic need to serve their communities. Therefore, making college education a mandatory requirement for police recruits will significantly lower the number of applicants, resulting in a decreased workforce, thus adversely affecting the agencies’ operations. Consequently, the limited personnel may hinder the equality of police service due to the limited number of resources in the form of officers.
Mandating College Degrees for Recruits May Disadvantage Minority Groups
Making college education a requisite for joining law enforcement may limit the chances of including marginalized groups. There is already an overwhelming underrepresentation of minority ethnic communities in law enforcement (Casey-Maslen & Connolly, 2017). Hence, necessitating a college degree as a pre-employment qualification for recruits may further hinder these marginalized groups from joining the force. The requirement may create unequal opportunities for minority groups such as Hispanics and African Americans. This is because most people of color come from low-socioeconomic backgrounds and may not afford the finances to pay for a college education. For instance, in 2022, 59.1% of college graduates were White, while Latinos and African-Americans were 13.1% and 1%, respectively (Bouchrika, 2022). This proves that making post-secondary education compulsory in the police force may create inequitable chances for people of color. As a result, this will not only hinder diversity in the workforce but also cause a considerable decline in the number of officers, thus adversely affecting police operations. A lack of diverse law enforcement force may adversely impact service delivery because the officers may not adequately cater to the needs of the multi-ethnic populations.
Requiring police recruits to have higher education may significantly lower the number of women joining the force. Research indicates that only 12% of women are law enforcers (Corley, 2022). This implies that the number of women officers is too low and should be increased. Thus, mandating college education for police recruits will only place more barriers for women to enter the force. As a result, this will hinder diversity and gender inclusivity, which may impair some law enforcement operations. For instance, female victims or witnesses are more likely to cooperate and effectively communicate with female officers because they can relate to them. Therefore, requiring police officers to have tertiary education lessens the number of law enforcement women, hampering service delivery to the public.
College Degrees May Be Unnecessary in the Police Force
Mandating tertiary education among law enforcers may be unwarranted because the police academy offers preparatory and on-job-training programs to its workforce. Police training mainly revolves around safety, psychology issues, and legal procedures; it may last for six to eight months (Blumberg et al., 2019). In this case, the recruits are taught state laws, self-defense, criminal investigations, computer skills, patrol procedures, and first aid. Other topics include weapon training, defensive driving, and traffic control. The recruits must also perform physical exercise and fieldwork to demonstrate their understanding of classroom activities (Blumberg et al., 2019). The field practices may include using firearms, directing traffic, operating police vehicles, demonstrating arrest tactics and interrogation methods, and investigating mock crime scenes.
Recruit training incorporates ethical practices in law enforcement and the communication skills required in interactions with other officers and the public. For instance, the officers are trained to use de-escalation techniques, such as showing empathy when dealing with volatile situations. Additionally, police recruits are taught how and when to use force to minimize damage and guarantee public safety (Blumberg et al., 2019). Equally important, law enforcers can learn on the job through experience, making tertiary education unnecessary. This proves that police recruits already have adequate knowledge and skills to effectively perform their jobs; thus, there is no need to mandate a college degree.
Even before an individual is considered a recruit, they must undergo rigorous tests to qualify for the positions. In this case, the applicant has to perform a written test to demonstrate that they have basic knowledge critical for the profession. The exam covers problem-solving skills, mathematics, and grammar, amongst others. Additionally, applicants must pass a psychological test to portray their emotional preparedness for the job (Blumberg et al., 2019). This is because law enforcers are often exposed to highly challenging scenarios that necessitate making life-and-death choices. Furthermore, a physical ability exam is done to evaluate whether the applicant’s physical strength fits the job demand. Therefore, passing the police tests already qualifies the applicants for the profession. Hence, law enforcers do not require higher education to perform their work better because they have already demonstrated their aptitude by passing the applicant’s test.
Higher Education May Be Costly for Law Enforcement Agencies
Tertiary education may increase the salary expectations for police recruits. In any profession, individuals with advanced education status require higher pay than those with low education levels. This implies that police recruits with a college degree may be reluctant to accept the starting salary offered by law enforcement agencies. In this case, since most college graduates often have pending educational loans, officers with college degrees may require a higher income to enable them to pay such loans and manage their expenses (Dowd, 2021). Therefore, it is evident that obliging law enforcers to have higher education may result in higher salaries for the agencies.
It may be expensive for law enforcement departments to hire recruits with tertiary education. This is because the departments deal with a limited budget, and hence it may be challenging to sustain the increased salaries required by college-level recruits (Cole et al., 2018). As a result, the police agencies may only be able to recruit a slightly lower number of applicants resulting in more workload due to the limited staff. The decline may hinder equality because there are no adequate resources to meet the existing work requirements. This proves that necessitating college education for police recruits can be costly for police departments. Instead, the best solution would be hiring high school graduates and providing subsidies and other incentives to encourage them to pursue tertiary education. This approach may promote higher learning among police officers, equipping them with the necessary skills and knowledge to meet society’s constantly evolving needs.
Position
Although some critics might argue that the lack of higher education for police recruits may not translate into their inability to perform their work, garnering a broad perspective on various issues is vital for any profession. Since more people are becoming very intellectual, education qualifications for the police force should also be improved. According to a report, in 2021, the number of adults 25 years and older who had completed college education or more included 46.9% men and 53.1% women (United States Census Bureau, 2022). Therefore, law enforcement operating in a well-educated society should be taught to match the people they serve. Education can help the police understand the individuals they serve and strengthen police-community relations. This is because it has been articulated that college-educated police employ less force and adhere to policing regulations for professional advancement than high school graduates. Critical thinking is one aspect associated with higher education, which allows law enforcement personnel to better understand their suspects during a confrontation and articulate practical solutions not available to their non-college-educated peers. Thus, post-secondary education for police is essential in countering a wide range of shortcomings in law enforcement.
Conclusion
In conclusion, there have been repeated calls from the public requiring police recruits to have tertiary learning to meet the evolving society’s needs. College education may improve a police recruit’s problem-solving skills, technological abilities, leadership, and communication skills. All these proficiencies make police officers better equipped to serve the needs of society. In addition, due to the exposure to different cultures during college, these officers have an increased understanding of diversity, enhancing their relations with colleagues, superiors, and the public regardless of age, race, or religion. Similarly, higher education has a positive influence on law enforcers because officers with a college education are more disciplined and less likely to use violence when interacting with the public. However, some critics maintain that mandating tertiary education for recruits may be detrimental to law enforcement agencies. This is because it may result in a declining workforce and increase operations costs due to additional salaries. Additionally, it may limit minority groups’ applications to the force, thus hindering diversity. Nevertheless, college degrees should be mandated for police recruits because they offer the required skill set and abilities to solve societal problems effectively.
Violence against persons of colour is a persistent issue that has existed for centuries in the United States. It is profoundly ingrained in the evolution of American culture, whether it is motivated by a desire and need for control, to uphold an illegal system of oppression, or to uphold a cultural image of one’s own superiority. Researchers are today challenged with understanding why race matters the way it always has, with outcomes that continue to undermine the core concepts of freedom, equality, and democracy. Over time, models, justifications, and resistance to this violence have changed. An increasing amount of data suggests that systematic racism in policing is the cause of the disproportionate number of deaths caused by the police. This shows that in the US, the impact of lethal police violence is a pressing public health concern.
Main Thesis of Authors
“Killing Fields: Explaining Police Violence against Persons of Color” by Jones (2017) sets police violence against people of colour in a historical perspective and makes the case that historical patterns are being followed by the present homicide wave. In the article, the causes and effects of police aggression are explained sociologically for greater comprehension. The descriptions of the causes and effects of police violence are the key features of the pieces in this collection (KF 874). The article’s main argument for why racial stereotypes and their behavioural effects are to blame for police violence is that these effects extend beyond the direct victims to communities of colour.
“The racialization of crime and punishment: Criminal justice, colour-blind racism, and the political economy of the prison industrial complex” by Brewer and Nancy (2008) present the issue from the positions of social justice, racial history, and the perceptions of racial pedagogies. The essay evaluates a number of macro systems linked to policing, economic exclusion, and political emancipation. Regarding the theoretical framework, the writers examine the racist and classicist roots of injustice using critical racial theory. The article links a number of topics, including the history of US law, criminal justice, and the political economics of the criminal justice system, as part of its study (RCP 627). The writers concentrate on the interplay between micro and macrosystemic injustice, as well as the contribution of prisoners to the promotion of resistance to these injustices.
Arguments of the Authors
The article “The Killing Fields: Explaining Police Violence Against Coloreds” by Jones (2017) provides strong facts that might raise public awareness of police officer intolerance and inequity. The main points of the author’s arguments focused on the role that the media and the so-called “Gorilla effect” play in the aggravation of racial prejudice (KF 883). Additionally, the media’s influence has a particularly damaging impact since it contributes to the development of animosity toward black people. Dehumanizing black people and associating them with monkeys—a practice known as the “Gorilla Effect” in the Jones article—is another defining aspect of the media’s conduct (KF 885). This occurrence suggests that individuals of colour are no longer considered to be part of the human race.
“The racialization of crime and punishment: Criminal justice, colour-blind racism, and the political economy of the prison industrial complex.” Brewer and Nancy (2008) offer a substantial analysis of the interconnectedness of the issue with prevalent social issues such as justice, law, and criminal justice. The key driver and the connection between macro and micro factors in relation to racial-driven violence is a highly developed concept and development of racism. Within the authors’ analysis, racism is understood as a system of opportunity structuring and value assignment based on phenotypes that unfairly disadvantage some people and groups and weakens the cohesiveness of the entire community by wasting human resources (RCP 633). According to this framework, racism has many effects since it not only hurts those it affects but helps others. In the context of violence, this implies that certain young people are more likely to become victims than others because of privilege and birthplace advantages. The authors contend that considering the connection between historical discrimination and institutional racism is necessary before considering police brutality (RCP 636). These arguments essentially reflect on the importance of the analysis conducted.
Evaluation
The paper by Jones is an important piece of study that advances the discussion on the subject of prejudice towards persons of race. The author brings up the subject of law enforcement officials’ prejudice and discrimination against black individuals. It should be mentioned that this issue has a long history in American culture and is still a pressing one today. Jones notes that gaining tolerance and equality for people of colour remains a challenging issue in spite of many efforts. The article has a substantial quantity of statistical information on people who have experienced police brutality. The key flaw of the article can be discovered in the comparison of the European and American systems (Draper). While the issue is less prevalent in Europe, the difference between the systems is not substantial. European prejudices are also apparent and recognizable, causing regular troubles in different European countries.
The Brewer and Nancy article also presents a valuable contribution to the scholarly debate on the issue. The junction of numerous macro and micro aspects, taking into consideration diverse historical and social repercussions, is the article’s strength. The examination of social justice makes a significant contribution to the global scientific debate on this subject. Regarding the formal critique of reasoning, the logic of the author’s argument is flawless. However, it is dubious about placing so much emphasis on forming a coalition to accomplish social justice. This question’s final consequences may show its futility. It is also important that the study has credibility and significance because it is based on other important scientific publications.
While both of the articles presented valuable arguments and reasoning, the Jones article is more convincing because of its excessive use of statistics and thesis strength. Brewer and Nancy’s article attempted to intersect different perspectives to analyze macro and micro factors, but the scope of the aspects was too multilayered. That is why I am more inclined to side with the arguments of the Jones article. Within this issue, I find it more important to analyze contemporary repercussions such as the media’s detrimental effect and the “Gorilla Effect”. This will allow incorporating aspects such as historical intersections and political economics but essentially focus on the current state of affairs.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the issue covered in these articles concerned law enforcement personnel’s bigotry, prejudice, and discrimination towards racial minorities. The articles made the case that particular actions have an impact on how prejudice spreads among police personnel. The argument about the value of tolerance and equality in all spheres of society is brought to light in both essays, which is beneficial. The authors stress that gender and ethnicity cannot be used to predict homicide.
Sustainable democracy offers a practical sketch map for intellectual development and political maturity. Besides, sustainable democracy ensures reliable governance and democratic issue base confrontation of challenges affecting the citizens from insecurity, social justice, and respect of human rights.
Reflectively, sustainable democracy, as a concept of institutional approach in reforms, offers a solution based management of government institutions. The government of Bangladesh remains a struggling state in sustainable democracy due to failed institutional approach to offering alternative solutions to its dwindling democratic space, despite having begun as a democratic state in 1971.
Among the key institutions responsible for promoting democracy include the police, political party management, and the media (Przeworski 23). This paper will concentrate on the police institution reform in order to make the police institution free of corruption, compromise, and injustices to the citizens.
Thus, this reflective treatise attempts to explicitly identify issues within the policing institution of Bangladesh that directly and indirectly affect sustainable democratization of the administrative and social system of the Bangladesh state.
Besides, the paper explores the current positon of police institution in promoting justice, maintaining law and order and promoting social cohesion through constructive interventionist approach to democratization and freedom of expression, association, and right to justice. In addition, the treatise reveals relevant recommendations on an alternative approach in reform agenda in the policing institution.
The national Bangladesh police have its headquarter in Dhaka and are accountable to the government regime in power. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA) oversees and controls appointments, police budget, and transfer of officers.
The police institution is divided into the Special Branch (SB), the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) mandated with the responsibility of promoting order, detecting, and investigating crimes within the borders of Bangladesh. The police institution in Bangladesh is mandated by the constitution to protect basic human rights through maintaining and enforcing law and order.
The police force comprises of about 123,197 trained officers distributed across the state of Bangladesh against the civilian population 153 million. Therefore, every police officer is supposed to serve 1,200 people at any given time. Reflectively, “There is a shortage of police here; it’s an ongoing crisis. How can we be expected to tackle crime when there are more criminals than police?
A criminal can walk freely because he knows that we don’t have the manpower to arrest him” (International Crisis Group 18). This is almost three times higher than the recommended ratio by the United Nations at 1:450. As part of the larger Judicial system, Police institution is at the bottom line in making arrests, organizing prosecution charges, and assisting the judicial panel in justice delivery.
Besides, the Police institution is in the forefront in promoting cohesion through public relations exercise, which promises confidentiality and non-victimization (Przeworski 38). However, this is not the case in Bangladesh’s policing institution.
Historically, the tumultuous occurrences since the independence of Bangladesh indicate that its policing institution has remained a puppet for the political class and wealthy elites in the society. Despite being at the baseline of democratization, due to the fact that the institution directly interacts with the public, series of human rights compromises have been noted, especially in the last one decade.
Instead of promoting freedom of speech and protecting citizens attending rallies across political parties, this institution is often inclined to a particular political activism side. According to the International Crisis Group (2009) report:
After decades of misuse and neglect, Bangladesh’s police are a source of instability and fear rather than a key component of a democratic society. Human rights abuses are endemic and almost all Bangladeshis who interact with the police complain of corruption. With an elected government in place again, there are now opportunities to reform this dysfunctional force. But there are also significant obstacles.
If the government fails to move beyond the current modest reform process, the democratic transition could falter should deteriorating security give the military another chance to intervene, using, as it has in the past, the pretext of upholding law and order to justify derailing democracy. (International Crisis Group 3)
The policing institution of Bangladesh is known for an excellent reputation on corruption, excessive use of force and brutality in making arrests and displacing peaceful protests, and incompetence. Despite the fact that the previous regimes are aware and have acknowledged the many fundamental flaws, none has put the need for police reforms within their policy and democratic manifesto.
“Whether the necessity has been fighting crime or tackling terrorists, successive administrations have relied on half measures and quick fixes usually involving the military rather than reforming the police as a long-term solution” (“Freedom House: Civil Liabilities in Bangladesh” par. 7). Ironically, it is unfortunate that most international donors who are out to please the political regime of the day.
In some cases, the international donors have been accused of undertaking short-sighted measures that only serve to prolong interests of the regime in power. Despite serious cries for reform in the policing institution, the short-sighted measures often succeed in suppressing the outcry while at the same time promote culture of impunity by increased crime rates.
Due to the inefficiencies in the police unit, military personnel have used the same as excuse to have more influence and control of civilian affairs, as evident in the military coup of January 2007 supposedly inspired by police inefficiency to protect the public.
Though the current Awami League government had incorporated police reforms as one of the immediate agenda in their manifesto, the same government lacks goodwill and interest on the reforming this institution. As a matter of fact, “it has shown no interest in repealing or amending the current police law, the Police Act of 1861, a colonial-era legal hangover designed primarily to keep imperial India’s subjects in line” (Uddin 32).
Actually, the law of Bangladesh gives the government regime of the day full control mandate over the police who are often used by the government of the day to suppress and control the opposition instead of independent service to all citizens.
For instance, Prime Minister Sheik Hasina’s administration adopted the same tactics of her predecessors to pocket the policing institution for her personal disposal on ‘errant’ opposition and protesting civilians.
“Even if the prime minister and her administration were to change tack, any move to insulate the force from politicization and increase accountability would be met with strong opposition from the bureaucracy and the business community, both of which have a history of exploiting weaknesses in the police organization” (Uddin 29).
Reflectively, the most powerful and those in a position to reform the policing institution are often reluctant due to external forces and personal interests which are placed above the national interests. These powerful political and business actors continue to thrive in impunity and selfishness since the current policing institution lacks structures to function independently in service delivery.
Moreover, the current regime is very reluctant to UNDP sponsored development programs aimed at promoting democracy through the Police Reform Program (PRR). Ironically, the retired and serving senior policemen in Bangladesh policing institution are against the program claiming that it lacks the comprehensiveness in implementation despite the fact that they are aware of underlying issues that have stagnated the police force.
In a surprising move, nearly all the retired senior police officers “suggest that the PRP is not aimed at transforming the police into a modern, disciplined force able to serve and protect citizens, but is rather a costly– and questionably effective – set of administrative modifications” (Uddin 34). The democratization process is often expensive and requires support from all players in order to assert a long-lasting solution.
Despite the support from the neighboring country; India, lack of goodwill from the current regime has almost stalled the reforms agenda in the police institution. Unfortunately, the police force remains unaccountable and incompetent. This has created a comfortable breeding ground for extremist groups to propel their interest of threatening stability with an excuse of liberating the citizens of Bangladesh.
Besides, should this happen, this small state would suffer from a state of resilience characterized by high magnitudes of corruption scandals, insecurity, and complete abandonment of the democratic gains into another undemocratic military rule.
Lack of democracy will in turn result in deterioration of other support institutions mandated with economic planning, globalization, and healthcare since funds meant for these sectors may be swindled and channeled to non-prioritized spending.
At present, a comprehensive reform in the Bangladesh police force seems dim and unrealistic. This is due to the fact that the current laws operate on the oppressive 1967 bill on police responsibility and limits, which merely was developed to protect the royal regime of the era. There is no law to provide legal direction on crucial reforms in government institutions.
Besides, the stopgap and remedial measures proposed by the UNDP are inadequate and non-inclusive in the fight for democratization and reform of the police institution to operate independently and fairly to the citizens of Bangladesh. “Without a law enshrining democratic principles of policing, many of the modest improvements made over the past two years to the police organization are subject to reversal” ( International Crisis Group 3).
Reforms in the policing institution of Bangladesh are crucial for short term and long term social, security, economic, and democratic development. Since the current police force has suffered public distrust due to series of accusations on police extortion, brutality, and participant approach in serving the citizens, the reform agenda should reflect the will of the people and promote democratic space.
The police have dismally failed in their duty as defined by the constitution to maintain law and order. Unfortunately, this situation has made some individuals or communities “to take the law into their own hands and will drive disenfranchised individuals and groups to join anti-government elements” (International Crisis Group 6).
Recommended Reforms
In order to promote morale and better working conditions in the police force, it is important to increase their salary and improve their housing. Due to dismal wages paid to them by the public service, most officers have little option apart from engaging in other activities such as corruption to cover financial shortfall.
For instance “the monthly pay and allowances of the IGP, the highest-ranking in the force, amounts to Tk23,000 ($333); at the very bottom of the pay scale, the monthly salary of a police constable is only Tk5,410 ($78.50)” (International Crisis Group 4).
Therefore, most officers have to serve under depressive conditions with minimal financial reward. This paints an abysmal picture and drives down police moral. As a result, they easily become a pray for the rich businessmen and politicians who pay ‘special fees’ for protection of their illegal activities and suppressing opponents.
Bureaucratic and political interference remain the highest efficiency impediment in the police reform agenda. Political interference result into atrocities such as illegal detention, torture, death in custody, and large scale corruption. This results in universal disdain by the public, who may become unresponsive and politicize every unfortunate incident as a reflection of the desire of a social clique who can afford to ‘pocket’ police officers.
According to Transparency International, “96.6 percent of Bangladesh’s households that interacted with law enforcement agencies experienced some form of corruption. Roughly 65 percent of households paid an average of Tk3, 940 ($57) in bribes over a one year period to police officers for various services” (“Freedom House: Civil Liabilities in Bangladesh” par. 5).
Therefore, the parliament should amend the 1967 policing bill to institutionalize payments that are to be made in police stations. Besides, an independent watchdog should be incorporated besides the police institution to monitor and investigate claims of corruption by the public.
Administration capacity and bureaucratic tendencies define success of reform in the police force. It is not only necessary, by very agent to overhaul the current administrative authority in the police institution, which mainly consist of sympathizers of the current regime and those strategically placed in higher offices to defend individual interest.
In a large scale scrutiny of the current police head, the independent police reforms commission will be in a position to eliminate potential status quo supporters and replace them with more qualified, experienced, and better-paid officers. Besides, the police reform agenda should recommend the transformation and rebranding the police force to win confidence of the citizens of Bangladesh.
Besides, the new post reforms police force should organize series of public meeting and interactive forums to help foster unity of purpose and affirm the spirit of secrecy to whistleblowers and those who offer information on corruption cases, abuse of office, and unethical political plans.
Conclusively, sustainable democratization is achievable when issues such as corruption, unaccountability, insecurity, unfairness, and abuse of human rights are controlled. Police force is a very important democratization institution in Bangladesh. This is due to the fact that policemen have daily and direct contact with the citizens.
Incidences of politicization of government institutions such as the police have seriously reverse gains made on democracy in Bangladesh. Since the police force is answerable the government regime of the day, the current policing institution of Bangladesh has become a political tool for suppressing democracy through torture of the opposition adherents, massive corruption, unaccountability, and protection of certain class form prosecution.
The reform agenda to reverse these challenges lie in transforming the current policing institution into an independent entity with better housing, salaries, training, and support from the public.
Works Cited
Freedom House: Civil Liabilities in Bangladesh 2012. Web.
Administration of justice is the function of the government to administer justice. It entails establishing both civil and criminal liability and taking corrective actions. To accomplish this government is assisted by the court system and the police.
Police
Summary
Police is a group of both men and women whose job is to protect people and they also ensure that the government policies are closely followed and they also enforce law and order. Police service being a wide organization it is expected to complete several tasks in its department. There are different units that work together to reduce all sorts of crime. Specialist crime directorate as a unit works hand in hand with groups of people in the country so that they can identify solutions that will solve the different crimes existing in the country. Specialists’ units deal with security, politician’s protection, criminal investigations, and intelligence among others. The administration of the policy deals with recruiting the police force, training the force, and another related issue that could be found in the personnel department.
The police face many challenges especially when dealing with crime since sometimes they end up being shot and wounded or killed. Sometimes they really put their lives in danger especially when they are trying to fight terrorism. The police department is sometimes faced with pressing issues where they have to find solutions to major and minor crimes happening in society. Ethically they involve the society in finding the solutions and this has a positive effect on society. Its also good morals for the police are always determined to help the society by giving them protection from lawbreakers and fighting hard to maintain peace and order in the country and among citizens.
Courts
Summary
A court is a place where legal cases are heard and then judged and it comprises judges, magistrates, and officers who all engage in administering justice. There are different types of courts.
Constitutional court- This court is considered the highest when it comes to constitutional matters and it is found in Johannesburg. It is the only court that has the power to settle disputes among organs of state at the either national or provincial level. The final decision on whether the act of parliament or the president’s conduct adheres with the constitution depends on the constitutional court. It consists of nine Constitutional Court judges, the Chief Justice of South Africa, and the deputy chief justice.
Supreme Court of Appeal- In respect to all matters this is the highest court and it constitutes of the president, his deputy, and several judges of appeal who are appointed by an Act of parliament. Its jurisdiction is to hear and decide an appeal against any upheld decision made by the high court.
High courts- It is divided into ten divisions and each division consists of a judge president and depending on his choice he may appoint one or more deputy judges president and as several judges as wishes. The jurisdiction of the local division is around its own area over all persons found in the area.
Organizational structure
Constitutional court → Supreme Court of appeal → Labor court → High Court → Land claims courts → Magistrate’s Courts → Regional courts → Small Claims Courts.
Some courts have limited jurisdiction and this makes it hard for the court to pass any judgment and they refer some of their cases to higher courts like the High court and the Court of Appeal. The challenge faced is when neither the plaintiff nor the defendant is present during the ruling and the court’s decision is final with any further appeals. It’s an ethical consideration that the offenders are punished by doing community service which has a benefit to the community. The courts try teaching society good morals by punishing wrongdoers through fines, probation, and also through imprisonment and this makes many people avoid getting on the wrong side of the law. This has helped the citizens feel secure in their own country and it has brought peace and safety among them.
Corrections
Summary
A correction is one of the components of the criminal justice system. It explains how people who are convicted of an offense are treated by society at large. Offenders may be taken to a jail cell, given probation, or maybe penalized through fines or restitution. There are two correctional theories used in the United States and these are the Direct Supervision Model and Remote Supervision Model. The correctional services department mainly is to ensure just is done and that the community is safe from offenders and the offenders are punished by taking them to custody. The correctional services department ensures that the society has protection by putting the criminals in custody
Organizational structure
Michigan department of corrections → Correctional facilities → Outstate regions → Field operations → Metropolitan regions → Operations support, planning & Community Development, Office of Legal Affairs, Bureau of Human Resources, Prisoner Affairs Section, Legislative Liaison, Office of Public Information and Communication.
One of the pressing issues is the increasing number of crimes in society. These crimes affect society at large since some of these crimes result in death and loss of properties. There are several challenges faced in the correctional department. One of the challenges is that prisoners escape from their cells which makes it hard for the department to trace the prisoners who are termed as dangerous to society. The prison may be faced with the problem of the high population which may end to be hard in controlling the crowd. Sometimes there is a lack of enough funds and this makes it impossible for new prisons to be built. The ethical part of it is that the correctional department provides security to prisoners by providing female prisoners different rooms from the male prisoners. The correctional department has also introduced a privilege system that promotes good morals and it ensures that the prisoners are responsible.
Physical hygiene is another ethical consideration in the sense that the offenders are able to maintain good health and their nutritional needs are taken care of. A new plan of action is developed for the different programs involving rehabilitation so as to help the offenders and this is an ethical consideration since it is morally right to give counseling to the wrongdoers who are already in custody. The main objective was to give the offenders education and to improve their skills in both spiritual and personal levels and they wanted to ensure that when they left the custody they would join the society as better people.
44 Minutes: The North Hollywood Shoot-Out is an American crime film, which was shot in 2003. The film is based on real events that took place in 1997 in North Hollywood. On the morning of 28 February 1997, two bank robbers broke into the Laurel Canyon Bank, took its employees hostage, and picked up the money (“44 Minutes”). As they left the bank, they saw dozens of police cars around. After that, two heavily armed men hold the Los Angeles Police Department at bay for 44 minutes.
The directors of this film could accurately convey the atmosphere of that terrible incident. The Los Angeles Police Department was entirely unprepared for such well-trained robbers. The most remarkable thing is that no one died among police officers and civilians, though many of them were heavily wounded. I believe that this crime thriller was shot to restore the reputation of the Los Angeles Police Department. The filmmakers achieved this goal; that is why the film encourages the audience to feel proud of the American police.
The Old and the New Ways of Police’s Response
Previously, in case of active shootings, responding police officers, in the first place, set up a secure perimeter around the crime scene. Only after that, they thought about moving on the suspect. However, police had to change their tactics because of the increased incidence of active shootings. Nowadays, policemen in the United States of America use a strategy, which is known as rapid deployment, in which the first officer at the scene is involved (“Police Change Tactics in Active Shootings”). The new tactic means immediate police intervention, taking risks, and seeking to catch or eliminate criminals promptly, which has increased the effectiveness of police officers’ actions.
Misconduct by police and correctional officers presents significant challenges for law enforcement since it has important legal and social consequences. The present document is a report on the investigation conducted in the local police department and correctional facilities based on citizens’ reports of misconduct. The investigation confirmed that correctional officers often used violence against inmates without proper justification. Similarly, police officers used excessive force against citizens, particularly in crime-ridden areas. Secondary findings of the report also indicate that misconduct is usually condoned or even encouraged by the upper management, which shows that the problem is of systemic nature. In order to address the problem of misconduct appropriately, it is essential to apply proven recommendations to enhance accountability, promote reporting, and allow for independent investigations. Moreover, it is also necessary to use long-term strategies for reducing misconduct and eliminating systemic corruption, such as policy change and increased oversight, community involvement, and diversity. It is expected that the recommendations and long-term strategies listed in the report will have a positive influence on the work of local law enforcement agencies.
Key Recommendations
The key recommendations provided in the report are as follows:
Introduce body-worn cameras to police departments and correctional facilities. Research shows that active use of this technology reduces the incidence of misconduct by improving perceived accountability and providing evidence for investigations.
Establish a permanent procedure for independent investigations and prosecution. The lack of accountability is a persistent problem that aggravates misconduct in law enforcement. Creating an independent investigation body and following proper prosecution procedures would increase accountability, leading to substantial improvements.
Institute a reliable community reporting mechanism (online and offline). It is necessary to provide citizens with a way of reporting misconduct without fear to aid independent investigators in identifying cases of misconduct.
Provide training in active bystandership to all law enforcement officers. Interventions by fellow officers can help to minimize the harm done to citizens and encourage internal reporting of misconduct. This, in turn, will help to identify and investigate misconduct cases while also increasing accountability.
Law Enforcement Misconduct Report
Police and correctional officers are among the most significant players in the United States law enforcement system. People rely on the police to maintain order and protect them from harm, whereas correctional officers are tasked with supervising inmates and ensuring adequate conditions in prisons. The power vested in these individuals should be used for achieving and maintaining the public good; however, cases of police brutality and misconduct by correctional officers are widespread. Such cases could have severe consequences because they violate human rights, the United States’ laws, and people’s trust in the law enforcement system. Hence, it is necessary to investigate and address claims of corruption in the police and correctional facilities and address it promptly. The present document discusses the findings from the investigation of misconduct by police and correctional officers operating in town. It also addresses the importance of the violations identified and suggests ways of reducing corruption through policy and procedure changes.
Illegal Practices Identified
Following the complaints against local police and correctional officers, a multi-agency task force was created to perform an investigation and provide recommendations. Hence, the task force had two primary goals: to determine if the allegations were true and to develop a protocol for addressing the current issues and preventing future problems. The investigation was primarily based on interviews with inmates in the local correctional system and with witnesses who reported police brutality. The present sections will report on the illegal practices identified as part of the investigation.
The primary finding of the investigation is that the use of excessive force among police and correctional officers is widespread. During interviews with inmates in the local correctional facilities, 90% of them said that correctional officers used violence against them in cases not involving policy violations. For example, inmates admitted that correctional officers battered them for not eating lunch within 30 seconds or for “walking like girls”. Friends and family members of inmates who visited them in correctional facilities also complained that inmates showed signs of physical violence, such as bruises.
Investigations of the police force produced similar results, indicating that officers often use excessive force against citizens. Witnesses interviewed throughout the investigation claimed that they saw police violently attacking unarmed teenagers, leaving them with bodily injuries. Based on the witnesses’ accounts, it occurred in situations where excessive force was not necessary, and there was no threat to the life of the police officers involved. During their assaults on teenagers who were allegedly involved in gangs, police used weapons, including firearms.
The secondary finding is that misconduct by police and correctional officers was encouraged or ignored by police and prison authorities. As part of the investigation, records of police communications were obtained, which indicated that the police chief encouraged officers to use excessive force against citizens in crime-ridden areas even if police officers had any suspicions about them, regardless of their justifications. For instance, the police chief instructed police officers patrolling the area “to make an example of anyone who looked suspicious” and who was found walking the streets after 11 pm. This means that police officer were allowed by their superiors to use excessive force against citizens even if there was no substantial reason to suspect the person of a crime. Given that racial profiling is a prominent issue in the United States, such orders could be used to justify excessive violence against certain groups of people, such as black, Muslim, or Latino (Legewie, 2016).
In correctional facilities, issues with upper management were also evident. Inmates who were interviewed in correction with the case hinted that supervisors and managers in correctional facilities were aware of the unjustified use of violence, but did not take any action to protect inmates. Similarly, friends and families of inmates complained about the excessive use of force against inmates, but no steps were taken to address the problem. While there is no clear evidence that correctional officers were instructed to batter inmates, it appears that they faced no opposition from superiors in executing their authority through violence.
Behaviors of correctional officers and the police identified above violate the United States federal law. In particular, Section 242 of Title 18 of the U.S. Code addresses misconduct among police officers, correctional workers, and other authorities. The law states that it is illegal for persons under the color of law to deprive people of their legal rights, privileges, or immunities, as well as to subject them to punishments based on nationality, race, or skin color (“18 U.S. Code § 242,” 1994). Additionally, “if bodily injury results from the acts committed in violation of this section or if such acts include the use, attempted use, or threatened use of a dangerous weapon, explosives, or fire, [the perpetrator] shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years” (“18 U.S. Code § 242,” 1994, para. 1). Therefore, the violations exhibited by correctional officers were illegal on the grounds that they resulted in bodily injuries. In addition to this, police officers threatened to use and used weapons during their assaults on citizens, which increases the degree of their violations. Both entities thus exhibited evidence of illegal actions and could face legal action from citizens in response to them.
Aside from legal consequences, the violations discussed above could also have an influence on the relationships between law enforcement and citizens. Consistent use of force by the police, particularly in specific areas or against people of specific backgrounds, reduces people’s trust in law enforcement, leading to poor cooperation with and hostility against officers. Research shows that episodes of police brutality influence crime reporting rates in affected communities, which prevents the active work of law enforcement (Desmond, Papachristos, & Kirk, 2016). Additionally, the spreading of information about violence perpetrated by police and correctional officers may cause disruptions in the town, such as protests, thus threatening public safety. Addressing the problems outlined in the report would help to avoid these issues while rebuilding positive relationships between communities and law enforcement.
Recommendations
There are several recommendations that should be implemented in the short term to address misconduct among police and correctional officers. First of all, body-worn cameras are widely used in the United States to improve accountability among law enforcement officers, particularly in the police. A recent randomized controlled trial by Ariel, Farrar, and Sutherland (2015) showed that police officers wearing body cameras were twice less likely to use excessive force during arrests than those who did not use the technology. Researchers suggest that body-worn cameras work in two ways (Ariel et al., 2015). On the one hand, they increase perceived accountability, thus causing officers to restrain themselves from applying excessive force. On the other hand, they provide reliable evidence that can be used to confirm or refute allegations regarding police misconduct. Body-worn cameras can also be used in correctional facilities to monitor the conduct of correctional officers and identify cases of excessive use of force or unjustified violence.
Secondly, it is crucial to establish a permanent procedure for independently investigating alleged misconduct cases and prosecuting officers who were found guilty. When investigations are performed by fellow law enforcement officers, the results can be biased. Moreover, if the upper management condones or encourages misconduct, proceeding with investigations and prosecuting guilty officers is even more challenging. Therefore, it is advised that investigations are performed by officials who will be legally required to present the findings in full and will work independently from the police department. Besides ensuring that misconduct by officers is punished appropriately, this would also help to identify corrupted supervisors and managers and hold them accountable, thus addressing systemic failures evident in the case.
Thirdly, to assist the new force in collecting information, it is necessary to improve community reporting of police and correctional officers’ misconduct. While citizens can submit written complaints to police departments or correctional facilities, some people may be afraid of visiting a police station or talking to the police. Hence, instituting a reliable reporting mechanism for both in-person and online reporting that would provide complaints straight to independent investigators would be helpful. By using this tool, investigators would be able to identify potential misconduct cases faster, and citizens would be more cooperative.
Lastly, training in active bystandership is advised to prevent cases of misconduct y police and correctional officers. Active bystandership is a scholarly term for peer interventions by officers in cases of misconduct (Novotney, 2017). Training the police and correctional officers to identify and intervene in misconduct on the spot could help to increase reporting and prevent harm to citizens or inmates (Novotney, 2017). Training should include an explanation of misconduct, strategies for intervention, and reporting procedures to ensure that all officers know what to do if their colleagues engage in misconduct.
Long-Term Strategies for Reducing Systemic Corruption
While the changes above can be implemented quickly to achieve improvements in misconduct rates, there are also some long-term strategies that have to be followed in order to reduce systemic corruption. The first strategy, in this case, is improving civilian participation. By connecting with citizens more, police departments can address the problem of misconduct in law enforcement and establish trustful relationships with local communities. This, in turn, would assist in improving the overall effectiveness of law enforcement.
The second strategy to pursue is enhancing oversight over police and correctional authorities. The corruption among the upper management, which is evident in the case, stems primarily from the lack of accountability. Hence, it is necessary to establish proper oversight of persons who hold managerial positions in police departments and correctional facilities. This would assist in preventing misconduct and ensuring adequate investigation of alleged misconduct.
There is also a clear need for policy change to support the recommendations and strategies mentioned above. The task force and leaders of law enforcement should cooperate in devising a set of policies addressing the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of misconduct. Such policies might include specific procedures for misconduct allegations, as well as statements clarifying the position of key authorities on misconduct. The policy change will facilitate the adoption of recommendations while also improving perceived accountability among officers.
Finally, increasing the diversity of employees in police departments and correctional facilities is also an essential strategy. National statistics show that many cases of excessive use of force are associated with racial profiling and bias, meaning that specific populations are disproportionately affected by law enforcement violence (Legewie, 2016). Increasing the diversity of officers working in law enforcement could help in preventing misconduct stemming from racial profiling, thus protecting vulnerable groups (Nicholson-Crotty, Nicholson-Crotty, & Fernandez, 2017). It is also expected that improved diversity will assist in reducing systemic corruption since more officers would be willing to intervene in and report misconduct by higher officials.
Conclusion
All in all, the investigation confirmed the allegations against local police officers and correctional workers. Inmates and citizens reported a high number of misconduct cases, which indicates a systemic problem. In most cases, there was no action from superior officials, and in some cases, officers were encouraged to use excessive force without proper justification. Addressing the problem requires both short-term and long-term improvements, including the introduction of body-worn cameras, training of officers, the establishment of an independent investigation body, and the promotion of community involvement. The recommendations provided in the report also necessitate policy changes and increased oversight to ensure sustainable improvement.
References
Ariel, B., Farrar, W. A., & Sutherland, A. (2015). The effect of police body-worn cameras on use of force and citizens’ complaints against the police: A randomized controlled trial. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 31(3), 509-535.
Desmond, M., Papachristos, A. V., & Kirk, D. S. (2016). Police violence and citizen crime reporting in the black community. American Sociological Review, 81(5), 857-876.
Legewie, J. (2016). Racial profiling and use of force in police stops: How local events trigger periods of increased discrimination. American Journal of Sociology, 122(2), 379-424.
Novotney, A. (2017). Preventing police misconduct. Monitor on Psychology, 48(9), pp. 30-31.