Category: Police

On August 9, 2014, Unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown’s life was taken by cops. He was shot multiple times, the last shot to the back of his head is the thing that took this youngster’s life. He was a youthful unarmed dark male. Just in 2014, more than 1,000 individuals were murdered on account of cops. Be that as it may, despite the fact that police say they are simply carrying out their responsibility, police ought not to have the option to mishandle their capacity, since more instances of police severity are being caught on mobile phones and blameless individuals are being executed. (2014)

How you become an official is by getting the Necessary Education. A secondary school confirmation or a GED is regularly the base level of instruction expected to turn into a cop, Submit an Application to a Police Department, Graduate from a Police Academy Training Program, and Actively Work to Obtain Promotions. A cop, as per the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the basic obligations of a cop incorporate watching assigned regions, upholding laws, noting calls for help, capturing people associated with carrying out violations, giving references, affirming in court, and leading traffic stops. Each Officer needs to make a vow before starting their profession in law implementation to set a decent structure of what they are there to do. (2014)

Michael Brown was a youthful African American that lived in Ferguson. He was with one of his companions at a nearby market where he snatched a few cigarettes and exited without paying for them. Official Darren Wilson at that point shot dark colored and his companion, left with just one shot. The official saw Brown at 12:01 and by 12:04 Michael was lying face down dead with 7 shots through his body remembering the two for his head.

Officer Wilson was later found not guilty. This is a great example to show how law enforcement doesn’t have to pay for the actions they take while on duty. People ask what is police brutality, it’s an act of misconduct done by sworn law enforcement to physically, mentally, or emotionally attack a group of people or a single individual. Law enforcement takes an oath to protect and serve, but these same officers take advantage of their power to physically and even sometimes emotionally harm us. In some of the more severe cases, innocent citizens are killed by police officers like Michael Brown was. Police brutality is not a new problem is just one that has grown through the years These offices have abused the power they detain. (ABC News, 2014) The abuse used by police officers is a serious offense that violates a person’s human and civil rights. They feel like they are above the law , because they carry a badge and a gun.

Racial profiling is one of the biggest problems. ‘Racial Profiling’ refers to the discriminatory practice by law enforcement officials of targeting individuals for suspicion of crime based on the individual’s race, ethnicity, religion, or national origin. A civil rights case states “ In Newark, New Jersey, on the night of June 14, 2008, two youths aged 15 and 13 were riding in a car driven by their football coach, Kelvin Lamar James. All were African American. Newark police officers stopped their car in the rain, pulled the three out, and held them at gunpoint while the car was searched. James stated that the search violated his rights. One officer replied in abusive language that the three African Americans didn’t have rights and that the police ‘had no rules.’ The search of the car found no contraband, only football equipment.” This civil rights case is insisting that those officers racially profiled these innocent citizens violated their rights and invaded private property. It’s very difficult to prove racial profiling, in a majority of cases there is no evidence and the police officers can claim the stop to be a routine traffic stop. (Katel, 2016)

In the United States in 2012 statistics by the FBI, show that the population was 313,910,000 people, but there were only 670,438 sworn peace officers so if you do the math only about 2 ½ officers for every 1,000 people. So people might say that law enforcement is highly outnumbered. When you see police brutality going on, most response by officers is that “We are just doing our job.” You are starting to see more and more cases of police brutality being reported to the public.

In September 2015, 703 people have been killed by on-duty police officers. This is almost double the highest amount of police shootings ever reported by the FBI for an entire year. Out of the 703 people killed, about 65 of them were unarmed. People unarmed are being killed by officers who are sworn to protect them. (Lowery, 2019)

You are seeing more and more cases being reported of police brutality. We live in a world where there is probably a camera on every corner. Technology has helped numerous times with reporting the abuse by having digital evidence to back up your report. Almost every cell phone is equipped with a camera. You as a citizen have the right to record any encounter with law enforcement. Most of the time an officer would tell you that you can’t record them, which is a lie, and are only trying to protect yourself from getting caught. If you as a citizen see an officer abusing the law and violating human rights, you have the legal right to record and report the situation. (Lowery, 2019)

Law Enforcement agencies are considering or are already making their police officers wear body cameras to record their everyday encounters. Many will argue that making an officer wear a body camera would invade the privacy of an officer on a daily basis and make it unfair to the officers. To argue with what many would say is that officers will actually do a better job because they know someone could see how they handled the situation from the beginning. To add to that they wouldn’t just take the officer’s word there would actually be evidence to back up his statement. Police would actually think twice to do something because they are being recorded. Body cameras are like keeping an eye on things and having a different point of view. That different point of view would not pick a side and would be what happened during the encounter between the officer and citizen. (Katel, 2016)

Redditt Hudson grew up hating the police because they would routinely rough up his friends and family for no good reason. He hated the way the police treated them, but he knew they weren’t all that bad. One of his father’s close friends was a cop, who later went on to become his mentor. Redditt, later on, joined the St. Louis Police Department and quickly realized that not all, but most of his peers were very racist. His fellow officers who took an oath considered people of color “thugs” no matter if they were the victim or just a bystander.

They saw young black and brown men as targets, therefore they would respond with force to even minor offenses. Cops are rarely held accountable for their actions so they didn’t really have to think twice about the consequence. Redditt reported this to his sergeant and was told to get back to work and drop the report. Reddit states, “I was participating in a profoundly corrupt criminal justice system. I could not, in good conscience, participate in a system that was so intentionally unfair and racist. so after five years on the job, I quit.” In other words, Redditt is saying that he couldn’t take how cops can abuse their power and violate their rights.

31-year-old Corey Jones “a well-known area musician, was carrying a gun he had purchased legally just three days earlier when he was shot and killed by a police officer early Sunday morning.” Jones was waiting for a tow truck after his vehicle broke down on Interstate 95 after a Saturday night gig. Jones was encountered by police officer Nouman Raja around 3:15 am in his unmarked car and in plain clothes. Police say “that Raja believed he was investigating an abandoned vehicle.” Jones’s death seems to add a new twist to such cases, police shooting a black male legally carrying a firearm.

A South Carolina Police officer was caught on camera throwing an African American teenage girl into a classroom at Spring Valley High School. She was asked to stand up before he snatched her and tossed her from her chair which was captured on multiple cell phones and video recorders. This video was quickly spread through social media humiliating her even after she has already been physically abused. The actions he took were unnecessary and could have been handled in a different situation and wouldn’t have happened how this happened. Lott said, “What she does is not what I’m looking at; What I’m looking at is what our student resource officer did.” “He was wrong in his actions and it was not what I expect of my deputies.” “Deputy Fields did not follow proper training or procedures when he threw the student across the room. It continues to upset me that he picked the student up and threw her.” What Lott was saying is that this was totally out of hand and should have never happened to a student he was trained better than this. He was suspended without pay and banned from school. Later that week the officer Ben Fields was fired from his department. (Harris, 2010)

This has been cases where even young teen have had their civil rights violated and some have even paid with their lives. A 17-year-old Michigan teen was pulled over on state highway 43 on his way home from his girlfriend’s house by Sheriff Jonathan Frost after he flashed his light to the sheriff because he had his high beams on. The officer was very rude to the young teen and was harassing him. The sheriff denied he had his high beams on to the young teen, but clearly, in the video, you can see the officer has his high beams on. The young teen and sheriff are arguing about the situation and got out of control. Then the officer pulled him out of his car and was stun gun and then the situation got violent. Frost then pulled out his gun and shot the young teen dead, the teen was unarmed on had a cell phone with him to record the encounter. A young man lost his life because a sheriff didn’t want to admit he was driving with his high beams and took a situation that could have highly been avoided and should have never ended how it did.

You hear about it on the news almost every week about how another life was taken by an officer on duty. Year after year more and more cases of police brutality or” misconduct” are being reported to the public. Police officers should get more training to learn how to handle an encounter that gets out of control. Police should not judge an individual on their face or how they look. Police should have to use lethal force so lease people have to pay with their lives and cops can keep the respect they are given by the community. (Harris, 2010)

Did you know that police brutality occurrences have taken a toll on the Joined together States of over 1.8 billion dollars? The US has ended up unimaginably infamous when it comes to police brutality and its perils towards society. In 2018 there were 1,164 American civilians that had been slaughtered by police officers alone. This Paper will address the major issues that are appeared through acts of police viciousness, or more particularly the manhandling of approved guns, the boundless sum of assurance that’s gotten due to occupation, and most imperatively the damaging effect that it has on families, communities and indeed other individual police officers.

America hasn’t continuously had the finest notoriety when it comes to its weapon control, in any case, the measurements gotten to be a parcel more horrible when looking at the authorized police utilization and the intemperate gunfire behind it. Compared to other nations, American police officers slaughter more individuals in fair 24 hours than other nations might indeed do in a year. In a fair 1 month, American officers have shot and slaughtered over 90 distinctive individuals while it has taken Australian officers 19 entire a long time to indeed come near to that number. Indeed scarier than that are the fifteen cities with officers that slaughter indeed more than the normal kill rate. Due to the new control police regions have for utilize of dangerous constrain, officers have taken advantage of their authorization causing them to utilize their guns in unscrupulous ways. Within the year of 2013 as it were 6 bullets were ever shot by police officers in Finland. Be that as it may, in 2018 more than 3 times that sum was let go towards an unarmed African-American man named Stephon Clark, murdering him nearly immediately. One would accept that these officers would either have their identification ended or at slightest suspended for superfluous utilization of deadly drive, but within the conclusion they got no charges at all. This brings us to the following major complication

With such amazingly tall numbers, it would not be exceptionally shocking to see degenerate officers be sentenced or imprisoned, in any case, the truth is the probability of a police officer ever being sentenced of wrongdoing is distant, distant lower than a regular individual. An investigation of 3238 charges against officers of the law found that as it were 33 percent were ever sentenced and as it were a third of those who were really indicted finished serving a sentence. This can be nearly half of the rate at which regular individuals are imprisoned for. Due to the respectful benefit that police officers give, the legal law has an ignored predisposition towards officers in a huge larger part of cases.

This implies that since of their word-related status, they have a much higher sum of government security, giving unscrupulous and false officers a way of misusing the lawful framework. This assist permits them to perform different shapes of unfortunate behavior and brutality without ever having to stress around being sentenced for doing so. The much more despicable acts that are performed by these certain officers make a perilous generalization. And while offices will attempt to keep these occurrences covered up from the open in arrange to maintain a strategic distance from satisfying that generalization, doing so really closes up being much more hurtful to their notoriety than expected.

One of the biggest issues with police brutality isn’t really the over-the-top and unrefined conduct of certain officers, but instep the damaging hurt they bring towards the notoriety of police as a whole. One of the foremost famous and persuasive minutes of police brutality was the 1992 LA riots, more freely perceived as the Rodney Ruler riots. To outline the occasions driving up to the riots. On a walk, a dark man named Rodney Lord drove police on a high-speed chase through Los Angeles. When police, at last, ceased him, Ruler was requested out of the car. Los Angeles Police Office officers at that point kicked him over and over and beat him with a mallet for a detailed 15 minutes, causing him cranium breaks, broken bones, and lasting brain harm. In any case unbeknownst to these officers a bystander had shot the whole thing. This was one of the primary times when such tall levels of police brutality were ever obviously recorded, a story that had everyone on the edge of their seats. This is why when the court found the four charged officers as not blameworthy, it caused Los Angeles to eject in outrage. Less than three hours after the decision was discharged, an arrangement of riots started to strike all over parts of the city. Broad plundering and viciousness covered the roads as inhabitants started to set fire to distinctive alcohol and retail stores assaulting anybody terrible sufficient to be caught in the crossfire. The riots got so out of control that the California national armed force protection together with the 7th infantry military division were both conveyed to LA in an endeavor to reestablish the city to its previous state. While they were in the long run competent in returning Los Angeles to peace and arrange, the riots still caused 63 passings, 2383 wounds, and over a billion dollars in property harm. This caused the open conclusion of the police to radically drop and intensely fuelled the preexisting pressure between the African American community and their dissatisfaction with the legal framework. Due to the sudden villainization of police officers. The levels of regard and belief within the police had been practically surrendered and rather than feeling secure in their nearness individuals were starting to end up jumpy and watchful. As a result of the pernicious conduct shown by the four officers, they were capable of causing one of America’s most noticeably awful riots, eventually helping in the annihilation of the police force’s notoriety. Not as it were does it dishearten great officers from doing their work accurately, but moreover makes an awful generalization for the police. This implies that not as it were casualties of police brutality influenced, but all of society as entire as we are raised accepting that the individuals who are really implied to secure us, are not planning to ensure us at all.

In general, both the over-the-top utilization of drive and offense appeared in the rate of police officers, combined with the copious level of security that the legal framework gives them, makes an unsafe generalization that influences not as it were police officers but the common open. Police brutality is an issue that influences the world, both socially and physically, and clears out us to inquire, “Who do we call when the police break the law?” protect us at all.

Former police officer Derek Chauvin in April 2021 was found guilty of murdering George Flyod on May 25, 2021, when Chauvin knelt on Flyod’s knee for 9 minutes and 29 seconds when police had Floyd in custody already. For months and months, Black Lives Matter protests and projections against police brutality and violence against Black Americans overall continued to happen because of this. The majority of these protests were by the black lives matter community and patrolled by the police force, they used tear gas, pepper spray, batons, and rubber bullets because Americans were protesting for our rights. In 2020 alone police have allegedly killed nearly 1,127 people, and as of October 6, 2021, police have killed 800 people. Some statistics show that Black people are three times more likely to be killed by a police officer, while also being 1.3 more likely to be not be armed. These statistics are only continuing to rise day by day, so you may ask yourself why is this happening. And how do we put an end to this constant issue in America as citizens?

While we Americans, black and white, are continuing to protest for our human rights against police violence and Black Lives Matter, we can only voice our rights and options so much and act on so much, so as a society, we need to change this issue. As one country and as humans in this society we need to keep swimming and fighting for our rights, we can’t only do it when we have a case where a Black American was killed by a police officer, or somebody gets away with murder, it has to be a constant fight and we can’t let ourselves be defeated by adversity. Not everyone in society ever agrees on the same thing, we can’t and that’s why we have so many of these recurring issues in American history. In my generation today I know

people in society are much more prone to speaking out on their rights and the treatment we deserve, now with that being said this is how rioting and looting happen because people take advantage of what the purpose of the event or protest really is.

Police brutality and racial profiling aren’t issues of the past that might be virtually reemerging in recent times. the thrashing of Rodney King passed off twenty-four years in the past on March 3, 1991. It seems like the police network has not advanced nor regressed since then and now we have a better idea that police brutality and racial profiling are occurring towards both ends of the spectrum black and white. Police brutality is the usage of useless or immoderate pressure on an individual. The movements of a police officer are primarily based on someone’s race or ethnicity; not the all likelihood cause or a person’s conduct is considered racial profiling (Chapman, 2010). the answer to the number one question, “Has the police for the reason that twelve months of 2014, police brutality and racial profiling grown swiftly? these problems have constantly been prominent worldwide and may be traced again centuries.

The Rodney King case occurred twenty-four years within the beyond as of March three, 2015, it entails acts of police brutality and racial profiling that passed off within the 20th century and shook the nation. On March 3, 1991, in California, Rodney King was brutally beaten by more than twenty law enforcement officials (Martin, 2005). The beating of the king was captured on video through the way of George Holliday (Martin, 2005). Rodney King was kicked, shot with a Taser, and struck with a nightstick excessively (Solomon, 2004). After the police beat King, they tied his arms and feet together inside the returned of his lower back and pulled his face down (Solomon, 2004). As a result, King sustained numerous injuries a concussion, damage to his nerves and kidney, and everlasting mind damage (Solomon, 2004). the beating of Rodney King has grown to be the most well-known police brutality case in history (Martin, law enforcement officials are constantly interacting with the majority so it’s miles inevitable that they may collect employer emotions and assumptions about someone based mostly on their race and ethnicity (Semple, 2013). each person is entitled to have their non-public reviews and beliefs, however, the ones with identical evaluations and beliefs bring about discriminatory remedies of positive humans (Semple, 2013). Many regulation enforcement company exhausts charge range and property to educate their personnel and destiny personnel to be unaware of race and faith and guard and serve human beings equally (Semple, 2013). Police misconduct inclusive of brutality and racial profiling can be reduced through strict surveillance and sensitivity schooling (Osterndorf, 2015).

Police need to save you letting their feelings get concerned when coping with the law with a citizen. officers are frequently aggravated after they undergo sustainment schooling or new schooling because of the notion that they’re in the process of reveling in and know-how is enough to do their manner (Semple, 2013). The scenario with that shape of comportment is that during a few unspecified times within the destiny, their cognizance becomes pass due to the fact they had been reluctant to undergo education and take in incipient erudition. officials who are paid a competitive income are a lot much less susceptible to corruption due to the fact they do not have the desideratum to glom to seize up on a low income.

Streak forward to the mid-1900s, when urban areas like Chicago have been experiencing official impassion and concealed managing police fierceness. In 1969 Dark Jaguar pioneers were killed during a police strike. A public clamor that came about because of this prompted a Government Social liberties examination. Despite the fact that proof showed that the police discharged in excess of 90 shots at the Jaguars, they were not prosecuted rather the two players were similarly accused. This decision thus prompted further shock, especially from the African American people group.

Chicago is in no way, shape, or form a disengaged illustration of the fact that it is so difficult to get arraignment after a frequency of police ruthlessness. In other significant urban communities like New York, Los Angeles, New Orleans, and Oakland, there have been a few records of forceful policing yet even despite public resentment the cops were barely at any point charged for their unfortunate activities. The greater part of the cases include white cops and African-American suspects. For example in Oakland, California in 1990 a unit of white cops named the ‘Harsh Riders’ manhandled and established opiates on African American men. In the wake of being put on an extensive preliminary, the officials were cleared of held tight their charges and never re-attempted.

As Rock Taylor, an establishing accomplice of the Individuals’ Law Office of Chicago, expresses: ‘These couple of cases address simply a glimpse of something larger when it includes bias or bigoted police brutality that has not brought about equivalent equity under the law.’ In 1994, after much open objection towards the fierce treatment shown by cops, the US Congress at last perceived that police savagery had expanded all through many pieces of the country. Congress passed the 42 U.S. Code and 14141-Reason for activity. This code gave more capacity to the Equity Division to document suits against police officers that occupied with an example or practice of unlawful lead. This Example and Practice Unit of the Equity Division was given the power (and from that point forward they have utilized this power for everyone’s benefit of society) to acquire wide-running court orders, assent announcements, and free screens to execute changes on those practices.

Albeit this Reason for Activity was carried out north of twenty years prior, police ruthlessness still vigorously exists today. A few specialists argue that police today are prepared to ‘shoot to kill’ and officials notoriety this case by saying that resistance from the speculates drives them to utilize power. One Official in the Washington Post let perusers know that ‘Assuming you would rather not have a chance, tased, pepper-splashed, hit with a stick or tossed to the ground, simply do what I tell you … Most field stops are finished in minutes. How troublesome is it to collaborate for that long?’ Others are requiring another law that ought to require cops and other law implementation specialists to wear individual cameras to ‘keep away from police offense and keep a more elevated level of responsibility’. Concentrates on where officials have been approached to wear cameras have really shown that the technique is very successful. A field investigation of the body-worn cameras on police in California brought about plunged measures of police severity when cops were recorded.

After any occurrence of police ruthlessness, there is a prompt and solid public clamor, including fights, protests, and outrage seethes that can cause obliteration. Anyway at times even in spite of this sort of shock, the policemen never genuinely get the equity they merit. As history of the battle against bigoted police savagery shows that public disturbance needs to proceed the country over with the end goal for a move to be made and results to be given. An interest in equity to be served should show a solid presence.

Police ruthlessness against racial gatherings in the US impacts the criminal equity framework in countless ways. The law requirement part of the framework has especially endured

maligning and public dissentient on the grounds that it is the best player in the bad habit that keeps on destroying the general public (Knott, 2015). Police divisions have lost their trust in the essence of residents, particularly the minority gatherings. This is obvious in urban areas where there is a high extent of minorities and the police power size. The fundamental disappointment, doubt, outrage, and struggle between law authorities and residents is the motivation behind why militarization of the police is being seen basically on the grounds that the criminal equity framework is quickly turning into a maltreatment-agreeable environment.

Police Brutality has brought so many different systemic changes to society and our country’s awareness of the racial disparities between people of color and non-color. There are multiple ways by which an individual can contribute towards accomplishing well-being value, working on the prosperity of networks of shading, expanding public usefulness, and making a more impartial society.

Join researchers to advocate for archiving police-related passings as notifiable conditions with the goal that general wellbeing offices can screen these passings.

Support calls for more joint efforts and organizations among networks, scientists, policymakers, and law authorization frameworks.

Find out with regards to how underlying prejudice and racial domination work inside foundations, strategies, and laws.

Despite your field of work, assess whether arrangements, laws, necessities, rules, and so forth, have unexpected contrary ramifications for ethnic minorities.

Also, assess whether they lopsidedly benefit white individuals and consider ways of making everything fair.

Advocate for and support criminal equity change, neutralization of police, and decriminalization of practices, for example, dillydallying and minor criminal traffic offenses, and finishing pause and search. Support developments like People of Color Matter that bring issues to light of police severity, and help uncover and destroy primary bigotry.

Recollect the names — individuals killed. His name was Jordan Edwards. He was 15. He was going out to party. Tomorrow his story might be supplanted in the information by another casualty; however, recollect his name. We as a society and a whole country have to do these things consistently in order to make a change and see steps to where we can move forward as one together. America has to fight for our human rights and to be treated fairly, and equally, It sounds cheesy but.. Treat others how you would want to be treated. Would you want me to be stepping on your neck because of your race? These things we can change as one society together but we all have to keep fighting to change this and learning something new every day.

Personally, when I approach these situations I always remember that this is a consistent fight and consistent actions we are taking as an African American woman. This means we have to do more research we have to get those petitions and raise money for our black communities and victims’ families etc.

After writing this, I am going to definitely be taking 10 more actions than I already was before, this is so sickening and I cannot stand to watch it happen anymore. America has to continue fighting for our rights and to continue speaking up don’t stay quiet.

Bibliography

1. A history of police violence in America. (n.d.). Stacker. https: stacker.comstories4365history-police-violence-America
2. The History of Police Brutality | It’s a Mad World. (2015). Psu.edu. https: sites. PSU.eduviolenceinamerica20150212the-history-of-police-brutality
3. Sirry Alang, Opinion contributor. (2017, May 12). How to dismantle racism and prevent police brutality. USA TODAY; USA TODAY. https:www.usatoday.comstoryopinionpolicing20170512how-dismantle-racism-and-prevent-police-brutality101481438

According to the Fourth Amendment, police can wrongfully stop and detain an individual if they need an affordable suspicion that the person is doing, has done, or is near to doing against the law. Over the years, however, the department of local government has adopted a method that encourages cops to prevent and question principally minority voters initially and to return up with reasons for having done so later. This has resulted in folks in some neighborhoods being stopped while not reason lots of times a year. as a result officers’ area unit offered no clear parameters relating to the World Health Organization to prevent and frisk and the area unit was instead left to swear nearly entirely on their own judgment, implicit biases, which can be subconscious, have a profound impact on their decision-making.

Racial stereotypes subtly influence an officer’s call relating to whom to prevent and frisk. many studies can demonstrate that implicit bias affects somebody’s selections, even if they don’t have any aware bias toward a precise cluster. These studies will examine however the officer’s implicit bias toward African Americans will cause him to target African American suspects once considering crime and might influence the cop’s perception of whether a person is armed. once a large level of discretion is granted to officers, implicit biases can influence an officer’s call.

The Supreme Court established the initial parameters of stop and frisk in Terry v. Ohio (Schwartz). though several police departments before this call had used stop and frisk, its legal validity had been unestablished and untested. The Court was tasked with processing what recognized a stop and frisk (as hostile a tutelar arrest and full search), and if such a policy was subject to constraints beneath the Fourth modification. Established precedent and Constitutional interpretation relating to the Fourth Amendment had long commanded each search and/or seizure needed grounds, which needs that the officer possess a moderately high customary of proof that crime was afoot before being even to act (Laser, 1995).

In Terry, the Supreme Court broke with presiding precedent as it ruled stop and frisk did fall within the Fourth Amendment’s purview, but that the traditional Fourth Amendment protections did not apply. It lowered the requisite amount of suspicion necessary to perform a stop and frisk from probable cause to reasonable suspicion. They created a narrow caveat within the established Fourth Amendment doctrine, allowing a certain type of search and seizure to be exempt from the heightened scrutiny applied to its doctrinal counterparts. In July of 1999 10% of the African-American population in Tulia, Texas, a small town of 5,000 in the Texas Panhandle, was arrested on drug charges solely on the testimony of a single undercover officer.

The arrests of 46 people, 39 of them black, resulted in 38 convictions for various drug charges with sentences of up to 90 years in prison. In early April 2003, a Dallas judge threw out all 38 drug convictions from Tulia because they were based on questionable testimony from a single undercover agent accused of racial prejudice. On June 16, 12 of the defendants remaining in the case (most of the others accepted plea bargains in order to avoid lengthy prison sentences), were freed after Texas Gov. Perry signed a bill authorizing their release.

The officer responsible for the racially motivated arrests is Tom Coleman, a Texas cop with a checkered past and a self-declared fondness for racial epithets. At the time, Coleman was working for the Panhandle Regional Narcotics Task Force, one of an estimated 1,000 drug task forces operating across America with very little oversight or accountability. According to Randy Credico of the William Kunstler Fund for Racial Justice, which was instrumental in bringing Tulia to the public’s attention, ‘The Panhandle task force was the beneficiary of Coleman’s lies.

The more busts he made and the more convictions he helped win, the more federal grant money the task force received This is surprising since Coleman kept no written records, not a single photograph was taken, no video was shot, and no one observed his buys. Every ensuing conviction relied only on his word. According to the Court’s findings, Coleman submitted false reports, misrepresented his investigative work, and misidentified various defendants during his investigation.

A pilot removed an Arab American Secret Service agent from a flight on December 24 2001 when the agent was on his way to President Bush’s ranch in Crawford, Texas. The agent had asked the airline to call the Secret Service for verification, and even after the local transit police had affirmed his identity, the pilot still stopped him from boarding the flight, according to the Council on American-Islamic Relations.

An American Airlines spokesman claimed that the inconsistencies in the paperwork the agent filed were the pilot’s basis for removing the agent. American Airlines supported the pilot’s action and dismissed the suggestion that the removal was the result of racial profiling. The pilot released a statement saying that the agent was confrontational and abusive.

Federal Aviation Administration regulations allow a pilot to remove anyone from a flight on the ground of a security risk. However, the Department of Transportation has received about 20 complaints concerning the removal of passengers because of their religion and ethnicity. The agent has not ruled out the possibility of filing a lawsuit against American Airlines and has demanded an apology.

Now there is a big difference between racial profiling and good police just trying to do their jobs, but society and the media can twist things, unfortunately. Recently released data compiled by the Los Angeles Police Department as part of a federal consent decree show that the city’s officers are more likely to ask black and Latino drivers to step out of their cars after stopping them than their white counterparts. Once out of their cars, members of these minorities are more likely to be patted down or searched. The media will say the cops discriminate against minorities which in fact they don’t however the department does.

To compare stop, search, and arrest data to demographics, as cop critics would have us do, is absurd. The police don’t formulate their crime strategies based on census findings; they go where the crime is. For example, last year a man with a gold tooth was robbing and viciously beating up pedestrians in Mid-City. Victims identified him as either a dark-skinned Latino or a light-skinned African American. Accordingly, if an officer made a traffic stop in the area and noticed that the driver had a gold tooth and was black or Latino, the driver probably would have been asked to step out of his car, frisked, and possibly even taken to the station house for a line-up (Barron).

Introduction

This paper will focus on racial inequality and policing, specifically the influence of race on Canadian police practices. The main argument in this paper suggests that race influences the practices of Canadian police, such that those who are visible minorities experience the most racially biased police practices. With a major focus on the lived experiences and interactions of visible minorities with Canadian police, this paper addresses the over-policing of Blacks predominantly, all while comparing the experiences of policing on visible minorities to non-visible minorities. In support of this argument, the following discusses how racial profiling of visible minorities can lead to the excessive use of police stop-and-search practices, carding, racial stereotypes, and a lack of confidence amongst groups classified as visible minorities by Canadian police. The evidence provided in the following also supports the argument that visible minorities, specifically African-diasporic individuals, experience the most racially biased police practices by focusing on 1) community policing amongst the youth of color, 2) stop-and-search practices amongst street life youths, 3) profiling minorities in White dominated/high crime neighborhoods, and 4) the outcomes of over-policing visible minorities. With the supporting evidence outlined, the following contribute to the main argument that the practices of Canadian police are racially biased and therefore heavily influenced by race.

Community Policing Amongst Youth of Color

Community policing amongst areas heavily concentrated on the youth of color demonstrates ways in which police practices are influenced by race. Community-level policing also demonstrates that some neighborhoods, more than others, are over-policed, such that we need to improve the trust, respect, self-preservation, and information-sharing levels among police-minority youth relations (Giwa et al. 218). As to what goes wrong in the relationship between police and youth of color, one can conclude that there is a lack of trust between the youth of color and police that needs to be strengthened, more community-based activities are needed, where both police and youth of color don’t feel a sense of threat to their safety, or reputation. Given this, issues faced today by youth of color surround the notion that building a relationship with the police labels one as a snitch or a rat by other community members (Giwa et al.). On the other hand, police actors believe there needs to be more cultural education, money, a dismantling of the culture of fear, and more outreach programs for older teens, in order to build a proper relationship amongst youth of color (Giwa et al.). From a cost-benefit analysis, both approaches are flawed, seeing as both youth of color and police actors are less inclined to build a relationship with each other seeing as this process has more costs than benefits. Further, most youth of color use a groupthink approach when addressing their views on building relationships with police actors, such that they view community policing as a practice that carries police stereotypes and prejudices against racial or ethnic minorities (Giwa et al. 226). With this mentality, it is hard to attain a proper relationship between police and youth of color without a lack of trust or transparency. However, if police and youth of color were to have a stronger relationship of trust, then community policing tactics could dismantle the notion of police actors using racial stereotypes and stigmatization to influence how they approach youth of color community members. By building a stronger police-youth of color relationship, we can have stronger communication, cooperation, sensitivity, and understanding between each other. This could simply be attained by talking to youth, making them feel understood, establishing an honest and transparent relationship, and finding a common ground (Giwa et al. 227). As conducted in a community-based survey, African-diasporic individuals, which are those who self-identify as African, Caribbean, or Black, outlined that their perceptions and experiences with police in Ontario, Canada were negative, such that their social environment and daily life interactions with police heavily relied on their race (Peirone et al. 365). Further, communities heavily concentrated with African-diasporic youth, state that their community or social environment contributed significantly to their interactions or perceived discrimination by police actors (Peirone et al. 347). With a specific focus on African-diasporic individuals, we see how such communities are over-policed and experience the most racially biased policing. By using a broken windows theory, it is argued that disorder in neighborhoods serves as a precursor for serious crime, whereas routine activities theory argues that the activities of daily life in certain neighborhoods are unsupervised, in which the opportunity for criminal activity is more likely (Peirone et al. 349). With both theories in mind, it is prevalent that community policing amongst youth of color is justified using this mentality, in which an increase in police presence or over-policing in disorderly neighborhoods is created as a result. Given the above claims, we can also use critical race theory to analyze community policing amongst youth of color and conclude that African-diasporic individuals, experience increased surveillance, over-policing, and increasing interactions with Canadian police than non-visible monitories, seeing as these communities face a higher risk of harm and criminal activity likelihood.

Stop-and-search practices Amongst Street Life Youths

As outlined by Meng (2017), the rates of stop-and-search practices by Toronto Police Services (TPS) amongst Black youth in Toronto, Canada are continuously increasing, whereas the rates amongst White youth are slowly decreasing (Meng 2017; 5). Moreover, police practices of stop-and-search, frisking, or carding are mostly used in areas where more white individuals reside or areas that have high rates of crime. Police practices of stop-and-search are becoming increasingly popular, in which the use of random stops and questioning of individuals in the streets is proactive and controversial. This practice is considered a way of deterring criminals from committing further offenses, but it is also a way in which certain bodies feel a sense of intrusiveness, harassment, and intimidation (Meng 2017; 6). The use of stop-and-search practices is also a form of racial profiling, seeing as Blacks are predominantly the ones exposed to excessive stop-and-search practices used amongst TPS. As a response, TPS has justified its use for stop-and-search practices predominantly amongst Black youths, seeing as this group is more likely to be involved in homicides or crimes involving drugs and firearms (Meng 2017; 6). It is also quite difficult to verify this claim outlined by TPS, seeing as the collection and release of race-based crime data is limited within Canada. Given this, we should not be inclined to rule out the possibility that stop-and-search practices used amongst predominantly Black youth are also a form of racial profiling and racially biased policing. As a result of stop-and-search, frisking, or carding practices used amongst Canadian police, this use of over-policing also creates distrust and non-compliance tactics used amongst predominantly visible minority groups. With a specific focus on Black Canadians, they view the police less positively than White Canadians do (Sprott and Doob 374). Likewise, other visible minority groups, such as Chinese Canadians and Aboriginal Canadians, rate Canadian police and their practices more negatively than Whites do. Given this, it is prevalent that the experiences of police stop-and-search, use of force, discretion, or carding practices amongst visible monitories vary across different racial groups, and severely depend on interpersonal interactions with police. Likewise, interactions with police amongst visible minorities also depend on place, seeing as racial and cultural groups are not equally distributed across Canada (Sprott and Doob 375). Having said that, when looking at the interactions and use of stop-and-search practices by police amongst visible minorities, it is also key to consider both time and place, seeing as racial and cultural groups vary depending on both time and place. Likewise, consensus theory argues that visible minority street life youths are overly exposed to stop-and-search practices, seeing as this group of individuals is heavily inclined to engage in illegal behaviors that offend society (Hayle et al. 324). Further, if society upholds a consensus that one should not violate societal values, such that certain individuals pose a threat or risk of harm to such values or goals, then they should be put through whatever means possible to reduce this risk of harm, in which stop-and-search practices is a possible outcome of such consensus.

Profiling Minorities in white-dominated/High Crime Neighborhoods

Racially profiling minorities in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods is also a key factor in how race influences police practices. By using a functionalist perspective to justify the profiling of minorities in high-crime neighborhoods, one would argue that police impose criminal sanctions on those that conflict with society’s moral code, such that those who disrupt social harmony and create disequilibrium should be policed, especially within high crime neighborhoods (Hayle et al. 324). From a conflict theory perspective, profiling minorities in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods is seen as a way in which certain bodies use their resources or power to exploit those viewed as less powerful or those lacking certain resources (Hayle et al. 325). By using this framework, we see that visible minorities, with a specific focus on Blacks, are over-policed in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods because they’re perceived as a dangerous group as a whole, rather than simply responding to individual criminal behaviors. As a result of this, profiling minorities in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods has exploited certain members of society and labeled them as properties of the police, such that this police practice is an open expression of oppression towards certain minority bodies within a community. Likewise, Black individuals in Canada predominately experience racial profiling at the hands of the police, seeing as Whites in certain neighborhoods carry more dominant interests and pose less of a threat to the social order statistically, in which Blacks are then treated as the repressed group and racially profiled. Profiling of minorities in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods also gives rise to the use of biases in police practices, in which visible minorities are overly exposed to severe racial profiling. As a result, this form of racially biased policing is not only a racist practice, but it subjects a particular ethnic-racial group to over-surveillance and policing compared to non-racialized groups (Reasons et al. 80). Further, it is believed that most minority neighborhoods are heavily concentrated with criminal activity, such that police tend to over-police racial minorities in predominantly white and wealthy neighborhoods due to this preconceived knowledge, and as a result racial stereotypes are held against visible minorities (Meng 2014; 7). Therefore, in areas that are not heavily racialized or disadvantaged, such as white-dominated neighborhoods, there is a heavy police presence and over-policing when there is a presence of visible minorities, due to police practices of racial profiling. Having said that, it is prevalent that profiling minorities in white-dominated or high-crime neighborhoods is heavily reliant on neighborhood characteristics, such as racial and socio-economic dimensions, and one cannot fully examine the use of racially biased policing without considering such neighborhood characteristics.

The Outcomes of Over-Policing Visible Minorities

It is also important to discuss the major outcomes of over-policing visible minorities, in order to fully analyze how race influences police practices. Racially biased policing amongst visible minorities creates an over-policing environment, in which the use of force, discretion, or use of stop-and-search or carding practices stem from subjective perceptions or biased personal knowledge, and as a result, this influences police actors’ interactions with visible minorities (Meng 2014; 6). Further, with police actors’ knowledge or interaction with suspects, crimes, and high-crime neighborhoods, they therefore have more knowledge than the average person as to how race may play a role in the threat or risk of harm to society. Given this, when police actors are given too much discretion at an individual officer level, such that they abuse this discretion, this may result in visible racial minorities experiencing excessive use of police stop-and-search or carding practices in particular neighborhoods (Meng 2014; 6). With a specific focus on African-diasporic individuals, we can therefore see how the outcomes of over-policing such individuals single out, and create negative perceptions of this specific group, in which this perception may influence not only how police actors view African-diasporic individuals, but how society as a whole may view visible minorities. Another outcome of over-policing visible minority groups is the notion that specific racial groups within society may hold negative perceptions of the police and their practices, which then creates a lack of trust in police-visible minority relationships. Further, a lack of trust between police and visible minorities may lead to a lack of public confidence in Canadian police as a whole and a promotion of non-compliance tactics. Through the use of non-compliance tactics, visible minorities are more inclined to develop a code of the street mentality and trust their own peers, rather than cooperate or comply with police actors. Another outcome of over-policing visible minorities gives rise to the levels of misconduct within police agencies, especially in the practices of Canadian police. Further, such misconduct gives rise to the lack of diversity prevalent amongst police force institutions, in which members who play an important role in society should be representatives of society and impose the law on all citizens, no matter what race one is (Syed 101). Given the use of over-policing predominantly amongst African-diasporic youth, such members express their displeasure with police and their practices, such that some feel as if police actors abuse their power, and are at times too aggressive when policing visible minorities, especially when certain bodies do not align with a certain community’s dominant social values, or norms/goals (Syed 101). Evidently, over-policing visible minorities can also be easily mistaken as police actors abusing their powers, such that African-diasporic members in society express that police abuse their powers at the cost of their own lives and freedom. Further, African-diasporic citizens, such as Black, Caribbean, or African individuals, describe their experiences of over-policing as a form of racial profiling, obstruction of justice, differential treatment, and a practice where police are over-aggressive and abusing their role in society (Syed 107). Likewise, youth who identify as visible minorities express that their interactions with over-policing have always been a negative experience that creates negative perceptions, and overgeneralizations of the police force institution as a whole. As an example, visible minority youth find that their experiences with Southern Ontario police were heavily concentrated with aggressive, young, White, male officers who continuously rely on negative stereotypes of Blacks when interacting with visible minorities as a whole, in which African-diasporic bodies are oftentimes grouped into one racial category and overly-exposed to police misconduct (Syed 113).

Conclusion

In conclusion, this paper outlines the impact of race on policing experiences. It investigates whether the practices and strategies of Canadian police deliver treatment and services that produce racially biased inequalities towards African-diasporic individuals. By looking at aspects of community policing amongst youth of color, stop-and-search practices amongst street life youths, profiling minorities in white-dominated/high-crime neighborhoods, and the outcomes of over-policing visible minorities, one can conclude that there is racial inequality in policing.

If you came to a sociologist and asked them their definition of race, they would say that it refers to dividing the human species according to physical characteristics that are inherited. The most widely used human racial types are those based on visual traits for example the color of someone’s skin. In the United States, it is common for others to profile individuals based on the color of their skin. Racial profiling is a big issue in society especially when it comes to law enforcement. It is a tactic that they have used since the 1960s during the civil rights movement. The thing about racial profiling is that there are so many components that stir it. The wealth status of an individual has a role in it. The biggest factor is the war on drugs, it is a drug campaign whose goal is to reduce the illegal drug trade that is happening in America. It was Coined on June 18th, 1971 by President Nixon, and ever since it has been unsuccessful. Because of the war on drugs, minority groups like blacks were being targeted for being heroin users. To this day they are still seen as drug users not just blacks but Hispanics too especially with the increased violence that is coming from cartel gangs.

When the war on drugs was first introduced during the Nixon administration it only consisted of small efforts from federal law enforcement. When Reagan came into office everything changed. He expanded many of Nixon’s policies. Reagan had a new focus on the drug war. It led to a massive increase in incarcerations for nonviolent drug crimes. The result of Reagan’s new focus started at 50,000 incarcerations and then led to 400,000 in 1992 (Brittanica). The justice system is known for being racially biased. If a Hispanic or black person was found guilty of just having a gram of marijuana or any illegal substance, they would have a higher chance of getting a long sentence compared to a white person. The United States is known as the number one incarcerator of human beings in the world, and we have about five percent of the world’s population. Most of the prison populations are made up of minority groups. In this country, it is split up into two groups, rich and poor. If you were some regular person who lived in the projects and an officer pulled you over on the side of the road you would be sentenced to prison, there is no doubt about it. Now if that happened to some college student who had consumed an illegal substance at a party, they would be let off by a warning. If you were born in the lower class, you would automatically have a higher chance of getting arrested than an upper-class individual. Unfortunately, that is how the system works.

In the book The Hate U Give, the writer Angie Thomas places us in the view purpose of Starr, a high school young lady brought up in Garden Heights. Which is a lower-class dark neighborhood where she had to observe the homicide of her closest companion. With this catastrophe the topic of activism is featured, Starr brings the disputable subjects of racial bad form, police severity, and the dissent of Dark Lives Matter. The advancement of Starr’s character and the certainty she gains to talk her reality all through the novel shows her need to be a lobbyist. This type of activism is everywhere right now, and the more profound significance of the title The Hate U Give is mind-boggling on its own. It begins with a tattoo Tupac Shakur had saying Thug Life.

The racial foul play and one-sided convictions of the police were seen on different occasions in the novel. It appeared while Khalil was being pulled over, during Starr’s cross-examination and the TV meeting of Cruise’s dad. In all scenes Khalil is shown to be compromising, uncooperative, and perilous, Starr is the main individual who would have the option to demonstrate his innocence since she was the sole observer.

The one-sided assessment of the police was uncovered while investigator Gomez and criminologist Wilkes were grilling Starr. She was never examined concerning the cop’s activities during the occurrence since they didn’t consider him to be to blame. They were shelling Starr with inquiries to attempt to make her some way or another put Khalil to blame yet Starr recognized what they were attempting to do. She would address the analysts when they would state an inquiry that would negatively affect Khalil. Through the cross-examination, they undermined and debased Khalil’s life.

Police Brutality has been going on for many decades. Frequently unlawful utilization of power against regular people by U.S. cops. Types of police fierceness have run from threatening behavior (ex..beatings) to disorder, torment, and murder. Some more extensive meanings of police mercilessness additionally incorporate badgering (counting bogus capture), terrorizing, and obnoxious attack, among different types of abuse.

Around 1 out of 1,000 dark men and young men in America can hope to kick the bucket on account of police, as indicated by another examination of passings including law authorization officials. That makes them 2.5 occasions more probable than white men and young men to get more during an experience with cops.

The concepts of ‘sacred’ and ‘profane’ are found in French sociologist Émile Durkheim’s work, ‘The Elementary Forms of Religious Life’. It is not questions of religious interpretation, rather ‘sacred’ being things ‘set apart, evoking powerful feelings with those symbols representing those of a greater power.’ When people worship such symbols, they unite as a moral community. Durkheim sees it as a question of moral agency, juxtaposing ‘profane’ as things with no special significance, being ordinary and mundane. The first step towards making an object sacred is setting it apart. Thus, the first question considered is whether police remain apart as a representative of the state or whether pluralization has moved policing towards the ‘profane’. A second point considered is whether policing remains a symbol of moral agency, symbolic of the state. This requires looking at the relationship between police, power, and social order. Barton (2002) saw sacred as being moral but simultaneously dangerous. Thus, it must be questioned whether the police have moved towards the profane due to corruption scandals, institutional racism, and loss of moral authority. Is it as Miliband (1978, pg. 21) said ‘due to insubordination’ of the public, that the police are no longer respected, losing their moral authority and becoming ‘profane’? Shils and Geertz, alternatively, argue that sacred is seen through power, raising the issue of whether police still hold this power. This essay explores these points from the period between the 1950s and 2020. The 1950s have commonly been named the ‘golden age’ of policing when harmonious relations between the public and the police were at a pinnacle. The ‘golden age’ will be compared to the subsequent period and whether there has been a move towards the ‘profane’.

Those who argue police have shifted from ‘sacred’ towards ‘profane’ cite pluralization – an increase of new non-police providers of policing services. Considering Durkheim’s definition of ‘sacred’ as being ‘subject of a prohibition that sets it radically apart’ from the ‘profane’, some argue the police has lost its iconic identity-bearing status due to far-reaching pluralization. Reiner (1992) argues the police have shifted from their ‘sacred’ image of peacekeeper, symbolic of the British way of life, to ‘profane’ – another public service that is ‘unreformed and under-modernized’ (Savage, 2010, pg. 10). The police and state no longer monopolize policing. Rather, since the 1960s, the police has now structured in a way that is widely offered by non-state institutions, notably by private companies on a commercialized basis and by communities on a volunteer basis (Bayley, 1984). Indeed, private security agents twice outnumber public police in Britain (Johnston, 1992). Private security in the 1950s was frowned upon by the public and police, often portrayed as ‘ill-trained bands of thugs, hired by private businesses to break strikes, suppress labor, and spy on another’ (Buuren, 2009, pg. 52). However, despite pluralization, police remain powerful, having no only the backing of laws, but still considered as iconic symbols of British culture, revered across Britain and worldwide. it can be argued that at the heart of policing are still the symbols of the state which remain powerful, having not only the backing of the laws behind them but also still considered today as iconic symbols of British culture that are revered across Britain and the world (Buuren, 2009). Non-police providers, rather than taking power from the police, aid them with their ever-expanding and ever-complicated role. Police can concentrate on more serious crimes such as terror threats. Moreover, community policing has changed the relationship with communities, transforming them from being passive consumers of police protection to actively ensuring public safety (Myhill, 2006). Overall, non-policing organizations have changed the policing structure. However, police remain idioms of the state and not just another public service. Further, the growth of these other bodies allowed police concentration on more dangerous policing aspects and, therefore remaining nearer ‘sacred’ than profane as defined by Durkheim and Barton.

The shift from ‘sacred’ to profane arguably results from problems with the police’s moral agency, particularly the legitimacy-eroding consequences of police corruption and malpractice, having sullied their reputation of ‘British fair play’ (Weight, 2002, pg. 571). Since the 1960s, they have been enmeshed in numerous controversies, with criticism about falling standards of integrity and discipline, accentuated through corruption scandals; abuse of power towards minority groups, and increasing coercive force favoring a ‘fire-brigade ’approach (Cluny, 1999). Newburn (2015, pg. 22), supports this, arguing the police’s reputation for neutrality has diminished since the 1960s, with the majority of the British public losing confidence in them and the police ceasing to be the ‘pantheon of Britishness’. For example, the police’s standing declined rapidly after the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six cases (Bihler, 2005). Corruption is still endemic, with 33% of people in 2012 thinking bribery or abuse of power is widespread (The European Commission, 2012). Indeed, in 2018, Scotland Yard faced its biggest police corruption inquiry in 40 years after 14 officers in the Met’s elite anti-corruption unit were investigated for malpractice by the IOPC, which found ‘serious corruption and malpractice’ (Harper, 2018, pg. 1). The late 1950’s Digital Revolution additionally led to everyday policing coming under ever-increasing scrutiny with universal access to technology rendering police activity more visible, adding as a source of the police’s loss of its ‘sacred’ character (Bradford, 2011). With the police being ‘demystified’, this has led to the institution being divested of its functions as a unifying symbol of national culture and has ‘fallen from its pedestal’ and in the process ‘has been transformed into a thoroughly profane institution’(Reiner, 1992, pg. 761). However, corruption has always characterized the police, with even the 1950s seeing two very high-profile scandals involving police misconduct, although being largely hidden from the public. Particularly, the 1958 Brighton Police corruption case damaged the force’s reputation, with Emsley (2005, pg. 31) describing them as being ‘punctured with examples of corruption and unprofessionalism’. Despite arguments that it’s a few ‘bad apples’, corruption has existed throughout police history and has damaged their moral agency. Thus, it’s arguable that recent corruption scandals are insufficient to shift the police materially from ‘sacred’ to ‘profane’. Rather, the police have never had full moral agency, with corruption existing even in the 1950s ‘golden age’. Debatably, these scandals have taken them closer to ‘profane’. However, if tackled and maintained public confidence by, if necessary public inquiries, policing will not fully reach ‘profane’.

Again, moral agency has dissolved from ‘police brutality and racially biased enforcement of laws’ (Monaghan, 2017, pg. 218). Accordingly, public trust has disintegrated, particularly in BME communities, arguably leading to the desacralization of the police (Rowe, 2012). Although not a new phenomenon, the public’s reaction towards institutional racism has starkly changed in the post-modern era. The 1950s had an association between the remembered, locally embedded officer in white Britain with Englishness being far less convoluted (Loader, 2003). Indeed, a fundamental feature of the intensifying conflict between police and ethnic communities in the 1970s-80s, such as the Brixton or Bristol riots, was the police’s belief they had the backing of the white, middle-class ‘silent majority’ (Loader, 2003). Police portrayed themselves as ‘heroic defenders’ of the English way of life against threats of black rioters – protecting the ‘sacred’ policing institution from the ‘profane’ protesters (Reiner, 1980). Indeed, Hall (1978) argues this ‘silent majority’ even supported police attempts to combat ‘black crime’. However, racism was present in the 1950s, with over-policing occurring under the guise of the Vagrancy Act of 1824 which allowed stop and search and arrest for suspected loitering with intent to commit a criminal offense (Hermer, 2019). The period also saw a lack of BME cases being solved or reported, with only 6 of 127 complaints being sustained in 1959 (Whitfield, 2006). Since the 1970s huge shifts in public expectations towards racism have occurred. Largely, as a response to the Macpherson report after Stephen Lawrence’s murder, which revealed British policing as ‘institutionally racist’ (Cluny, 1999). To combat racism, legislation and reports were established to protect the BME community, such as the ERCI (2019) which publishes BME rights and gives police recommendations for combating racial discrimination. However, although significant improvements have occurred since the 1950s, the institution still suffers from racism, albeit in a different, more covert form. Namely, Macpherson identified stop and searches, with the BME community being 5 times more likely to be stopped despite legislation change (Green, 2000). Overall, although institutionally racist, the police were viewed by the 1950’s public as ‘sacred’ in stopping ‘profane’ ‘black crime’. Despite the Lawrence case, institutional racism remains, meaning the police continue down the route towards ‘profane’ until fully tackling this issue.

Other criminologists, such as Shils and Geertz, see sacredness and charisma as the power within police representations and practices, allegedly in society’s interests. For Shils (1975, pg. 127), sacredness is ‘imputed to person actions, roles, institutions, symbols, and material objects because of the presumed connection with “ultimate”, “fundamental”, “vital” order determining powers’. Charisma, and the ‘sacred’ thus involve interwoven dimensions of the police force influencing secular life (Smith, 1996). Thus, the police are emblematic forms articulating the governing power of the state- the police are the state in uniform. ‘Sacredness’ is produced through ritual manifestations of power generated through idioms and symbols (Garland, 1990). McLaughlin (2005, pg. 12), for example, highlights the influence of the fictional PC Dixon in The Blue Lamp and Dixon of Dock Green (1955-1976), in forging an ‘imagined England’ which shifted representation of British officers within the popular cultural imagination. By this, consensual policing was at the forefront, with the police upholding laws and being central to the community he served (Williams, 2011). He was respected, with even petty criminals cooperating when serious crimes were under investigation (McLaughlin, 2007). Policing in this period was an emblem of consensual society, with the public acclaiming a proficient force doing its best to implement legislation (Critchley, 1967). Sparks (1992, pg. 27) argues Dixon was ‘unique as a cultural phenomenon, historically and comparatively’. A standard patrol officer was eulogized as a British hero, the apotheosis of the idea of British Bobby– a representation of the state in uniform (Reiner, 1992). It encapsulated the symbolism of ’sacred and good police’ and ‘profane’ criminals. The police were portrayed as a ‘sacred’ institution ‘set apart and revered as a key part of a social imaginary’ (Pimlott, 2002, pg. 254). Although a sentimentalized image, there was a degree of truth (Emsley, 2009). However, since the Dixon era, the police have been portrayed differently with the phrase ‘the blue lamp’ changing to ‘the black and blue lamp’ in the 1980s (Rolinson, 2011). This shows the shift away from police being viewed as an idiom of goodness and sacredness into one mundane and ‘profane’, with the Black and Blue Lamp juxtaposing the idealized ‘bobby on the beat’ with a more cynical portrayal of society under threat from crime waves and breakdown of community relations (Rolinson, 2011). Even recently, the 2006 film ‘Life on Mars’ and the 2008-10 ‘Ashes to Ashes’, depict the ‘Black and Blue Lamps’ message, again representing the public perceptions of the police in an Ortanique light; highlighting real-life corruption scandals and a more violent approach to policing (Rolinson, 2011). These representations indicate a far less clear-cut line between a ‘sacred’ police officer and a ‘profane’ criminal. However, although these shows indicate a shift away from ‘sacred’, it must be remembered that since the 1950s, the police has expanded, and become more complex – no longer just ‘bobbies on the beat’, these TV shows involve police tackling more dangerous crime. Therefore, showing police embolising the states’ power to combat more serious crime.

In conclusion, it’s too simple to claim policing in British society has moved from ‘sacred’ to ‘profane’ at this time. Indeed, when looking at pluralisation, it can be argued that policing still holds its iconic status with the growth of these non-policing bodies allowing the police to focus on the more dangerous crime. Thus, under Durkheim and Barton’s definition, the police remain closer to ‘sacred’ rather than ‘profane’, being not just another public service. However, when looking at Durkheim’s theory of moral agency, arguably the police have been traveling towards ‘profane’ due to corruption and importantly, institutional racism which has undermined moral agency. In practice, the 1950s police were racist. However, this was not recognized by the public until Stephen Lawrence’s case which highlighted institutional racism against the police and the public alike. Today, although racism has arguably improved, it remains present and the public’s perception of it has become critical. This perception of the police’s action towards ethnic communities has shifted the police towards ‘profane’. The corruption issue has similarly affected moral agency. Similarly, it is arguable that the police never fully had moral agency due to corruption. However, due to the lack of technology in the 1950s, public knowledge of corruption was limited. In contrast, the police today are constantly under scrutiny due to technology, meaning, in the public’s eyes the police have shifted more towards ‘profane.’ However, public trust still exists if the scandals are dealt with, therefore, stopping the full shift from ‘sacred’ to ‘profane’. More so, if Shil and Geertz’s definition of sacred is dominant, albeit the police are no longer embodied as ‘Bobbies on the beat’, they are still symbolic of the state’s power, particularly in solving serious crimes.   

The backstory of the March for Our Lives movement began with a school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, FL. A group of students acted to prevent further shootings and ensure that the local community and other people across the country are not going to experience anything similar in the future. The March for Our Lives movement became a perfect example of how the community might become a source of serious change.

To my mind, gun violence is practically pointless since it only leads to pain and does not bring anything positive to the community. The development of a safe, compassionate environment should become our key priority. I have investigated the issue rather thoroughly and gained insight into the Parkland tragedy in order to help other people build their awareness.

The fundamental goal of the March for Our Lives movement is to inspire Americans to avoid unnecessary risks and prevent gun violence by any means. The problem of school shootings became too pressing to be ignored by the government. Therefore, movement leaders are on the verge of social change because they talk about gun violence and serve as role models to be followed in these hard times.

One of the biggest obstacles to the March for Our Lives movement is the lack of lawmakers who might take their activities seriously. Despite numerous actions taken to embrace gun safety, the overall stance of the government on this question seems to remain too shaky to make a difference. People call for a reasonable gun safety reform, but the government remains reluctant.

The state of the March for Our Lives movement can be described as largely positive. The crucial impact of social media allowed students from Parkland to share their ideas with people from all around the United States. Movement leaders knowingly utilize the Internet as a powerful platform for disseminating their messages.

There are two essential strategies to maintain when launching a podcast on school shootings and gun violence. The first will be to tell more real-life stories to make the podcast much more believable and have the audience empathize with the speaker. The second strategy will be to ask listeners to provide their feedback. An increased grade of audience participation is going to bring more attention to the podcast.

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The stakeholders in Waterloo Regional Police Service and the CIMS Project case study were the police chief Larry Gravill and the individuals that supplied the software. Even though these are the two main stakeholders, there were a variety of others as well. Some of the other people who had a stake and were impacted by this project were the federal government, project, police service civilian employees as users of the Common Information Management System (CIMS), the seven other police agencies involved, and finally, the general public who will ultimately be affected when it comes to the tax revenue. In the end, we will go on and analyze the case in more depth but also talk about the five process groups and how they were applied.

In 1997, there were a variety of police services that co-operative in the Waterloo Regional Police Services and CIMS. Niagara, York, Halton, Hamilton, Peel, Durham, Guelph, Stratford, Brantford, and Waterloo were vital participants of the given project, where Larry Gravill served as the key project manager. Mr. Gravill was also the police chief of Waterloo Regional Police until 2007, when he decided to retire. In order for this project to get up and run, they needed vendors; however, that took roughly two years due to the inability to comply with the proposal’s terms. After doing revisions to the proposal, a year later, they finally had a vendor response which was Integrated Technologies Group (ITG). By August 1999, CIMS group and ITG had signed a contract to install a new computer-aided dispatch and records management system.

Furthermore, there were significant issues regarding the functional responsibilities of the Federal Government after the principal representative signed the contract. In 1999, “when the original CIMS contract was signed, additional functionality for the RMS system had been federally mandated, and these changes were outside of the scope of the original ITG contract” (2001). It was reported that there were project implementation problems due to the ITG’s failure to deliver the functional system according to the deadline. Numerous changes to the project-specific details and requirement complexity were the primary reasons for non-delivery in December 2003, when the project was supposed to be integrated. Another critical factor was that the manager of the project had other responsibilities. Thus, he was not able to devote himself to this task (Movold, 2001) fully. Secondly, the company never truly thought through the funding aspect of the project. They were relying on grants from the federal government, which fell through and prohibited any action due to the lack of funds.

When it came to the CAD system, there were many changes that had to be made. Two of the most significant changes were increasing the compounding cost of the project and making a change to the CPIC. The agreement with Integrated Technologies Group (ITG) was canceled in 2005. However, there were several successful actions taken in order to integrate the CIMS project. For instance, Niche Technology and Versaterm were the key companies that were providing RMS solutions in the Canadian market beginning from the time when the contract of ITG was signed (Movold, 2001). After canceling the contract with ITG, the company faced some more significant issues. One of the biggest things that came about was determining what company would best fit their needs that would also keep them on a strict deadline to complete the project on time. Finally, Mr. Gravill noticed that each of these companies could fulfill the project’s needs faster and cheaper than ITG could have done.

It is clear that Mr. Gravill applied highly traditional approaches in order to manage and govern the given project by referring to the basic definition of conventional methodology. According to the Rational Plan website, traditional methods are defined as “Traditional project management is an established methodology for running projects in a sequential cycle: initiation, planning, executing, monitoring and controlling, and closing. For each of these five project steps, there are tools and techniques, such as the ones defined by the PMBOK®, the standard methodology for traditional project management” (2013). Looking at the overall success with ITG, it was a failure because of all of the changes that had to be made. According to Movold, the traditional method used to manage this project was not flexible enough to accommodate changes without causing delays and increased the project cost. The required updates to the project raised the cost estimate an additional $7,924,952. Also, the project deadline was rapidly approaching, and ITG had failed to deliver a functional system due to the complexity of the requirements and changes to the scope of the project.

It is important to note that there are two types of shareholders, which are categorized as primary and secondary. Primary stakeholders are the ones whose interests are fully aligned with the company’s goals. Investors and employees are considered principal shareholders because their financial gains directly depend on the firm’s overall well-being. Neighboring residents of the company’s location can be viewed as an example of secondary stakeholders because they might be concerned with some environmental impact of the organization, such as pollution (Gomez, 2017). It is also critical to note that Waterloo regional police service played an essential role in bringing all of the stakeholders together during the development of the CIMS project. It involved only two types of shareholders, which were direct and indirect. The chart above clearly illustrates that Mr. Larry Gravill, who is the Waterloo region’s chief of police, was the main stakeholder alongside the local police department.

Moreover, other primary shareholders, who were highly important for the project execution, included the federal government, the software vendor/engineer, and various technology groups. It is crucial to understand that stakeholders play an essential role in the CIMS integration because they act as the main source of funding, regulate completion of appraisals, monitor that the design is done properly, and evaluate the procedure of implementation. In other words, they are responsible for making sure that overall project planning and its execution are conducted correctly throughout the entire process.

Furthermore, it is highly essential to elaborate that Waterloo University, civilian staff, police officers, public intelligent community forum members, and police service representatives are classified as indirect or secondary shareholders. Although the given category of people might not possess any financial interest in the project’s competition, they are critical components of its implementation. Secondary stakeholders primarily provide essential suggestions, detailed feedback, and general recommendations for the project’s planning and execution. However, the members of the public group act as both final consumers and indirect shareholders; therefore, the project is not primarily impacted by this category. They are considered as a leading source for meaningful feedback on the police’s services and environment.

There are major differences between primary and secondary shareholders, which can affect the flow of the communication process. The police department and the federal government are primary stakeholders who directly impact the project’s overall implementation procedures, such as planning, conceptualization, and execution. The main subject of communication among crucial shareholders should be focused on ensuring efficiency, speed, and eliminating communication barriers, which can severely hinder the information flow, such as feedback delivery. Real-life or face-to-face communication plays an essential role in allowing key stakeholders to be able to make deliberate choices and decisions.

Interactions among primary investors and representatives are done through various channels, which include Larry Gravill and the project team of CIMS. In addition, ITG conducts daily telephone calls and meetings with an email twice a month. Dispatchers, law enforcement officers, CPIC, and other indirect shareholders mostly use an email form of communication due to its overall convenience in acquiring updates. The formula [N x (N-1)]/2 should be applied by project managers in order to preserve the channels of communication open and free for exchange. There are 120 parallel channels in the CIMS project, which means that N value will be 16 because N is equal to the number of communication flows. The given formula is not difficult to integrate and calculate due to its simplistic and practical approach.

Project managers might face a certain amount of difficulties when using communication channels. One of the most challenging ones is the process of appointing in-person meetings. The main reason is that it is profoundly uneasy to assign the meeting time and date that would fit everyone’s schedule. In addition, there are people who will have a problem with attending this meeting because they have various responsibilities and duties outside the scope of the project. For instance, Mr. Gravill can be an illustration of a person with the given issue because he acts as both the project manager and the chief of police. Even if the meeting was attended by all of the members and involved parties, the overall result might not be satisfactory because some disagreements on one subject can hinder the flow of the conversation. This leads to more extended gatherings and numerous additional meetings, which might or might not accomplish the primary goal of solving the issues.

Furthermore, technical communication channels, such as phone calls and emails, can be problematic as well. The major issue with information exchange through emails is that they cannot be checked on a daily basis. Therefore, if a task requires an immediate response or clarification from the receiver due to urgency, and there is no answer, the overall process will be significantly slowed down. In addition, some emails can be considered as spam messages, which will result in an email being ignored, thus, no attention will be given to the content of the text. Emails also tend to lack the way to include a sender’s tone and intonation, therefore, the receiver might misunderstand information or find it disrespectful. Moreover, email services are not entirely safe from cyberattacks, which can result in the leakage of key data. Phone calls are imperfect communication tools due to the lack of guarantee of an immediate reply from the call receiver. Even if the call is successfully connected, a person might not give full and concise attention to the caller, which makes the overall conversation pointless and ineffective. These types of instances might occur because an individual is busy or has other important tasks to complete.

There are a number of unique systems that could be utilized in order to conquer these difficulties. One genuine model is using an instrument known as Trello. It is a coordinated effort device that sorts out the company’s undertakings into sheets. In a highly convenient manner, Trello reveals what is being chipped away, who is working on what, and where something is in a procedure. It is similar to an online whiteboard, which contains a series of arrangements presented through various sticky notes, and with each record, there is an undertaking for individual employees and a group.

This tool allows using sticky notes that have photographs, connections from other information sources like Salesforce and BitBucket, reports, and a platform to remark and work together with colleagues. It is also comfortable to use outside the office environment because it can be accessed from any device (Trello, n.d.). A subsequent answer to overcoming these difficulties mentioned above would be an online video meeting. There are various sites that offer this, some of them cost very little, and others are free. Utilizing video conferences can be advantageous when contacting individuals who are spread out in various locales. Some online discussions can be programmed to have a capacity for screen sharing, which could be utilized to give presentations.

The manager should ensure that the ten-project management institute or PMI knowledge fields are integrated in order to have a good project. First, the CIMS project collected all the data they needed to complete the project under scope management. It enabled them to set the original scope of the project after doing this. A demonstrative instance of using this was when they went for a while without hearing anything from the suppliers. Once the sellers realized that there was a problem somewhere in the range, they decided to revise it, leading them to receive vendor answers. By making these changes to the scope, the CIMS team worked on getting them incorporated into the project. Secondly, in the communication part, Mr. Gravill had this set. He made sure that there were bi-monthly meetings with the vendors that included key stakeholders.

On the other hand, if individuals were unable to make these meetings, such as key stakeholders, then teleconferencing was the last choice. However, on a daily basis, there were always forms of communication that were being implemented which were emails and phone calls. Thirdly, Mr. Gravill tried to implement stakeholder management by engaging daily with his vendor ITG. He made them aware of the changes in the requirements of the project. He also met with the management of WRPS to discuss the possibility of changing business practices to facilitate using software that was designed for a typical police agency. Fourthly, the risk management section I think Mr. Gravill excelled at. He noticed that ITG was unfit for the job and was unable to accomplish what needed to be done. Eventually, all of these doubts led him to cancel the contract with this vendor and hiring someone else.

Project Procurement Management involves the procedures required from outside the project team to buy or obtain goods, services, or outcomes. This project began with ITG in August 1999, and their agreement was terminated six years later. They were unable to successfully install and maintain the CAD and RMS systems, resulting in CIMS entering into a fresh deal with one of two potential new suppliers, Niche Technology or Versaterm. Looking at the project’s expense was an enormous problem they faced. Project Cost Management involves the procedures engaged in estimating, planning, financing, handling, budgeting, and controlling expenses in order to complete the project within the authorized budget. The reason for this is because, for this project, they were supposed to receive these federal grants, but that did not occur. Mr. Gravill had to decide that this price in the project would be offset by the loss of financing at the last second.

Also, Larry Gravill started reassessing the project and evaluating alternative suppliers that could fulfill the demands of the project. These occurrences led Larry Gravill to exceed expectations when it went to the quality administration area. The last two areas are the planning angle and the asset among executives. Project Schedule Management incorporates procedures required to deal with the auspicious consummation of the venture. Project Resource Management includes methods to recognize, obtain, and deal with the assets as is necessary for the fruitful fulfillment of the task. I did not find any instances where Larry Gravill effectively executed both of these regions of activity. The purpose behind this is the project’s due date, which was set early, and Larry Gravill spent the next six years realizing that ITG was highly inactive. These things ought to have been dealt with sooner than later, and that way, the due date for this task could have been met.

The five process groups are known as the Planning Process Group, the Initiating Process Group, the Monitoring and Controlling Process Group, the Executing Process Group, and the Closing Process Group. Looking at the first group, Larry Gravill applied this well to the project when it came to the team needing the CAD and RMS systems updated. Secondly, they created the CIMS group, which would set them up for the following step in the process. The planning portion was met when the initial request for the proposal for existing vendors. In this step, they identified the requirements and set the scope of the project. With the Monitoring and Controlling Process Group, Larry Gravel didn’t seem to apply this process successfully. ITG was consistently late with deliverables and going over budget. Mr. Gravill should have either pressured ITG to work more diligently on the project or terminate the contract with ITG and use another vendor. In the end, when ending the contract with ITG, this is where Larry Gravill implemented the closing process, which made sure both parties were aware of the termination of the contract.

In the wake of doing some examination, the best suggestion for Mr. Gravill would be the Agile technique approach. As indicated by Rouse, the system can be characterized as a programming application improvement, which is a procedure that envisions the requirement for adaptability and applies a dimension of practicality into the conveyance of the completed item. Coordinated actions require a social movement in numerous organizations since it centers on the perfect transfer of individual pieces or features of the product and not on the whole application (Rouse, n.d.). One advantage of utilizing this kind of system would be the ability to separate the more significant bits of the venture into something smaller. In this way, it would permit the organization or project group to achieve these errands in a promising way on the grounds that the work would be disseminated alongside it winding up increasingly sensible to finish inside the given time allotment. The second advantage of this more subtle technique would make the group ready to be ready for the new changes that they would face.

The most profound recommendation includes informing the personnel and paying attention to the primary goal. Another suggestion is to reduce the amount of online or video communication channels and significantly increase the number of face-to-face meetings among CIMS teams in order to be able to clarify the most important issues. Both telephone calls and online emails have a tendency to cause a series of delays, which greatly hinder the project’s implementation timeframe. If the given strategy had been used by ITG, the company would not have missed the deadline, which was the biggest failure during the project’s development. By conducting face-to-face meetings in a regular manner, management representatives will be able to closely monitor and correct emerging mistakes without significant delays. These types of frequent and efficient conferences can act as a crucial factor in determining and ensuring that the outlined plan is being followed strictly and without various error, which naturally arises during the project of this scale.

Although CIMS was able to complete the planned undertaking after they changed their previous vendor, the entire execution process could have been done in a highly smooth and delicate manner. It is important to note that the overall plan was done properly and according to the highest standards, but the execution was a major failure, which led to the project’s ineffective integration process. The management representatives also performed in a highly unprofessional way because they were not fully committed to the implementation due to the lack of frequent monitoring and constant governance. I firmly believe that the main cause of these delays and failures was the lack of periodic meetings, which must be done in a face-to-face approach with the occasional use of email and telephone calls. Therefore, it is clear that the given project had the potential to be done successfully and without a missed deadline if these recommendations were implemented.

References:

Gomez, C. (2017). Why Are Secondary Stakeholders Important to a Company? Web.

Movold, Jane, Waterloo Regional Police Services: The CIMS Project, Ivey Management Services, 2001, Web.

Rouse, M. (n.d.). What is Agile Software Development? – Definition from WhatIs.com. Web.

Traditional and Agile Project Management in a Nutshell. (2013). Web.

Trello. (n.d.). What is Trello? Web.