Currently, the US government is trying to improve its image following the shooting of unarmed black boy by a white cop. The incident raises various questions touching on the various theories of public administration. Any civil servant should be imbued to service delivery meaning his or her focus is to provide an enabling environment for individual fulfillment, but not to cause harm to the taxpayers.
Some analysts observe that black Americans have never enjoyed their rights and freedoms in the United States because they have historically experienced unprecedented police brutally, which takes the form of harassment, unwarranted arrest, incarceration, and convictions that raises their death rates. The current brutality is perhaps systematic and intentional on the blacks carried out by the criminal justice system in the country.
The trend is ongoing and is not expected to end any time soon because of the social structure and the culture that does not value the contributions of minorities and people of color. Labeling is the biggest problem that affects the blacks in the country because they are associated with all forms of crimes, such as mugging, drug-trafficking, kidnapping, raping, money laundering, banditry, smuggling of weapons, and car-jacking (Blau 530).
Various theories of public administration, including bureaucratic, transformational leadership, autocratic, and situational leadership suggest that police officers must ensure they follow established rules and regulations in carrying out their activities.
The recent incident in which an eighteen year old boy, Michael Brown, was shot in Ferguson, Missouri is an example of police brutality that has always been meted out to innocent Americans. The entire nation rose up to condemn the killing terming it unacceptable and highly regrettable, but analysts claim that it only exposed the problems that blacks have encouraged since independence.
The Ferguson town is a no go zone for an ordinary citizen because of the heavy presence of police who are deployed to keep an eye on the activities of the black people. From a Marxist perceptive, the rich and the powerful in society will always do everything possible to ensure the working class does not pose a serious threat to their survival.
Similarly, the profiling of blacks in the country with claims of reducing crime rates is uncalled for, as it simply targets members of the lower classes. The officers are armed with sophisticated weapons and armored vehicles, which suggest that the blacks are suspected of causing mayhem in the city any time following the shooting of the schoolboy.
A recent report released by the FBI following a study conducted between 2005 and 2012 confirm that a white police officer have used force against a black person at least twice a week. The number of blacks killed in the country is ever-increasing, with casualties being those under the age of twenty-one. Unfortunately, only 8.7% of those killed annually by the police are whites aged twenty-one years and below.
The practice of public administration forces an individual to keep from discrimination that might affect the chances of success. It is unfortunate that the number of blacks killed annually is not accurate because the police self-report it meaning many blacks have lost their lives at the hands of the trigger happy police officers (Tolnay 221).
A study conducted by the University of South Carolina professor, Geoff Alpert, suggested that the country does not have a national record on the number of unarmed civilians that the police kill. The violence and brutality going on in the account at police stations and city streets are based on racial lines because the majority of those suffering are blacks. Brown was the fifth unarmed black person to be killed by the police within a month.
Among those killed in the month include Eric Garner of Staten Island, Ezell Ford of Los Angeles, Dante Parker of California, and John Crawford of Ohio. Since the killings have been reported in over three different states, it means that blacks in the entire country are affected. In a different study commissioned in 2007 by the ColorLines and Chicago Reporter, it was established that police killings were present in at least the ten largest cities in the country.
Unfortunately, those targeted were the blacks, with New York, San Diego, and Las Vegas being the most affected. In earlier report released by the department of justice in 2008 titled police public contact survey, over seventy percent of blacks reported to have been harassed by police. In Ferguson alone, the number of blacks arrested was three times that of other races in the first four months of the year.
For some analysts, black Americans have historically faced unprecedented brutality. However, that is not the case today. To them, black Americans are not currently experiencing unprecedented brutality, such as harassment, arrest, incarceration, and conviction because criminality affects the entire community and the role of the police is to bring it down.
Any government has to ensure that life and property is protected hence the police should patrol the streets frequently to ensure no person is injured by criminals. Unfortunately, blacks find themselves being arrested and convicted quite often, but the problem lies with the community in which they live in hence the security agencies should not be blamed.
The society influences the behavior of a child meaning in case the social structure is defective, the upbringing of the child is likely to be affected. Therefore, many blacks find themselves on the wrong side of the law because of a culture that does not support the family setting. Children are left to find for their survival at the tender age, something that forces them to indulge in criminal activities.
The reality of the matter is that blacks are often discriminated against when it comes to identifying criminals. They are often labeled as thugs and street muggers because the historical problems that they have faced over the years (Leonard 28). The police are tempted to believe that any young black American is a criminal because his or her father had a questionable record.
The society should change its perception towards the blacks if the problem is to be solved. The police agencies across the country are under intense pressure from the community-based organizations, human rights activists, and the public to explain the current accusations linking it with excessive use of force on members of the minority groups, especially the blacks and Indians.
The critics point out that the police actions amount to bias-based policing and racial profiling, but the situation is different because the police service is charged with the role of safeguarding property and life, irrespective of individual background, race, social position, and ethnicity (Lynch, 2002). Organizations, such as the NAACP, FADE, and Southern Coalition for Social Justice make their allegations based on the report released in 2012 by Frank Derek at the University of North Carolina.
NAACP alleged recently that the current situation is troubling because it represents racial profiling, lack of accountability, transparency, and delinquency within the police agencies countrywide. In other words, the human rights organizations observe that the law-enforcing agency is broken and is need of the repair
Works Cited
Blau, Judith. “White Supremacy and Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva”. Contemporary Sociology 31.5 (2002): 527-538.
Leonard, Rebecca and Locke, Don. “Communication Stereotypes: Is Interracial Communication Possible?” Journal of Black Studies 23.3 (1993): 332-343. Print.
Tolnay, Stewart. “The African American ‘Great Migration’ and Beyond”. Annual Review of Sociology 29.1 (2003): 218–221. Print.
Policy brutality in the US has been a matter of public concern for decades. More recently, it has elicited considerable public attention following high-profile police brutality cases, such as the death of Michael Brown in 2014. In particular, disproportionate police brutality toward members of ethnic and racial minority groups has received a lot of media coverage and incited widespread protests. Although the phenomenon of police brutality is not a new one, its definition remains vague, and its extent is difficult to quantify. While this term has traditionally been used to describe the excessive use of physical violence, police brutality may include other forms of violence. This paper aims to discuss the types of police brutality, the particularities of psychological harm inflicted by the police, and its consequences for the population affected by these forms of violence. Although the excessive use of physical force by the police constitutes brutality, other types of abuse may also have severe physical and psychological consequences for the affected population because they create an atmosphere of insecurity.
Forms of Police Brutality
While there is no doubt that the excessive use of physical force by the police officers constitutes brutality, police violence is not limited to this specific form. The WHO gives the following definition of police brutality: “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself […] that either result in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation” (Cooper, 2015, p. 1188). The term “power” in the context is, thus, not explicitly limited to physical force. Moreover, there are four types of violence identified by the WHO: physical, sexual, psychological, and neglectful (Cooper, 2015). Psychological violence may include insults, psychological pressure technics, and other forms of psychological abuse. Although this type of abuse is no less frequent, the public discussion and research on police brutality tend to focus on physical harm, overlooking other forms of violence.
The so-called stop and frisk are one of the most common practices that can amount to police violence and cause considerable psychological harm. According to Cooper (2015), this practice disproportionally targets Black and Latino communities, in which members experience it as a type of psychological violence. The police carrying out stops and frisks citizens for no particular reason makes them experience a heightened level of stress in their daily lives. Moreover, during these stops, it is not uncommon that police officers routinely insult participants, handcuff them, and make them wait for long periods, etc. Such practices create a feeling of insecurity and fear while using public spaces.
Effects of Police Brutality on Public Health
It is difficult to underestimate the importance of the long-term effects of police brutality on communities. In particular, high risks of being exposed to police brutality potentially affect all group members. The reason is that “recurrent exposure to police violence against members of one’s racial/ethnic group could be interpreted as a form of discrimination” (Dukes & Kahn, 2017, p. 693). Heightened levels of perceived discrimination increase permanent stress levels and, consequently, have further repercussions on health. Thus, such a perception of even an isolated case of police violence may negatively affect the state of mental and physical health of the whole community.
Furthermore, there are larger effects on health that are linked to police brutality. While minority groups experience higher levels of stress linked to discrimination factor and police brutality, another survey reveals that, in general, residents of areas with a higher frequency of stops and frisks are less likely to be in good health (Cooper & Fullilove, 2016). In particular, they more often suffered from high blood pressure, diabetes, etc. Thus, the problem of police brutality is directly linked to the issue of public health. Different forms of police brutality have negative repercussions on public health and, thus, quality of life and life expectancy.
Effects of Police Brutality on Public Safety
Another significant effect of police violence is its impact on public safety. Public safety depends to a large extent on the citizens’ trust in the police and their willingness to cooperate. However, according to Desmond, Papachristos, and Kirk (2016), publicized cases of police brutality can undermine the legitimacy of authorities and “have a community-wide impact on crime-reporting that transcends individual encounters” (p. 870). Crime reporting eventually returns to its normal level, but in the short run, this effect has dire consequences for public safety. In particular, it prevents the application of justice and, more generally, makes American cities a more dangerous place to live.
Similarly, psychological violence produces distrust and undermines the legitimacy of the police. Furthermore, information on police brutality does not affect different communities’ trust in the police in the same way, because minorities routinely experience psychological violence, for example, during stop and frisks. Boudreau, MacKenzie, and Simmons (2019) confirm that “thematic information about a pattern of violence leads citizens to blame the police and public officials more and reassess their trust in the police department involved” (p. 9). However, this is particularly true among members of Black communities, regardless of the pattern of police violence in their residence area. Thus, these psychological effects have the potential to further diminish the trust of the already marginalized communities in the police and have larger effects on public safety.
The Necessity to Preserve Public Order
Some argue that non-lethal police violence can be justified by the necessity to preserve order and public safety. Indeed, the participants of the survey on police violence admitted that “the officers [carrying out stop and frisks] usually correctly identified hotspots of drug activity” (Cooper, 2015, p. 1191). Moreover, this may constitute a preventive action in the sense that potential offenders would be restrained by the fear of punishment. Consequently, although these practices constitute psychological violence and may indeed have negative effects on the residents’ health, they do protect public safety and efficiently tackle drug-trafficking.
However, preserving public safety by the means that increase legal cynicism can generate consequences that go far beyond specific issues, such as the fight against drug-trafficking. According to Corsaro, Frank, and Ozer (2015), when members of disadvantaged communities, especially minorities, start to feel marginalized by the police, they become more likely to turn to different forms of informal social control. This situation further increases the crime rate in a given neighborhood and leads to a state of “normlessness” that affects the lives of the whole community.
Conclusion
In conclusion, although policy brutality is mostly presented as the use of excessive physical force, psychological violence may also have a significant negative impact on the communities. The reason is that it creates fear, negatively affects health, and undermines trust in the police. Thus, psychological violence by police officers is directly linked to public health and public safety. Moreover, even when it is justified by the protection of public order, at the end of the day, it may bring more harm. Consequently, while dealing with police brutality, it is vital not to overlook its psychological aspect.
References
Boudreau, C., MacKenzie, S. A., & Simmons, D. J. (2019). Police violence and public perceptions: An experimental study of how information and endorsements affect support for law enforcement. The Journal of Politics, 81(3), 1-12.
Cooper, H. L. (2015). War on drugs policing and police brutality. Substance Use & Misuse, 50(8-9), 1188-1194.
Cooper, H. L., & Fullilove, M. (2016). Excessive police violence as a public health issue. Journal of Urban Health, 93(1), 1-7.
Corsaro, N., Frank, J., & Ozer, M. (2015). Perceptions of police practice, cynicism of police performance, and persistent neighborhood violence: An intersecting relationship. Journal of Criminal Justice, 43(1), 1-11.
Desmond, M., Papachristos, A. V., & Kirk, D. S. (2016). Police violence and citizen crime reporting in the black community. American Sociological Review, 81(5), 857-876.
Dukes, K. N., & Kahn, K. B. (2017). What social science research says about police violence against racial and ethnic minorities: Understanding the antecedents and consequences—An Introduction. Journal of Social Issues, 73(4), 690-700.
Police are charged with the responsibility of safeguarding citizens and dealing with crime. In performing these duties, they are authorized to use the acceptable force within certain limits. The amount of force that a police officer is entitled to use depends on the situation and it varies greatly from one situation another.
However, law enforcers have abused this privilege due to lack of clear laws on the amount of force that an officer is entitled to use in a given situation.
Some officers have resorted to using excessive force even under unnecessary circumstances. Excessive force may take the form of physical assault, sexual assault, verbal abuse, or use of lethal force when dealing with suspects or the public at large. Police brutality is a contemporary worldwide issue as cases of savagery continue to arise despite the numerous laws governing the conduct of police officers.
Police use of force in the US
The laws governing the conduct of police officers in the United States are very clear. They give a police officer the right to use reasonable force when dealing with law aggressors, but at the same time they set limits in which such right is applicable. However, police officers tend to abuse this privilege by assaulting innocent citizens in the pretext of maintaining law and order.
A police officer who violates the rights of a citizen in any way is liable to pay for damages and injuries suffered. The local media in the US reports on many cases of public assault; however, most of these cases do not reach the international media and the perpetrators go unpunished (Ritchie & Mogul 2007). Presumably, in the United States, this malpractice is directed towards the minorities and it is very common amongst African Americans.
Police brutality in the US has a long history and it was first described in the New York Times in 1893 to describe acts of a police officer who had assaulted a member of the public (Troutt 1999). Even before the modern policing came into existence, there were cases of public harassment by the traditional patrol officers who used nightsticks and blackjacks. The highest cases of police misconduct were recorded during this period probably due to lack of formal laws governing their conduct (Troutt 1999).
With the introduction of the modern policing in the nineteenth century, cases of police brutality reduced slightly in the United States. The nineteenth century was characterized by many reforms in the police department. Several laws were enacted to protect the public from police assault and some police officers were charged in court for allegedly misusing their positions to cause suffering to civilians.
One of such reforms occurred in 1991 when a judge sentenced several officers to a jail term of 32 months each for assaulting an African- American in Los Angeles (Davis 1994). The sentence followed a video recording by a civilian as the police assaulted the man, which was then presented to the court. The news hit the international media and reached almost all parts of the world. Unfortunately, the efforts were not good enough to stop this vice.
In 1992, police officers killed more than 50 people while thousands of others were injured as they staged peaceful demonstrations on the streets of Los Angeles opposing the release of two of the four police officers charged for the murder of Rodney King (Medina 2012). Rodney King’s case prompted the formation of an independent commission referred to as ‘Christopher Commission’ to investigate the conduct of police officers across Los Angeles.
The commission executed its mandate and came up with recommendations, which were never implemented. The commission revealed acts of abuse and misconduct by police officers, which supported the case filed by Rodney King. On the other hand, the media reported on the severity of misconduct by police officers and cited the Blue code of silence as the key setback against the fight against police torture (Davis 1994).
The 19th century also saw the formation of district attorneys and other commissions that were mandated to carry out investigations regarding police brutality. The composition of these commissions was in question as the members were fellow police officers. Only a few commissions ran under the watch of civilians, but they depended on police officers in their investigations. These commissions’ operations were thus compromised and they only contributed less in the fight against police misconduct (Westmarland 2005).
Police harassment continued even after the formation of organizations opposing the vice. Demonstrators faced torture as they staged demonstrations in the streets. Use of tear gas and truncheons formed the order of the day. In 1967, during the Vietnam War, the police used tear gas and live bullets to disperse crowds gathered to demonstrate against the war (Villalobos 2011). Police brutality cases were surging over the past one decade.
Reports tabled by various researchers indicate that most cases go unreported due to public ignorance of the law and the lengthy process involved in filing such cases (Villalobos 2011). A study carried on a sample of about 12,500 people, 14% agreed to have faced torture from the police in the form of verbal and physical abuse, but only about 32 % of the cases were formally reported (Villalobos 2011).
This trend is a major setback to the fight against this fast-growing vice. Few documents on the cases of harassment caused by police exist. However, a report from the justice department in 2005 revealed that out of the 26,000 cases reported by citizens on the issue, more than 20,000 had merit (Villalobos 2011). This aspect implies that the police continue to assault civilians even in this modern era, which is characterized by various reforms in the police department.
Statistics from the US Justice Department released in 2002 indicated that in the year 2000 alone, more than 422,000 people of 18 years and above faced police torture or threat thereof (Villalobos 2011).
This number is high in such a developed country. Another report tabled by the Amnesty International in 2006, indicated that in prisons too, police brutality was a common scene as the use of un-muzzled dogs in police cells was a norm (Villalobos 2011). The prisoners were tortured in a bid to force then accept charges for crimes that they had not committed.
Investigations
Investigations about police tortures are done under the watch of the internal police. Considering the existence of the Blue code of silence, which prevents an officer from exposing the wrongs done by a fellow officer, it is clear that the independence of the investigating committee will be compromised, thus leading to a decision favoring the accused officers (Westmarland 2005).
Most decisions so far made by the committees are in favor of the accused officers, and thus a majority of them goes unpunished. A study of the Chicago police on cases of police brutality in 2007 showed that out of more than 10000 police harassments cases reported, only 18% resulted in an action (Villalobos 2011). The study also alleges that the accused officers continue to serve even as the investigation continues.
It also reveals that out of the largest police departments, only 17% have a committee of investigation by civilians (Villalobos 2011). These civilian ran committees have earned public confidence and most victims of torture prefer reporting their cases to these committees as opposed to those ran by the police themselves. Judgments delivered by the committee by the civilians were considered unbiased as opposed to those delivered by the police committee.
Causes
Conventionally, excessive use of force by the American police is directed against African Americans and other minority groups. About 80% of all cases involving police using excessive force on the public involve black Americans (Ritchie & Mogul 2007). Racial discrimination is thus correlated with the key causes of this vice. Reportedly, between 1990 and 1994 alone, more than 450 African Americans died after being tortured by the police (Ritchie & Mogul 2007).
A study carried out in the United States in 1999 revealed that police are more likely to arrest Africans as compared to the Americans. Therefore, it is evident that ethnicity is the key cause of brutality in the country (Ritchie & Mogul 2007). However, cases of police brutality arising out of racial discrimination are decreasing following the rise of human rights groups that protect the civilians’ rights. A good example of such a group is the Amnesty International, which was founded in 1962 with over two million members all over the world.
The enactment of the prohibition Act of 1969, which staged war on drugs, also contributed to the rise of brutality cases as it gave police officers the power to conduct a search on any civilian suspected to be involved in drug trafficking (Westmarland 2005). Police misused this right to harass innocent citizens in the name of conducting searches.
The other cause of police deviance in the United States is lack of clear laws defining the maxims of ‘reasonable force’ (Westmarland 2005). Police will thus use excessive force even where it is not needed in the name of self-defense. The existence of various doctrines and separation of power are other factors that drive police into this misconduct. For example, there is a provision in the American constitution barring the prosecutor from investigating vigorously misconduct by a police officer (Westmarland 2005).
Others include poor police training, religious differences, and political differences. In addition, the provision of the law that places the burden of proof on the plaintiff serves as a contributing factor as well. It is thus difficult for the affected to win a case against a police officer who in the course of his or her training earns some knowledge on the country’s laws.
Cases to support police brutality against minorities
Various incidents support police brutality against the minorities in the United States. One such incident involved a 23-year-old Africa American, Oscar Grant III, who was reported to having been murdered by a police officer in California in the year 2009 (Gahary 2013). In their defense, the police alleged that the man resisted arrest, which forced them to open fire, thus killing him on the spot. The man is said to be unarmed and even the video tapes recorded by the bystanders revealed this view.
This was not the first time that Garner faced harassment from the police, as in 2008, a police officer had knocked him several times on the head leaving him unconscious. The victim died later in 2009, but the impeached officer entered a non-guilty plea and only condemned for 2 years in jail. This case is just an example of how police officers escape charges leveled against them by the minorities.
The other incident believed to be fueled by racial discrimination involved Abner Louima, an immigrant from Haiti. The man allegedly protested against his arrest but the police abused him in the process on enforcing the arrest. In the station, the man was tortured and the officers took him to the bathroom, unclothed him, inserted blunt objects into his small intestine, and dismantled his dental formula as he tried to scream for help (Gahary 2013).
According to eyewitnesses, the man had no injury when the police arrested him, but after being manhandled by the officers, he had to be admitted in the hospital for surgery (Bennett & Livingston 2003). However, the accusations were shelved and the officers involved were charged with first class assault and sexual abuse and were to serve long jail terms.
The third example involves yet another African American, Patrick Hall. The man served in the US military force until his retirement in 2007. After his retirement, he joined the university to further his studies as he operated a hotel business at the city of Macomb.
In the hotel, he employed more blacks than whites. This move raised eyebrows and the police raided the hotel premises severally claiming that the retired officer conducted some illegal activities. In their searches, police would subject Hall to all forms of torture and intimidation (Gahary 2013).
This went on for a long period and made the running of the business very difficult. His civil rights were infringed and it became evident that not only the police were against him, but also other authorities since when he tried to file a suit against this humiliation, it was opposed and he was forced to close down his business and leave the city to seek refuge elsewhere.
The 19th century, specifically the period between 1962 and 1964, saw the rise of various organizations that worked as sympathizers of minorities in the US. In addition, some leaders like Martin Luther King came out strongly to condemn police aberrancies with the strongest words possible.
During the same period, the blacks living in the US formed the Black Panther Party to defend their rights. This party became the most vigorous movement and it engaged police in several tussles resulting in the deaths of more than 30 civilians and about 15 police officers in 1963 (Gahary 2013).
Police brutality in other countries
Police brutality is not just an American problem, but it cuts across the world nations. It is even severe in the developing countries where dictatorship form of governance still exists. Police in these countries use force without facing the law as even the leaders support such brutality.
In most developing countries, there exists no separation of power between the judiciary and the executive, thus the executive is in a position to influence the outcome of a suit filed against its law enforcers even where enough evidence is available. This aspect together with other factors drives the police department into exploiting the citizens.
A report released by Amnesty International showed that countries with authoritarian regimes are the most affected by this problem. Their cases are similar to that of the US as colleague officers carry out investigations, and thus there is a tendency of the cases favoring the accused at the expense of the victim of torture (Bennett & Livingston 2003).
For example, in the UK, a police officer reportedly murdered a New Zealand teacher in 2010, but the investigating committee set by the government to probe into the matter favored the law enforcer (Segan 2013).
In their report, they claimed that it was impossible to identify the actual killer as the other police officers refused to give the necessary information that could lead to the identification of the suspect. This incidence is not the only case involving police brutality in the UK. In 2009, the media reported on a man who received beatings from the police.
Allegedly, police officers hit him with a blunt object in the forehead before beating him to death. The officer connected to the demise of the victim was immediately arrested and charged with manslaughter, but was he later released unconditionally despite the evidence of a video clip taken by a bystander (Segan 2013). This aspect poses the question on when this deviation by the police will end.
Police cruelty is also common in Serbia. In this country, most severe cases involving public mistreatments by the police have been recorded as the citizens demonstrated against the leadership of the then President and subsequent governments (Segan 2013). During this period, huge numbers of deaths were reported with many other citizens sustaining serious injuries in the hands of the police. In July 2010, a film taken by journalists showed police publicly assaulting five demonstrators.
The five were arrested, chained, and then taken to the police cells where they were subjected to serious beatings for over an hour. In an interview with the media, the then internal security minister denied these allegations terming them as exaggerations by the media aimed at tarnishing the reputation of the police force (Segan 2013). This realization is a clear indication that police liaise with leaders to deprive citizens of their rights, by giving the law enforcers the right to do anything without being held accountable.
In India, police brutality cases were higher in the 19th century as compared to the contemporary times. In 1930, police ordered a truck driver to run on Babu Genu, an Indian citizen, who worked at a cotton factory (Bennett & Livingston 2003). The reason behind the killing was that the man was a leader of a group of demonstrators opposing the importation of clothes. In 1983, police killed a suspect of drug trafficking in Mumbai in yet another incident of brutality (Bennett & Livingston 2003).
The suspect neither had weapons at the time of the killing nor the drugs he was being accused of peddling. Additionally, the police never gave the suspect a chance to surrender or even defend himself as required by law. They opened fire and sprayed more than 50 bullets to the man, thus killing him on the spot (Bennett & Livingston 2003).
The most recent case involving police brutality in the country occurred in January 2014. A video clip posted on the police website by a strong political party in India concerning the incidence showed police officers harassing a person to the extent of stealing from him (Segan 2013).
Finland is another country with a history of police misconduct. The situation was fueled by the supremacy battle between capitalists and communists that was evident in the 1920s. From time to time, police engaged communists in tussles as communists staged demonstrations opposing the capitalists’ leadership.
Inadequacy of police officers and lack of equipments are other factors that cause police to use force in their duties. In recent cases, police have been videotaped harassing civilians in the country. In 2006, a police officer was charged in connection with seducing an underage girl and subsequently raping her (Balko 2012).
This incidence is not the only case illustrating police brutality in Finland. In 2007, an immigrant from Iran was arrested and tortured by police in Pasila city. The victim suffered several fractures as police beat him to accept false charges leveled against him. Ironically, the officer responsible for the beating was only sentenced to 80 days of job suspension (Balko 2012).
The same police brutality issues are common in Indonesia. As opposed to other countries, in Indonesia the problem is fueled by religious differences. Muslims living in the country are seen as criminals, and thus are the most targeted by the law enforcers. A suspect from Muslim religion, if arrested, is killed on the spot (Campbell, Chidester, and Bell & Royer 2004).
Police brutalities directed to journalists involved in the coverage of these events have also been reported. In 2012, police beat a journalist for attempting to take a video as they tortured a civilian. In the same year, police officers opened fire on Muslim demonstrators killing five people and injuring several others (Balko 2012). Indonesia lacks an independent body to handle complaints of police misconduct, thus most officers escape without facing the law.
Egypt is another good example of countries that police brutality is common. Allegedly, the number of police officers is inadequate to control the ever-rising population, which is one of the reasons why the police officers have resulted in using force to contain criminal acts.
However, this assertion is only an excuse to divert the attention of the international community from demanding an explanation to some of these matters. The most memorable incident involving police misconduct in the country occurred in 2011 when citizens took to the streets pushing for police reforms. The demonstrators engaged police in running battles for over an hour until the officers opened fire killing hundreds of them and injuring many others.
Conclusion
Police brutality is a major problem facing almost every country in the world. Cases involving police misconduct are on the increase despite efforts by various human rights activists to curb the situation. There has been reluctance by some nations in adopting universal human rights standards that will be applicable in all countries worldwide.
For example, the United States and Somalia have downplayed regional and international treaties brought forth in an effort to terminate this problem. Clear laws governing the conduct of police ought to be adopted and applied in each country across the world. In addition, there should be well-defined penalties for officers found guilty of mistreating members of the public.
Bennett, W. & Livingston, S. 2003, ‘Editors’ Introduction: A semi-independent press: government control and journalistic autonomy in the political construction of news’, Political Communication, vol.20 no.4, pp. 359-362.
Campbell, S., Chidester, P., Bell, J. & Royer, J. 2004, ‘Remote control: How mass media delegitimize rioting as social protest’, Race, Gender & Class, vol. 11 no. 1, pp.158-176.
Davis, P. 1994, ‘Rodney King and the decriminalization of police brutality in America: direct and judicial access to the grand jury as remedies for victims of police brutality when the prosecutor declines to prosecute’, Maryland Law Review, vol.53 no.2, pp. 271 – 357.
Medina, J. 2012, ‘In years since the riots, a changed complexion in South Central’, The New York Times, p. 46.
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Segan, S. 2013, ‘What is excessive force’, ABC News. Web.
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Villalobos, J. 2011, ‘Promises and human rights: The Obama Administration on immigrant detention policy reform’. Race, Gender & Class, vol. 18 no.2, pp.151-170.
Westmarland, L. 2005, ‘Police ethics and integrity: Breaking the blue code of silence’, Policing and Society, vol. 15 no.2, pp.145-165.
Critical Assessment of Proposals of New York State, Nassau County, Suffolk County, New York City, BLM, Minneapolis Policies
Police violence and brutality have long been a problem in the United States, but it was the killing of an unarmed black man George Floyd that triggered mass protests in 2020. The events raised the awareness of the dire need to reimagine policing itself and address its systemic faults, so multiple proposals across the country followed suit. One of the most resonant aspects of George Floyd’s case was the police officer’s long history of misconduct with numerous complaints filed against him.
Yet, they did not soil the officer’s image, nor did they compromise his employment. In response to this unfair circumstance, New York State repealed the 50a 1976 civil rights statute that kept police misconduct records concealed from the public eye. Nassau County seeks to address the same issue by creating a Civilian Complaint Review Board that would investigate alleged police misconduct and seek special prosecutors.
In the first case, the police union vehemently opposed the repel, saying that exposing misconduct would hurt too many employees’ reputations. Initiatives in Nassau County have also been met with a lot of pushback: pro-police activists formed Back The Blue rallies have been in response (Chiueh, 2020). The ongoing conflict may be understood in terms of radical criminology. The radical theory states that the general interests of the ruling class prevail over the interests of society as a whole. The police protect its own members, often at the expense of broader populations’ safety (Lea, 2016). There is often a legal foundation to such a privileged position; the laws control the oppressed class and mitigate threats to the power of the ruling class.
As reported by Thorne (2020), a new study revealed high rates of racial bias among the police force in Suffolk County. Black drivers were 59% and Hispanic drivers were 16% more likely to be arrested during a traffic stop, the study says (Thorne, 2020). The police department has since implemented training on implicit bias to remove disparities. This initiative is also in line with the radical approach to criminology because it takes into consideration the social struggle between two groups of people. The purpose of training is to make the empowered party more aware of their privileged status and treat vulnerable populations with more fairness.
Mayor di Blasio of New York City, Black Lives Matter, and criminal justice scholars agree that black communities deserve better social services, housing, and education. Together, such measures promise to prevent crime by offering those living in underprivileged communities better options in life. The initiatives are consistent with Hirshi’s understanding of crime within this social control theory. For the scholar, social and familial bonds served as constraints on offending, which is why developing communities may mean creating a self-regulating environment with lower crime rates (Hirschi, 1986).
Developmental and life-course theories may also provide theoretical underpinnings for what Mayor di Blasio of New York City, Black Lives Matter, and criminal justice scholars have in mind. It is argued that there are certain risks and protective factors that predict a person’s inclination to commit a crime (McGee & Farrington, 2016). Increasing funding for vulnerable communities could put a halt to the intergenerational transmission of offending and antisocial behavior.
Lastly, Minneapolis proposes a new Department of Community Safety and Violence Prevention that would take a holistic approach to the issues of public health and safety. Restorative justice concepts will play a decisive role in forming a new vision. Restorative justice means that executing justice should not be confined to punishing the offender (Zehr, 2015). As George Floyd’s case has shown, the effects of police brutality go beyond hurting an individual and their family. His killing has had a profound impact on American society and started a heated discussion about the functioning of the police. Restorative justice provides a framework for involving all parties affected by the crime – victims, offenders, and communities (Zehr, 2015). Together. they can understand each other’s needs and address them in the aftermath of a crime.
Critical Assessment of Policies in Newark, New Jersey
Newark, New Jersey, has approached the issue of police brutality and citizens’ distrust of the police with utmost seriousness even before the George Floyd tragedy. Season 34 Episode 10 of the Frontline series titled “Policing the Police” and aired in 2016 provides a look inside the Newark Police Department in New Jersey. The same year, the Consent Decree came into power prohibiting police officers from illegal stops and frisks that have been disproportionately affecting Black and Latino males. The Consent Decree was followed by new practices, one of which involved hiring former gang members to form a Street Team for Community Intervention and conflict resolution.
Two criminology theories may serve as a theoretical foundation for such a decision. Firstly, the rehabilitation theory states that the purpose of punishment is not to inflict pain and mental suffering on the offender but to treat and train them. The end goal of criminal rehabilitation is to help a person return to society and function as a law-abiding citizen (Hudson, 2016). Secondly, the theory of collateral consequences elucidates that the punishment that offenders receive goes well beyond their time behind the bars. They have to wear the label their entire life and experience extreme limitations in career choices and other lifestyle options (Kirk & Wakefield, 2018). As shown in Frontline, former gang members can reinvent their lives and apply their knowledge to help dismantle active gangs and rehabilitate those involved.
Another initiative realized in Newark is the introduction of a Civilian Review Board with disciplinary proceedings that has the power of disbarring a police officer of their gun, license, or job. The Board ensures equality and fairness of punishment as well as its imposition, which is in line with Just Deserts Theory (Lanier, 2018). Police officers are often exempt from taking responsibility for crimes and misconduct for which civilians would have to face charges, and the Board seeks to change this disbalance. The new vision created in Newark is guided by the perspective toward street violence as a public health problem fueled by trauma, inadequate social services, and the perpetual cycle of violence.
Policing is seen as not a separate institution but an integral part of the system that includes housing, education, employment, and hospitalization. All these elements shape life events and outcomes and predict crime. For this reason, Newark decides to shift its focus from fighting to preventing crime by creating an environment in which social and familial bonds will put constraints on criminal activity over the life course. Such an approach draws on the theory of social control and the developmental theory of crime.
Policing Reimagined
One of the reasons why George Floyd’s case has been so resonant in the United States is the presence of footage depicting the act of police brutality and the eventual death of the victim from start to finish. The question followed as to whether the killing was an isolated event due to the personal failings of Derek Chauvin or part of a bigger, more insidious problem whose revelation is prevented by the lack of video evidence. When it comes to police fatalities, there are significant gaps in data collection and analysis (Jawando & Parsons, 2014). For this reason, it is extremely challenging to assess the scope of the issue at the national, state, and local level.
The present section proposes a wider adoption of body-worn cameras (BWCs) that has already received a lot of public support (Jawando & Parsons, 2014). Though available across the country, BWCs have been made mandatory by less than half of all police agencies. Widespread use of BWSs promises to reduce police misbehavior, substantiate citizen complaints, and advance the investigation. The initiative draws on the assumptions of the environmental theory of crime developed by Feld and Brantingham. The theory suggests that crime is influenced by the circumstances of a person’s spatial environment (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993).
It has long been established that certain areas are more criminogenic than others, and upon further investigation, one typically discovers that the said areas do not have sufficient surveillance and protection (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993). It is possible that police officers misbehave because they know that there will be no evidence. In this case, the lack of body-worn cameras may predispose certain employees to use excessive force when handling civilians.
Literature Review
Body-worn cameras (BWC) is a well-researched intervention with an extensive body of scientific literature to support it. Mascaly et al. (2017) and Lum et al. (2019) provide a state-of-the-art review of existing research on the use of body-worn cameras by the police force. The scholars conclude that multiple sources hint at the benefits of BWCs such as citizens’ increased willingness to report crimes to the police, lower rates of force use (up to a 37% reduction), and a reduction in response-to-resistance incidents as well as serious external complaints.
The findings made by Ariel et al. (2015) draw a similar picture. Ariel et al. (2015) conducted a randomized control study in which officers in the “treatment group” were equipped with body-worn HD cameras recording all their interactions with the public during their usual shift. The officers who wore BWCs were less inclined to use force; the experiment has also led to plummeting citizen complaint rates from 0.7 per 1,000 contacts to 0.07 per 1,000 contacts. Ariel et al. (2015) suggest that the study may offer law enforcement a useful method for behavioral modification that will not only deter the incidence of force response but also increase citizens’ trust in the police.
BWCs have the potential of yielding long-term benefits lasting years after the initial introduction. A longitudinal randomized control study by White et al. (2017) confirms this assumption. The scholars recruited 150 officers from the Spokane (WA) Police Department and assigned half of them to the intervention group, which meant that they had to wear BWCs. The scholars could observe improvements even three years after the deployment. The share of officers with a complaint was lowered by 78% in the intervention group while the percentage of officers who used force responses fell by 39%. Despite a commonly held view that BWCs trigger aggression, White et al. (2017) recorded no injuries related to the use of technology.
Despite the documented advantages of body-worn cameras, one cannot dismiss studies that suggest otherwise. Yokum et al. (2017) investigated the effects of BWCs in one of the largest US police departments with almost four thousand sworn members and a resident population of over 680,000. The scholars carried out a randomized controlled trial in which 2,224 Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) officers in Washington, DC were randomly assigned to the control and intervention groups. The latter wore BWCs as they proceeded with their daily professional duties. It was specified that the participants in the intervention group had to turn on their BWCs at the start of any call on their mobile data computer (MDC) self-initiated police action.
Yokum et al. (2017) concluded that the use of BWCs did not significantly affect any of the four dependent variables: police use of force, civilian complaints, policing activity, and judicial outcomes. There may be multiple explanations for such an outcome, ranging from officers’ general non-adherence to the positive changes that had already been made to the police department reducing the added value of BWCs. The study findings suggest tempering expectations of widespread use of BWCs and focusing on specific policing scenarios in which they may come in handy. All in all, BWCs are not the end-all-be-all of police crime deterrence and may have to be accompanied by further measures.
References
Ariel, B., Farrar, W. A., & Sutherland, A. (2015). The effect of police body-worn cameras on use of force and citizens’ complaints against the police: A randomized controlled trial. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 31(3), 509-535.
Brantingham, P. L., & Brantingham, P. J. (1993). Environment, routine and situation: Toward a pattern theory of crime. Advances in Criminological Theory, 5(2), 259-294.
Hirschi, T. (1986). On the compatibility of rational choice and social control theories of crime. The Reasoning Criminal: Rational Choice Perspectives on Offending, 105-118.
Hudson, B. (2016). Justice Through Punishment?: Critique of the Justice Model of Criminal Conventions. Macmillan International Higher Education.
Jawando, M.L., & Parsons, C. (2014). 4 Ideas That Could Begin to Reform the Criminal Justice System and Improve Police-Community Relations. Center for American Progress. Web.
Kirk, D. S., & Wakefield, S. (2018). Collateral consequences of punishment: A critical review and path forward. Annual Review of Criminology, 1, 171-194.
Lanier, M. M. (2018). Essential criminology. Routledge.
Lea, J. (2016). Left Realism: A radical criminology for the current crisis. International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 5(3), 53.
Lum, C., Stoltz, M., Koper, C. S., & Scherer, J. A. (2019). Research on body‐worn cameras: What we know, what we need to know. Criminology & public policy, 18(1), 93-118.
Maskaly, J., Donner, C., Jennings, W. G., Ariel, B., & Sutherland, A. (2017). The effects of body-worn cameras (BWCs) on police and citizen outcomes. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 40(4), 672-688.
McGee, T. R., & Farrington, D. P. (2016). Developmental and life-course theories of crime. The handbook of criminological theory, 336-354.
Zehr, H. (2015). The little book of restorative justice: Revised and updated. Simon and Schuster.
Yokum, D., Ravishankar, A., & Coppock, A. (2017). Evaluating the effects of police body-worn cameras. Washington, DC: The Lab@ DC, 20, 1-32.
White, M. D., Gaub, J. E., & Todak, N. (2018). Exploring the potential for body-worn cameras to reduce violence in police–citizen encounters. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 12(1), 66-76.
Police brutality is associated with the use of excessive force to inflict pain on citizens. Thus, the United Nations objects to human rights infringement because police should only apply pressure in suspects’ resistance. Innocent civilians suffer from shootings that could be avoided if officers acted decisively (Graham et al. 556). Constitutional reforms and amendments advocate for justice and accountability from law enforcement agents. Civil rights movements are vital in ensuring service members who breach law and are held accountable for harassment and torture of innocent citizens.
Police officers strive to maintain order and ensure adherence to the laws of the state. Despite police earning praise for ensuring compliance with the law, they perpetrate evils against civilians. The illegality demonstrates unnecessary force against civilians who could otherwise cooperate-police brutality range from assault, intimidation, torture, and murder in extreme instances. The injustices date back to the late 19th century when working class and poor citizens lamented on discriminatory acts from crooked officers. In the early 20th century, Jewish alongside other immigrants, complained of unfair treatment of their members in the United States (Cunningham and Gillezeau 17).
In the 1920s, Italian-immigrants were tackled violently by urban police agents (Cunningham and Gillezeau 17). Major cities affected by the crackdown include Chicago and New York as police unleashed extralegal tactics. In 1943, civilians from the United States were involved in zoot suit riots after police attacked Mexican Americans (Cunningham and Gillezeau 17). The law enforcement units were required to be responsible and accountable to all civilians without discrimination.
The United Nations on Curbing Police Violation of Human Rights
The United Nations devised measures to curb police brutality as a result of widespread demonstrations and activism. Civilians should follow the law in as much as their rights and enshrined freedom in the Constitution. The standards observed the right to democracy and addressed the need for representation (Lee 651). Furthermore, they emphasized morality to restore public order and meet general welfare in society. It mandated police with protecting everybody against illegal actions, therefore, retaining the dignity of citizens.
Additionally, the regulations barred service members from discrimination due to race, religion, language, gender, color, and wealth. To enhance accountability, the United Nations stated that superiors were to review firearms and force by their subordinates. However, senior officers were required to issue orders following the law. If service members violated the law, they would not gain immunity for stating they were acting under their supervisors’ instructions.
The Specific Case of Police Brutality
The murder of George Floyd spurred widespread demonstrations against police brutality. In Minneapolis, the prosecution of an officer who killed George Floyd concluded within a short period. Civilians disseminated evidence in the form of a video where the victim was unarmed. The criminal process was completed expeditiously, unlike the past complaints on police misconducts which used to be taken to internal affairs before being forwarded to a trial board.
For an officer to be dismissed and sentenced, it has to be proven the action is extreme (Graham et al. 556). Following George Floyd’s killing, the officer responsible was fired and faced murder charges. In addition to the charging of Derek Chauvin, three other officers were prosecuted for aiding the murder. ‘Black lives matter’ as a movement was galvanized with solidarity from the international community through social media.
Impact of George Floyd’s Murder on the Society
Corporations joined in solidarity with the ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement, which included English premier league clubs like Arsenal. The Human Rights department of Minnesota initiated changes in how the police carried out their practices from the past decade. Moreover, the city council intends to reform the police section to be service-oriented towards the community members. Specific instances include house speaker Nancy Pelosi, authorizing to remove her predecessor’s portraits from the United States Capitol.
The national football league heightened attention to cases related to racism which had been ignored before. The approval rate for demonstration by ‘Black Lives Matter’ gained momentum from 37% in 2017 to 52% in 2020 (Lemaire). Opposition to the movement declined to 30% in 2020 from the previous 41% in 2017 (Lemaire). Advocacy for police defunding sailed after the mayor of New York City agreed to divert to social services. Finally, fundraising activities were initiated to raise the funding of bail amounts for protestors. For instance, George Floyd’s fund surpassed its initial target on the website and became the most followed page.
The health sector has strained as a result of violence from law enforcement agents. The number of victims taken to hospitals is reportedly high, even though it could be reduced. Several lives have been claimed, as statistics show that 1000 people are killed annually by servicemen in the United States of America (Graham et al. 556). Compensation to the families of the victims increases the burden on the taxpayers, unlike the insurance of the violent officers.
Further, the police department’s reputation has been tainted; thus, society has lost its trust in the police force (Cunningham and Gillezeau 17). Besides, the community is strained psychologically due to harassment from the police. Finally, because of assault, the victims are unable to continue working. There is a need to reconstitute the police force into service to humanity. Security apparatus can be accountable and ensure the maintenance of law does not victimize civilians.
Works Cited
Cunningham, Jamein P., and Rob Gillezeau. “Don’t Shoot! The Impact of Historical African American Protest on Police Killings of Civilians.” Journal of Quantitative Criminology, vol. 37, no. 1, 2019, pp. 1–34. Web.
Graham, Amanda, et al. “Race and Worrying About Police Brutality: The Hidden Injuries of Minority Status in America.” Victims & Offenders, vol. 15, no. 5, 2020, pp. 549–573. Web.
Graham v. Connor, 490 U.S. 386, is a court case that took place in the USA in 1989. Graham sued a police officer, Connor, for an inappropriate manner of making an investigative stop. In this essay, a summary of the Graham and Connor case and the decision of the court will be introduced. Also, ethical issues and the reasons why this case is unethical will be discussed. At the end of the paper, a conclusion that summarizes the main ideas of this paper will be included.
The situation that resulted in the judicial proceedings happened to a man, Graham, and a police officer, Connor. When Graham was trying to buy some orange juice in the store, the police officer became suspicious about Graham’s behavior and decided to stop him for investigation. During this investigation, Graham felt sick as he had diabetes and needed to eat something sweet. However, Connor allowed him neither to drink the juice nor to get the medicine, which resulted in the deterioration of Graham’s health conditions.
Eventually, Connor could not find any crime that was allegedly committed by Graham and let him go. After the investigation, Graham had a broken foot, an injured shoulder, and a number of bruises on his body. Therefore, he appealed to the Supreme Court to claim his civil rights.
The decision of the Supreme Court did not support Graham, as it stated that, according to the Fourth Amendment, detentions and investigative stops imply using physical force (Logel, 2018). The court also added that there is a list of situations when police officers’ use of force is considered reasonable. It should be decided by a police officer if using force is justified in a particular case or not (Obasogie & Newman, 2018). Therefore, it could not be determined if the use of force was reasonable as it happened in the past, and there were no court representatives at that moment.
Even though this case is considered a law enforcement case, it can be called unethical because some moral principles were violated by the police officer. There are a number of law enforcement ethical issues that police officers are faced within their daily life. These ethical issues include off-duty life, which implies that they have to act all the time professionally, even when they are not working. It also includes dealing with contradictions between law and people’s rights and profiling when a police officer has just a few seconds to make a decision about further actions.
One of the most significant ethical issues is using necessary force. As it was mentioned above, all police officers have the right to use necessary force in the process of detention or investigative stop. However, the officers have to be sure that the use of force is justified, as it is stated in the Fourth Amendment. It turns out to be difficult as, in most cases, police officers have only several seconds to decide what level of force should be used.
Necessary force is the ethical issue that the police officer, Connor, raised when he decided to stop Graham for investigation. Indeed, it is difficult to determine what level of force was supposed to be used by the police officer when the situation happened. There were no court representatives or any other legal officers there at the time that could make a professional and unbiased judgment about Connor’s actions. However, according to the information about this case, it can be suggested that Connor used excessive levels of force. It means that he used violence to arrest an unarmed person who was not offering violent resistance (Gerber & Jackson, 2017).
In case this suggestion is correct, Connor appears as a police officer who failed to make the right decision about the level of force that should have been applied to Graham. It is worth noticing that unnecessary brutality and unjustified use of force by police officers result in the loss of respect and public confidence in them (Rosenbaum, 2016). To avoid this scenario, there is a number of reforms implemented in the US in terms of police administration in the 20th century. Nevertheless, situations similar to the case of Graham and Connor still take place in the US.
Another unethical factor of this court case is that the police officer, Connor, dealt with a very sick man who needed help. Preventing a seriously ill person from getting medical help is a violation of the moral principles of human beings. Therefore, this behavior can be considered unprofessional, immoral, and unethical. Police officers are supposed to work not only with criminal cases but also assist people with a wide range of social problems, which includes aiding sick people (Lamin & Teboh, 2016).
Trying to perform one of his duties and prevent imaginary crime allegedly committed by Graham, the officer failed to deliver another duty and help this individual to get medical help. Moreover, the fact that Graham did not feel well and fainted shows that he could not actively resist Connor, and there was no need to use force.
One more piece of evidence of the unethical behavior of the police officer is the abuse of his authority. Even though Connor had the right to stop Graham for investigation, it is obvious that there were no important reasons to do this. Connor did not explain what kind of crime Graham was suspected of and when he would be free to go. In other words, not only the use of force toward Graham is unjustified but also his detention next to the store. Thus, taking into account that there were no crimes to be investigated, it is possible to assert that Connor violated Graham’s civil rights.
Thus, it is evident that this case has several ethical issues. While there is no available data about testimonies of all the participants and witnesses of the case, more details about it are absent. Nevertheless, judging by the information about the case provided in social media and some research sources, it can be suggested that Connor did not follow described ethical principles.
Consequently, it can be concluded that the Graham v. Connor, 490 U.S. 386 case is unethical because Connor failed to follow some ethical and moral principles. These principles are the reasonability of using necessary force, aiding sick people, and abuse of authority. Unfortunately, judging by the information open to the public, these aspects were ignored by the police officer. However, it is necessary to stress that sticking to ethical principles is crucial for police officers as it facilitates public trust and helps in the decision-making process.
References
Gerber, M., & Jackson, J. (2017). Justifying violence: Legitimacy, ideology and public support for police use of force. Psychology, Crime & Law, 23(1), 79–95.
Lamin, S. A., & Teboh, C. (2016). Police social work and community policing. Cogent Social Sciences, 2(1). Web.
Logel, C. (2018). Cracking Graham: Police department policy and excessive force. Berkeley Journal of African-American Law & Policy, 20(27), 27–48.
Obasogie, O. K., & Newman, Z. (2018). The futile Fourth Amendment: Understanding police excessive force doctrine through an empirical assessment of Graham v. Connor. Northwestern University Law Review, 112(6), 1465–1474.
Rosenbaum, D. (2016). Special issue on police integrity: An introduction. Policing: An International Journal, 39(2). Web.
Instances of police brutality often create a tremendous resonance within the affected community. The events including Breonna Taylor and her death due to excessive force by police officers in Louisville, have generated significant outrage from African-American representatives (Green et al., 2021). Breonna’s partner stated that as the police did not identify themselves, he presumed that burglars were attempting to enter the apartment and fired a legally owned firearm in self-defense. While returning fire, the officers shot Breonna eight times, resulting in her death. Given that this event’s circumstances imply the fault of police representatives, who presumably acted upon racist stereotypes, the African-American community was severely impacted by this incident. Numerous protests and social campaigns were gathered in support of Breonna Taylor and her partner, with activists supporting the eradication of hurtful attitudes evident in multiple police endeavors (Hoofnagle et al., 2020). The created tensions substantially damaged the already declining relationship between police officers and African-Americans, causing further conflicts.
Although deviance might have negative repercussions for a community, originating the decrease of social stability, it can also demonstrate the norms’ injustice. The strain theory can excellently explain the numerous protests and riots initiated by African-American representatives who lack the cultural means of attaining a proper education, job opportunities, and other necessary objectives (Huck et al., 2017). Moreover, the access to illegitimate opportunity structures and the demand to use these possibilities to accomplish an appropriate level of well-being, as suggested by Cloward and Ohlin, frames African Americans as deviants and criminals (Huck et al., 2017). However, the opportunity to achieve social change and establish a proper level of racial tolerance is often considered a substantial benefit of deviant behavior, as suggested by the rational choice theory. From this perspective, even though the movement towards eliminating racial disparity began as a deviant action, it can further alter society, promoting racial acceptance. The events highlighting racial injustice could positively influence our society, maintaining an appropriate level of awareness regarding the issues encountered by African-Americans and prompting a change in police behaviors.