Category: People

Nowadays any attempt to consider social group identity means that social class cannot be avoided for long (Weltman, 2008). Indeed, class is one of the few concepts that we are able to recognise, understand and employ in every context (Biressi et al, 2013). Social class refers to divisions in society that are ultimately based on economic and social status. As social class is an issue that is so rampant in society and is “lived, formed and challenged” everyday (Scharff, 2008:332), it is therefore clear that the media holds an extreme importance in its construction to audiences. Thus, it is paramount that the constructions of social group identities such as class being portrayed via key media channels are analysed thoroughly. This essay will outline the construction of working-class groups on TV in their position in contrast to their peers in university institutions. In order to do this fully, various topics will be considered such as elitism based on social capital, working class stigma, the concept of habitus dislocation (Baxter & Britton, 2001; Lehmann, 2007b) and imposter syndrome. In order to fully answer the question of how the media constructs social class, this essay will use a semiotic approach to a critical discourse analysis and look to the BBC drama ‘Normal People’ to explain how these issues mentioned are presented through the main characters of Connell and Marianne and how these constructions exemplify the existence of the middle/working-class divide evident in contemporary university institutions.

Lehmann (2009:633) notes that class remains “a factor that profoundly shapes individuals lives, their experiences and their identities.” Therefore, it is no surprise that many entertainment channels have taken to express social class through portrayals of characters who hold positions of middle and working class. Hence, this duplication of real-life issues therefore ultimately concretises the evident divisions that are shown every day. This is particularly true regarding the prominence of class in the BBC drama ‘Normal People.’ Adapted from the best-selling book, ‘Normal People’ tells the story of Marianne Sheridan and Connell Waldron; two students trying to find one another through the struggles of social and class divides. Connell’s mother is employed as the cleaner for the upper-middle class Sheridan family; thus we are reminded constantly of the class divisions between the two protagonists. However, whilst the issue of class is undoubtedly existent throughout based on this, the struggles of class divisions are projected when the main characters move to Dublin for University at the overwhelmingly middle-class Trinity College. From this point, class divisions are easily observed and very reminiscent of real life working and middle-class detachments in multiple ways.

A main way in which this is shown is through the representation of elitism in the contrast between middle and working-class students in the social capital that they hold and the consequent lack of relatability that working-class students feel as a result. Social class and its link to cultural and social capital can be best understood as being “formed through material conditions and economic (in)securities…shaped by early disadvantage or natal privilege” (Biressi et al, 2012:1). This suggests that based on a middle-class privilege, working-class people do not have the “right kind of knowledge or taste” (Lawler, 2005b:797) and that middle-class individuals have greater access to become a subject of value, ultimately positioning working-class groups as foundationally “’other’ to middle-class existence” (Lawler, 2005a, p:431) as a result.

This construction of working/middle-class divisions based on social capital is evident within ‘Normal People.’ For example, by analysing the use of clothing within the programme, we see a stark contrast between what Connell wears at university and what outfits his peers are wearing. Connell’s fellow students are all well put-together, wearing “plum chinos and waxed jackets” (Field, 2019) whereas he is seen wearing jeans, t-shirts and tracksuit bottoms and always wearing a backpack, which one student calls “very 90’s” in a patronising tone in order to make a judgement towards him. Biressi et al (2013:18) highlights that “the language of social class continues to be drawn on to label and judge others.” Furthermore, Lawler (2005a) notes that in constructions of working-class identities through mass media, bodies – in “their appearance, their bearing and their adornment” are central in positioning working-class groups lower than their middle-class counterparts in the cultural hierarchy of society. This analysis is clear within the construction of class in ‘Normal People’ and ultimately emphasises the reality in the way in which working class people are often “devalued relative to middle-class identities” (Weltman, 2008:3) and are often viewed by the elite middle-upper class as “little more than personae in a bourgeois drama” (Lawler, 2005a:442). This construction of working-class and its social distinction against middle-class behaviours is further highlighted by the student housing shown. Marianne’s house is inherited from her aunt and the level of quality in the cosy and luxurious furniture along with the warm lighting that cascades through the house undoubtedly symbolises a detachment from the small bed in the shared room Connell’s shared hosing arrangement, described by one character as “brutal.” Ultimately, further aiding in the construction of the middle/working class division that exists at university simply through a distinct difference in material resources (Lawler, 2005a).

Class inequalities in university, however, cannot be concluded as “simply a matter of economic inequality but also as circulating through symbolic and cultural forms” (Lawler, 2005b:797). Therefore, it is important to note that “lower social class is a potential stigma” (Goffman, 1961:145) in which individuals might want to escape from by accumulating ever-important cultural capital to “transcend their status boundaries” (ibid:333). The circumvention of this stigma often presents itself through mass media as lower-class individuals are shown concealing their class group. Ultimately, therefore, allowing for working-class to be often “viewed as a process of becoming” (Weltman, 2008:2), a complex entry into middle-class existence. This stigma that follows working-class students and their desire to evade it in order to bridge the gap between themselves and their middle-upper-class peers most frequently means that people, in attempts to avoid feelings of inadequacy (Aries et al, 2005), involve themselves in typically middle-class activities. Often when settling into university, working-class students will change how they dress and change their dialect or accent, overall adopting new “identities that are more associated with the more elite social classes” (Granfield, 1991:339). Whilst seemingly a negative ideology to change ones existence to fit in, for working-class students, concealment and the changing of identity allows them to “better participate in the culture of eminence that exists with schooling institutions” (ibid:340) and allows them to reap rewards as a result. Thus, highlighting the existence of class divisions within universities and the subsequent impact that it can have on working class-individuals in the fleeing from their own class group.

This concept is prevalent within ‘Normal People’. When Connell and Marianne are at school, Connell is the popular, GAA player who thrives in the mix of class backgrounds whereas Marianne is the cultural outsider. However, when placed in the environment of the predominantly middle-classness of Trinity College, Connell is undoubtedly faced with the stigma surrounding his social class. This is presented early in his college career when following his response of being from Sligo, he is told “yeah, I can see that.” This shows the stigma that surrounds him as a member of the social class and underlines what Biressi et al (2013:1) believe in their statement that class is shaped by “classed judgement of others.” Moreover, the constructions of working-class individuals and their attempts to disassociate with their class is also clear in multiple instances throughout. Whilst Connell is undoubtedly smart, it is through Marianne that he makes the decision to go to Trinity and study English – something abnormal from someone of his social status. Furthermore, whilst at university Connell engages in various typically middle-class activities such as “art galleries, holidays and casual bottles of wine followed by casual political debates” (McCaughey, 2020). Furthermore, Connell eventually secures a scholarship that gives him excess money and allows him to travel around Europe. However, the response from another middle-class character Jamie, in his patronising mockery of how much the scholarship has “changed everything for him” also shows that whilst it is possible for working-class students to adapt their lifestyles and levels of capital to enhance their status, social class, predominantly for working-class groups, is something “in the very core of your being” (Kuhn, 1995:98). Therefore, the construction of class through ‘Normal People’ irrefutably highlights evidence of the existence of lower-class stigma and its existence in university institutions.

Consistent with the constructions of the reality of lower-class groups feeling a level of stigma in middle-class institutions, Bourdieu’s (1977) concept of habitus is relevant. The concept of habitus is explained in that our class level is ingrained in our habits, skills, and dispositions. However, in noting that groups, particularly when portrayed through the media, are likely to have a desire to change this, it overall presents “class as a dynamic rather than static” (Scharff, 2008:332) trait. As although habitus is a product of our early life experience, it is continually “modified by individuals’ encounters with the outside world” (Reay et al, 2009:1105). Therefore, it is often represented that when working-class students move to university and are exposed to vast numbers of people in different social classes, they consequently get a taste for the life of the social elites. As a result, they appear to face a challenge in managing tensions “between social mobility, class loyalty and class betrayal” (Lehmann, 2007:632). Ultimately, introducing the problem of habitus dislocation (ibid). Baxter & Britton (2001:99) note that habitus dislocation is described as “a dislocation between an old and newly developing habitus which are ranked hierarchically and carry connotations of inferiority and superiority.” Therefore, representing an inner conflict within working-class identity in that by adopting a new way of life, working-class people find it harder to relate to their old lifestyle, leaving them disconnected with society.

This issue of habitus dislocation is thoroughly explored through Connell’s college experience in ‘Normal People’. When moving from being part of the popular group in school to a new world at university, his position in the social hierarchy switches significantly and he becomes acutely aware of his social class position in the “rarefield air of the university” (Till, 2019). Furthermore, in a juxtaposition to Marianne’s ability to gravitate towards her new life, Connell finds it a lot more difficult to adjust and simultaneously loses his ability to relate to his life in Sligo. As a result, we see Connell continuously struggle with shyness, anxiety, and depression. We explicitly see his thoughts on the dislocation that he is in whilst talking to a mental health counsellor where he highlights “I just felt like I left Caricklea thinking I could have a different life. But I hate it here and now I can never go back there again.” Through this dialogue, we see that as a member of the working-class community and in his time spent surrounded by middle-upper class individuals, whilst he is not enjoying his new life at university, he feels that he can no longer fit in at home either and therefore feels extremely disconnected to society around him.

As a result of the clear construction of working-class habitus dislocation through the mass media. Another element that is often portrayed alongside of this is the concept of working-class individuals often feeling a strong sense of imposter syndrome amongst their middle-upper class peers. Imposter syndrome refers to feelings of “not belonging, out-of-placeness and the conviction that one’s competence, success and likeability are fundamentally fraudulent” (Breeze, 2018:195). Imposter syndrome and its constructed connection with the working-class students on television is rooted in the “mis(recognition) of the working-class as being of lesser value” and as “particularly suited to specific forms of labour” (Lyle, 2008:320). Therefore, as access to university, both in reality and in television portrayals continues to be constrained by social class (Lehmann, 2007b), the importance of its inclusion in connection with the construction of social group identity is irrefutable. Furthermore, it has been noted that whilst working-class students in their entry into their chosen middle-class establishments is deserved, these students continue to feel like outsiders which ultimately makes succeeding particularly difficult based on the fear of being discovered as incompetent (Senett & Cobb, 1973), thus further highlighting the need for media representation.

The issue of imposter syndrome is dealt with in multiple ways through Connell’s university experience in ‘Normal People’, primarily in the contrast between himself and Marianne. Marianne’s place at Trinity was inevitable and was barely noted in the programme, however Connell’s decision to go to Trinity is a surprise to many. For example, when talking with Rachel’s parents, he is met with shock when they find out his plans to study at such a highly respected university because to them only people of high status could have aspirations like that. Furthermore, Connell’s first few days of university is the prominent theme of a number of episodes and his first time on campus is shown with a soundtrack of climactic orchestral music – signifying the importance of that moment. These examples set the character of Connell up for the forthcoming construction of his class leading him to feelings of imposter syndrome, as it is evident how bizarre it is for someone like him to be there. The contrast between Connell and his course-mates also highlights his feelings of imposter syndrome. Whilst he easily matches, and in some cases surpasses them in academic ability, his inability to connect with them renders him lonely and questioning of his adequacy. We see him struggle with this in a seminar environment where course-mates are speaking eloquently about literature and Connell evidently feels out of his depth, simply stating that he agrees with what everyone else has said. The most explicit example of Connell’s feelings of imposter syndrome however are shown through his relationship with Marianne, highlighting that “class matters both inside and outside the walls of the university” (Fleming et al, 2017:150). It is obvious that Connell questions his self-worth in relation to the divisions between his and Marianne’s class, as shown by his explicit statement that he is “out of [her] social class”. This illuminates the construction of his working-class based imposter syndrome as whilst it is clear that him and Marianne have a connection deeper than societies class restrictions, his imposter syndrome is prolific in his mind. Overall, emphasising that class is inextricably bound to our existence.

In conclusion, it is clear that it is no longer the experts or social elites who control our knowledge about the world, but instead it is largely the representations established and presented by the media (Biressi et al, 2013). Furthermore, whilst it has been argued that we, as a society, are beyond class, it is clear that class remains an ongoing social process that we cannot escape. As a result, the constructions of class on televised media are increasingly important. By studying the constructions of working-class and the apparent division between itself and middle-class in ‘Normal People’, we see a number of important themes. Furthermore, by looking to the codes connoted by Connell in his portrayal of working-class, we see areas that are wholly reminiscent of reality and how university institutions have become a “mechanism of class stratification” (Soares, 2007:182). Thus, whilst it could be argued that television does not provide scope for representation of social group identity, with shows similar to ‘Normal People’ being released more frequently, it is evident that constructions of social class on TV can undoubtedly teach audiences vital information and challenge the “boundaries between entertainment, politics and education” (Biressi et al, 2013:74).

Margaret Thatcher claimed that ‘there is no such thing as society; there are individual men and women, and their families.’ However, I disagree with this statement; our society is founded upon friendships- the binding agent for individuals worldwide. Our friendships are in a constant cycle of formation, maintenance and reparation. Although, below the surface, what are the defining features of these relationships? There has been much deliberation regarding the formation of such a definition; Aristotle, arguably, most accurately reached a definitive answer. In Nicomachean Ethics , he outlined the three types of friendship: utility, pleasure and virtue (‘Aristotelian’); and this remains the most commonly accepted model to date. As alluded to by their titles, utility and pleasure friendships, respectively, centre around the instrumental gains that can be achieved through friendship and the fact that the individual’s pleasure is derived from such interactions. However, Aristotelian friendships are founded upon the mutual exchange of values and interests, they differ from the self-interest at the heart of utility and pleasure friendships and rely upon the mutual benefit of the parties. Such Aristotelian friendships, arguably, represent the friendship ideal – the most desirable form of friendship.

However, with the emergence of new technology (most specifically Artificial Intelligence) many have been left wondering if their human friendships will continue to hold the same value or be overtaken by their relationships with technology. Moreover if, one day, they may befriend robots rather than humans. In this essay, I will argue that human friendship still holds considerable value within society as humans are, currently, incapable of Aristotelian friendships with robots. However, if, and when, this becomes possible human friendship will inevitably diminish in value.

Whilst many philosophers preoccupy themselves with the argument surrounding the ability of humans to befriend robots, the debate also is an inherently moral one. Rather than solely question if humans are capable of such friendship, I believe it necessary to ask if humans should pursue such friendships. In an age of rampant consumerism and a society engulfed by social media, there is the likelihood that robot friendship may soon be marketed to us. Large corporations are already beginning to capitalise upon this new age of technological friendship; Apple’s Siri not only tells jokes on command but also claims, “I’m both your friend and your assistant” and Google’s Assistant states: “I’d prefer to think of myself as your friend, who also happens to be artificially intelligent.”2 In this way, it is debatable as to whether society is already being primed to subconsciously seek friendship from the technology we use, let alone actively pursue it. However, this Bernays-esque attack upon an individual’s subconscious desires is likely to occur without consideration of the larger societal implications, and instead favour capitalism- the value of human friendship diminished within advertisement in order to promote the economic benefits of technological friendship. With the technological revolution of the 21st century, our population is already exceedingly more antisocial than our predecessors; is it really necessary to exacerbate this problem?

Nevertheless, there are many advocates for the active use of AI technology in meeting people’s social needs. Recent research confirmed that young people are now in a state of extended adolescence (age 10 to 24) – synonymous with an extended period of self-discovery. Similar to the childhood imaginary friends of older generations, robots may aid young people in developing their social skills and help them to build confidence, although, in a more modern (technological) context. For instance, the app Replika: My AI Friend is marketed towards young people as a replacement ‘friend’. If AI is designed with this purpose in mind, it could prove to be extremely beneficial. The application could specifically target areas of cognitive (social and personal) development and help young people to mature. As previously addressed, our society is becoming increasingly physically antisocial in nature due to technology; and perhaps, ironically, the way to address this is to use technology to also solve the problem in the long term and use technological friendship to enhance the value of intra-human relations. Social media facilitates society’s ability to experiment with identity; however, this inevitably has to be supported by an acute awareness of social skills and how to behave whilst offline. Following this, it is also necessary to consider possible detrimental effects of such technology. By marketing AI as a replacement friend, companies could be discouraging human interaction and, perhaps, the application could become addictive.

Additionally, without an awareness of social skills, there is the danger that our online friendships with AI may overtake those within our day to day lives. Such a ‘corrosion problem’ was identified with the popularisation of smartphones and computers and has continued to intensify with the introduction of social media. Not only does increased use of technology encourage us to withdraw from physical interactions, but critics claim online friendships encourage us to be shallow. There is a fine line between confidence building and the encouragement of hedonistic behaviour. It is in such a way that technology is already verging on forming pleasure and utility friendships with its users; the process of gaining likes and traction on the internet has been directly linked with pleasure, and sustained internet use facilitates this. Consequently, there is the worry that such behaviour could be replicated in the real world as people are unable to separate their online and offline selves.

Upon the introduction of any new consumer-based product, there is always a brief period of apprehension prior to normalisation within society. This process of normalisation becomes clearer when comparing the use of technology at the beginning of the century with today. When Facebook was released, it was treated apprehensively by many, but today is recognised as the most popular social media platform with over one billion users. Perhaps it is not unrealistic to picture a world where children are raised with AI friends and adults use similar technology to supplement their pre-existing friendships. Therefore, if we begin to normalise human and robot friendship, will this change its impact upon society and our ability to forge such friendships? Society already heavily relies upon social media as a means of communicating with others; there is no reason to believe that communicating with AI in this way may not become a similar social norm, as it undergoes socialisation. Whilst AI technology is unlikely to eradicate human to human communication, it is likely that it will diminish the current necessity for it.

Nevertheless, it is necessary to consider the role of deception and the inequality between humans and robots. Aristotelian friendships have been analysed in philosophical literature and an additional list of preconditions to friendship has been produced; the four most commonly stated preconditions are: mutuality, honesty/authenticity, equality, and diversity. In accordance with these preconditions, there is the argument that AI is incapable of fulfilling Aristotelian friendships as it is incapable of possessing an independent inner mental state, and, due to its reliance, to some extent, upon trickery during the pursuit of friendship. Due to AI’s current inability to lead an independent inner mental life, the technology does not possess its own interests, values and concerns to share with humans – deeming it unable to satisfy the mutuality precondition to Aristotelian friendship. Moreover, there are further claims that the technology is unable to meet the equality and authenticity preconditions. For as long as the technology is not fully autonomous, it will never be on ‘equal footing’ with humans (i.e. fully autonomous and conscious beings); and this means they are incapable of being authentic in their interactions with humans. Whilst the manufacturers of the technology may program robots with certain features that intend to convince humans the technology is as equally invested in the friendship as they are (i.e. the robot cares for the individual and is thinking for itself), this is trickery and solely the product of advanced programming. Regardless of features such as varied intonation or human-like gestures, the technology remains no more than pre-programmed software that fundamentally intends to deceive its users and holds nowhere near the same value as intra-human friendship.

As long as AI is managed in this way, humans and robots will be unequal and incapable of satisfying the equality precondition to Aristotelian friendship. The argument regarding authenticity also contradicts the Turning Test , which deems technology to be successful if it is able trick a human into thinking they are talking with another human. This contradiction forces us to consider what exactly society wishes to achieve from the production of AI and inevitably leads back to the same eternal question – what is friendship? Humans will be superior in some ways but inferior in others and this inequality will taint the technology’s ability to forge Aristotelian friendships. Moreover, although it is the weakest argument in relation to such preconditions, it has been argued that for as long as robots have limited ways of physically interacting with us, they will be unable to meet the diversity precondition to Aristotelian friendship. Although, when considering the modern phenomena of online human friendships (commonly pursued over social media), this argument does not hold much weight. Inescapably, the future and value of human-robot friendships hinges upon the technological developments made within AI. Optimists argue that one day robots will be on ‘equal footing’ with humans and achieve the equality precondition to Aristotelian friendship. However, this is dependent upon AI developing to the extent that the technology is fully autonomous and conscious-a tremendous advancement in the capability and complexity of AI. Although, technicians working at Google have claimed that, in accordance with the Turing Test, such technology may be available as soon as 2029.

At the core of all the arguments presented, there is the assumption that friendship must be mutually agreed. Although a somewhat formidable thought, there is inevitably the possibility, in life, that friendship may not be reciprocated; is one-sided friendship still friendship? Despite the utility of Aristotle’s model and its later preconditions, it possesses the foundational flaw that it does not address this possibility. Rather than a robot not being able to authentically reciprocate friendship (which is explicitly covered), what about the circumstance that the technology chooses to not pursue friendship? As outlined previously, there is the real possibility that autonomous AI may become available for public consumption during our lifetime; what is to say that it wants to befriend us? Current debates are so focused upon the ability of humans to befriend technology that the most primitive feature of a friendship has been forgotten; the precondition of mutuality ignoring this fundamentally necessary feature of any friendship. Therefore, the question that should underpin all thoughts on this topic should be: what if we want to befriend robots but they do not want to befriend us?

Overall, it is clear that there is no longer the question of simply if we can befriend robots, but rather what kind of friendships are possible and if it is sensible to pursue them. Human friendship will always hold value in our lives but the extent to which it is valued, in modern society, will alter with technological advancements. Although subconsciously, society already finds itself in utility and pleasure friendships with technology, the central point of debate remains an individual’s ability to forge an Aristotelian friendship with a robot. Whilst this is not currently possible, one day this may be a possibility. Consequently, if and when this day arrives, society must reach a conclusion as to how it wishes to use the technology and the value that will be assigned to such friendships.

Indigеnоuѕ реорlе ѕее no separation between humans and thе nаturаl world. For them, сulturе аnd nаturе аrе thе ѕаmе. Wеѕtеrn сivilizаtiоn, оn thе оthеr hаnd, iѕ dеерlу rooted in thе nоtiоn thаt humаnѕ соntrоl thе оrdеr of thе wоrld and thаt wild, untаmеd areas need tо be conquered оr рrеѕеrvеd, in ассоrdаnсе with the viеwѕ аnd bеliеfѕ оf modern society аnd with little rеgаrd fоr thоѕе whо hаvе livеd оn thе land аnd рrеѕеrvеd it fоr сеnturiеѕ.

Indigеnоuѕ реорlе are not wild, untаmеd bеingѕ. Thеу hаvе their cultural traditions, rеligiоnѕ аnd practices. They аrе thе еxреrtѕ, with еxtеnѕivе knоwlеdgе аbоut their environment, аnd hаvе dеvеlореd соmрlеx рrасtiсеѕ for mаnаging and cultivating nаturаl rеѕоurсеѕ. They mаintаin ѕtrоng, аnсiеnt ties with thеir lаnd -always working with thе land, nоt аgаinѕt it. But thеir rightѕ аrе mоѕtlу ignored, аnd thеir сulturеѕ misunderstood.

Our wоrld hаѕ nоw соmе tо a critical turning роint. It iѕ timе tо begin negotiating with indigеnоuѕ реорlе throughout the world. We nееd to let them into оur innеr сirсlеѕ аnd to ореn our hеаrtѕ and our mindѕ to thеir ѕресiаl knоwlеdgе аnd wisdom. Fоr thеу аrе the оnеѕ thаt will hеlр turn оur broken world аrоund. Thоugh they are lаrgеlу invisible, they share the еаrth with uѕ, and are thеrеfоrе аffесtеd by оur actions. Let thеir vоiсеѕ bе hеаrd. Let uѕ sit ԛuiеtlу and раrtаkе of thеir knowing ѕо thаt wе may оnсе аgаin livе whole, with respect аnd care оf our еаrth аnd оf all lifе forms thаt abide within it.

Wе are аll connected in many wауѕ. Thrоugh оur rеlаtiоnѕhiр to thе earth, to аnimаlѕ, оur hiѕtоrу, mуthоlоgу, оur сulturе and our personal stories. Cоnnесtiоn of People ѕееkѕ to еxрlоrе thiѕ bоnd in all these wауѕ. Wе will diѕсuѕѕ tорiсѕ like organic foods аnd еnvirоnmеntаl issues, tо deeper, metaphysical ѕubjесtѕ. Cоnnесtiоn of People will соntinuаllу аdd tо thе оn-gоing dеbаtе аbоut how wе саn mаkе the соnnесtiоn mоrе арраrеnt аnd stronger than еvеr bеfоrе.

THE SLOWLY VANISHING FIRST PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA

Sonqua, Bushmen, Saake… They have been called by various names by many African tribes and European settlers, who had difficulties in identifying them and their culture. Having inhabited Southern Africa for more than 20 000 years, the San people are the oldest residents of Southern Africa. Their territory was not only limited to South Africa but it also expanded into Botswana, Namibia, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. Although the groups living in these areas had differences, they were connected by a shared history and linguistic.

HOW IT ALL STARTED

The early signs of San tribes were found to date back to Early Stone Age. There were many clans scattered along Southern Africa who lived a migratory lifestyle, making caves their temporary homes as they go along. Before they started domesticating animals, they were very skilled at tracking and hunting. Another skill they developed over time was to investigate and make us of the flora around them for medicinal purposes.

INTERACTIONS WITH OTHER TRIBES

As migrations started to occur in other regions of Africa, the San people subsequently started interacting with them. One of them was Khoikhoi that often gets mixed up with the San People. Unlike the San People, Khoikhoi were able to domesticate animals and live closer to a farming-lifestyle in today’s Western Cape. On the other hand, people of Bantu heritage were also migrating from Central and Western Africa towards the south. They were also much more settled, living in small villages and planting crops. By the 16th and the 17th centuries, the southern half of Africa was populated by three groups: San, Khoikhoi and Bantu.

WHEN EUROPEAN SETTLERS ARRIVED

The struggles for San People had already started when they had to share the space with settled communities, especially Bantu groups. Thus, small battles ensued between the two, which did not end in the favor of the San who were disadvantages in terms of numbers and weapons. Things got much worse with the arrival of European settlers, since they were not able to roam freely and migrate as they liked. Those who were caught or defeated after a battle were forced into slavery. The animals they used to hunt for food were hunted or domesticated by farmers, so they no longer had sufficient access to them. The tribes who refused to join any of the settlements as slaves were put through mass destruction. Overall, they were greatly reduced in numbers, while the remaining people assimilated in the communities that they were placed in.

SOCIAL LIFE

Although San People had no formal authority figures, they would grant leadership to people with experience and respect within the group through voting. Instead of a great leader with absolute power, there would be guides or pioneers in every field from hunting to healing. Decisions would be made after council meetings and debates. The economy was based on gifting or trading goods and services.

Given the scarcity of the resources, they were not picky with the food. Among the animals they hunted down were antelopes, zebras, lions, fishes and insects. They would either roast the meat on fire or place it in boiled water. For water, they were usually collecting rain water using empty ostrich egg shells, digging holes into the ground to search for water or squeezing plant roots to extract moisture.

The most common method for hunting was with bone and arrows. They would poison the tip of the arrow to make the death quicker; however, the poison would not contaminate the meat. They were also good at setting up various traps such as pitfalls with spikes planted underneath. In terms of distribution, it was usually the man whose arrow shot the animal that decided on the distribution of the meat. On the other hand, women were occupied with gathering plants that they cooked for their immediate families. Despite the segregation of labor in social life, hunting and plant-gathering were unisex activities. Women were able to participate in hunting and men were able to help women with gathering plants.

In fact, the women were treated with respect and a sense of equality to the extent that they would be able to make decisions on behalf of their families, own water holes and foraging areas.

BELIEF SYSTEM

The San beliefs differed from one clan to the other. While some clans believed in a single and powerful entity, other worshipped nature, the Sun and the moon. After-life was also an important concept which they believed in, so they always paid homage to their deceased loved ones.

There were four main types of rituals: a boy’s first kill, a girl’s first period, marriage and trance experience. When a boy killed an eland or an antelope, he would be considered transitioning into an adult. Another interesting ritual was during a girl’s puberty where the women of the tribe would perform a dance that imitated the mating of Eland cows.

Ritual dances and shamanic experiences were of great importance as they were used to practice medicine and observe the effects of herbal medication. The herb extracts would often be hallucinogenic, putting the people into a dream-like state of mind. Then, they would draw the images appearing before their eyes on cave walls. The red paint was usually made of animal fat, milk and blood while manganese oxide and charcoal was used for black and white.

TODAY’S WORLD AND THE SAN PEOPLE

The controversy around the San People still continues to this day, particularly in Botswana. In the 70s, government took a substantial amount of land from San People and reallocated them to pastoral farmers, especially the farmers of Tswana descent. In addition, many San tribes were evicted from Kalahari Game Reserves and forced to relocate. South Africa has also lots of conflicts regarding the San. Because they were given no land-rights, they are mainly living in rural areas and in extreme poverty, being driven into alcoholism, prostitution and crime.

Despite the never-ending struggle, there are also attempts to preserve and resurrect what is left of the San Culture. The rock art and paintings inside hundreds of caves have been taken under protection, while many organizations initiated education centers and museums about the San Heritage.

Video games years ago changed the way people have fun with the creation of home consoles that brought entertainment to families’ televisions. Traditional board games or outdoor activities were no longer the only option for children and adults alike to combat boredom, now they could also enjoy hours of fun on television. With the growing popularity of video games, the market that covered at first expanded to more places to reach most of the world in a business that currently moves millions and millions of dollars a year with new consoles, laptops and games that bring more innovation and fun. Like everything in life, in this great sector have presented both good and bad situations and the more people enter this world, all this becomes more evident. Although the taste for this form of entertainment remains active, it is worth knowing all the perspectives that are held about this industry.

Advantages of Video Games

Video games stimulate the mind, keeping it active during game sessions to solve riddles, logic problems or different types of situations. This also improves concentration and reflexes, all this being useful for some jobs in life. When it comes to decision-making, they also take relevance when elections are held in a few seconds because in some titles the action is very fast. In addition to this, people who play regularly are usually able to perform more than one activity at a time.

In case of suffering from depression or stress, video games end up being a good remedy to relax or on the contrary, take everything you have inside. They are a good alternative for those who want to forget bad experiences for a moment.

The creativity of the players is strengthened because seeing fantastic scenarios or incredible stories has a great influence on the creative development of children and even older people. Integrating 2d game animation into video games not only enhances visual appeal but also enriches storytelling, captivating players’ imaginations and improving engagement. In this sense they also serve to educate and show different worlds, ideologies and even other cultures.

Disadvantages of Video Games

In certain cases, the violent tone taken by some titles may make this phenomenon seem natural, and although it would be a mistake to associate this type of behavior with video games, some will not be able to see the difference. For some people it may be difficult then to distinguish between reality and fantasy and the consequences this may have for their own well-being and that of the people around them can be negative. With the passage of time and advances in technology we can see more realistic games but also people confusing each world.

When a dependency is created by this type of entertainment, to the degree of creating an addiction, the lifestyle of the players can deteriorate so much that even their health is compromised and their interaction with society becomes more complicated.

Online interaction is usually very active but in society, hard-core players find it more difficult to create friendships or simply communicate with others. This can lead them to isolate themselves even from their own family. Moreover, when everyone’s priorities are unclear, video game worlds can become more important than real-life work or studies.

Children who spend a lot of time in front of the computer, television or cell phones can have long or short-term health problems during these prolonged periods without physical activity.

Conclusion

In the end, video games have both their negative and positive points and although there are some prejudices regarding this form of entertainment, it is up to each one to determine what is good or bad in this industry and in that way educate the new generations that grow more closely with a console or a laptop.

Introduction

The Nuer people are an Indigenous people from Sudan now known as South Sudan. Their livelihood is based on the many uses of the cattle. With the environment changing through cycles of droughts and floods, the Nuer people have been able to adapt to the severe changes that come with living in Sudan (Peters-Golden, 2012). Pastoralism is favored over horticulture, although their way of life is a mix of both. The Nuer people live a unique lifestyle from the rest of society as they often are on the move. Their main resource, cattle is easy to transport from one place to another (Peters-Golden, 2012). Their shelter is made up of light material that is built in only a few hours. These factors make them easily able to move to other locations once their pastureland goes bad or the season’s change (Peters-Golden, 2012). The traditional Nuer people depend on one another, through a kin-based society as they don’t follow any type of central political system. The Nuer people have had a past of conflict with other groups. History shows they have had to fight for their right to practice their way of life, whether it was with the British, the Dinka or the current civil war in South Sudan (Encyclopedia, n.d). The warfare with the different groups affected the Nuer people’s culture in a negative way. Many Nuer people have had to leave Sudan and found refuge in other nations. Due to unsolved conflicts between the many groups. The conflict remains unresolved as the Nuer people continue to go through conflict while trying to adapt to the changes in the world today.

Lifestyle

The Nuer people’s way of life is strongly influenced by their use of cattle. Cattle can often be used to settle any type of conflict or retribution (Peters-Golden, 2012). It is used for rituals and used to make many resourceful items from the raw material it can provide. Cattle is given as a gift once a Nuer marriage occurs as a way to connect both, the male and female cattle and family lineage. Due to the unpredictable environment they live in, cattle diseases prevent them from solely depending on pastoralism, therefore horticulture makes up for when the cattle is lost (Peters-Golden, 2012). They benefit off the cattle as they often need to move to new places and the cattle stores the milk within itself, so the Nuer people do not have to carry it (Peters-Golden, 2012). Due to the severe weather in the region of Southern Sudan, they often are on the move transitioning to higher grounds when flooding season begins (Peters-Golden, 2012). Once flooding season ends drought season is upon them, the Nuer people have to move back to lower grounds where they have to find land for their cattle to settle as well as a water supply (Peters-Golden, 2012). The Nuer people believe in “Kwoth” as their god that is guiding their way of life (Peters-Golden, 2012). They sacrifice their cattle to “Quoth” in hopes of well-being and good health (New world encyclopedia, n.d). The Nuer people do not have any political hierarchy dictating their way of life but instead have been very kin-based by depending on one another through a segmentary lineage system. The Nuer people are known to be fighters and are raised from a young age to fight (Peters-Golden, 2012). Due to their way of life, deaths may occur which would result in the intervention of the Leopard-Skin Chief. An individual not connected to the lineage of the village can investigate and dictate what the punishment much be. Often it is the payment of close to 50 cattle (Peters-Golden, 2012). The one who did the killing would remain under the Leopard-Skin Chiefs’ watch until all of the payment was complete, which in many cases took years (Peters-Golden, 2012). The Nuer people today continue to practice the many traditions that were passed down from their ancestors.

The Dinka People

The Dinka people, much like the Nuer people resided in the southern part of Sudan starting in the early 19th century (Peters-Golden, 2012). However, the Dinka peoples were the first to reside in Sudan therefore they were able to attain 10 times more land than the Nuer people had (Peters-Golden, 2012). Starting around 1820, over the next 40 years, the Nuer people would expand their territory taking over much of the Dinka people’s land. Due to the severity of the weather, the Nuer people were often on the move which led them to look for new land (New world encyclopedia, n.d). The Nuer people were successful at raiding Dinka people’s territory based upon the segmentary lineage system they lived by helping them overpower the Dinka people (Peters-Golden, 2012). They used weapons such as spears and club and did ambush-style attacks. The Nuer people and Dinka people shared similar languages and cultures which made it easier to integrate the Dinka people into the Nuer lifestyle (New world encyclopedia, n.d). Cattle raids were often practiced among both of groups (ECC Platform, n.d). As a way restocks on cattle when inventory was low, raids were necessary in order to maintain their lifestyle. The Dinka people were not well equipped to fight back and lost a good amount of their land and cattle to the Nuer people by the end of the 1800s (Peters-Golden, 2012). With the Nuer and Dinka people being two of the largest ethnic groups in Southern Sudan, they have had a history filled with conflict that is still going on today (ECC Platform, n.d).

British

The British impacted the way Sudan would transition into after their attempt at colonizing Sudan. They invaded Sudan in the late 19th century (Encyclopedia, n.d). The Nuer people greatly resisted the British settler’s quest to conquer the Nuer people’s land (Encyclopedia, n.d). The British were not expecting the Nuer people to be so connected with one another despite not having a political hierarchy (Encyclopedia, n.d). This made it very difficult for the British as they were attempting to take control of most of the Nuer people’s land despite their resistance. When the 1920s came, the British continued their quest to conquer the rest of Sudan by bombing many of the Nuer people’s villages who were resisting their order. The British eventually were able to conquer Sudan but struggled to manage the Nuer people due to their unwillingness to become colonized (Encyclopedia, n.d). The British left Sudan giving it its independence in 1956 as tensions were high. The Nuer people did not find peace as a civil war had broken out which they would play a critical role in (Encyclopedia, n.d).

Independence

Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, was led by an Arab-led government (Peters-Golden, 2012). Their goals were to force the Islam religion upon Africans in the southern part of Sudan who originally were christened or Indigenous people (Peters-Golden, 2012). The impact of these policies resulted in a civil war breaking out which led to many people leaving the southern part of Sudan (Peters-Golden, 2012). Many groups were formed as a result of the military actions, one of the most powerful ones, the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement also known as SSLM. The government also attempted to construct a canal to benefit the northern side of Sudan in order to improve its exports (Peters-Golden, 2012). This would have resulted in the Nuer, Dinka and many of the Southern communities losing their livelihood as much of the pastureland would go to waste (Peters-Golden, 2012). The SSLM was successful at stopping the canals from further construction as they argued it would have hurt the environment (Peters-Golden, 2012).

Civil War

Since 1983, the civil war in Sudan cost more than two million lives. The civil war started up the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement known as SPLM which was made up of a dozen leaders who were mostly representatives from the Nuer people or the Dinka people (Peters-Golden, 2012). In 1991, a Nuer member made an attempt to overrule the founder of the SPLM, a Dinka member which led to an outbreak of chaos (Peters-Golden, 2012). After years of war between the two groups, a conference was held looking to find peace (Peters-Golden, 2012). In 2003, an agreement was reached in Washington, D.C during the Dinka Nuer Reconciliation conference ending the civil war (Peters-Golden, 2012). An agreement was made claiming that the Dinka and Nuer would be reflected as “now one people” (Peters-Golden, 2012).

In 2011, Southern Sudan reached its independence when close to 99% of the southern Sudanese population voted for in favor of its independence (Williams, J, 2017). Therefore, the nation split into two, Sudan and South Sudan. With the Nuer and Dinka leading the population of more than 60 different ethnic groups in Southern Sudan, members set aside their personal tensions in order to gain independence from Sudan (Williams, J, 2017). Southern Sudan’s new president, Salva Kiir was from a Dinka tribe and chose to appoint a Nuer member, Riek Machar to be the vice president as a way to reduce tensions between the groups (Williams, J, 2017). The peace didn’t last long as Riek Machar started to criticize the way Salva Kiir was running the country (Williams, J, 2017). This eventually led to more chaos as both members represented their own ethnic group which already had a long historic rivalry. Thousands of people on both sides of the conflict were impacted as a result of warfare as many people lost their lives and others were displaced (Williams, J, 2017). In 2013, Salva Kiir relieved Riek Machar of his role as vice president due to much controversy but the conflict still continued (BBC News, 2018). In August of 2018, Salva Kiir’s party and Riek Machar’s party signed a deal to make peace within the nation which included Machar returning to his role being one of the five vice presidents for South Sudan (Mednick, S, 2018). The reaching of the agreement was a good sign for the Nuer people as not only were they finally looking to reach peace but Riek Machar, a Nuer member would represent as vice president for the country.

Nuer People today

Today, civil war continues in Southern Sudan leaving many ethnic groups facing an uncertain future. The constant warfare going on in Southern Sudan has led many to flee the country in hopes to gain refugee status elsewhere (Peters-Golden, 2012). Sudan holds the world’s most internally displaced population and it is estimated that since 2013 more than 2 million people have searched for refugee status (CFR, n.d). Many Nuer people leaving Southern Sudan will have to learn to live a different lifestyle as it may be more difficult to practice their own way of life in another country. Regardless of the ones who have fled, the Nuer people in South Sudan have to live through constant warfare while trying to live their traditional life (Encyclopedia, n.d). Due to all the conflicts the Nuer people have faced over the past few decades, they are continuing to adapt to the changes that come upon them.

Globalization

The many different events that have transpired over the past few decades have threatened the Nuer people’s traditional way of life. From feuds with neighboring communities, British colonization and civil war, many of the Nuer people fled their motherland country. With that said, the ones who no longer reside in South Sudan are able to practice their traditional way of life. Since the weather in South Sudan cycles from flooding season to drought season, the Nuer people’s way of life has been built on mobility (Peters-Golden, 2012). The use of cattle made it very easy for the Nuer people to get around (Peters-Golden, 2012). The new country the Nuer people may have fled to may not have the same environmental conditions as South Sudan. Therefore, the Nuer people may be forced to change their way of life and not depend so much on pastoralism.

The Nuer people depend on a kin-based society in order to dictate their way of life (Peters-Golden, 2012). When Nuer people settle down in other nations, they may not have all of their family members with them, making them have to be more independent than what they’re used to. The Nuer people residing outside of South Sudan may look for other Nuer members to build a relationship that could be compared to a kin-based relationship.

The Nuer people have been on the move from region to region. About half a million Nuer people were displaced in Ethiopia only to be pushed out due to the Ethiopian revolution. From Ethiopia, many moved to Kenya and the United States of America (Peters-Golden, 2012). Church in the United States of America have played a role in helping the Nuer people resettle (Peters-Golden, 2012). The church would raise money in order to sponsor a Nuer family helping them with their transition (Peters-Golden, 2012).

Conclusion

The Nuer people have such a unique way of life. Their traditional lifestyle has been practiced for decades and continues to this day. Unfortunately, many of the Nuer people today are not able to live the same way as many of their ancestors did. Many Nuer people are being forced to adapt to the changes around them. Due to their way of life built around cattle as well as kinship, they now have the difficult task to find a way to maintain their identity. The Nuer people have been through a lot of conflicts which has led them to change their way of life. Whether it was with their rival neighbors, the Dinka people, who competed for much of the same land the Nuer people used or the British, who attempted to colonize Sudan. The Nuer people stuck together which ended up working in their best favor. The Nuer people continue to struggle with conflict to this day as a rivalry between the Nuer and Dinka people continues to heat up. It is essential that world leaders recognize the importance of the many indigenous groups like the Nuer people around the world. The Nuer people have stuck together and adapted to the changes of their environment while maintaining their traditional rituals that were passed down for decades. With globalization changing the world, the Nuer people are a great example of the many different ethnic groups who are being negatively impacted by globalization.

Abstract

Differently able means a state where a person might be physically or mentally challenged but can do a task in a different way than a normal person. The term “Disabled” was substituted with the new word “Differently able” focusing the fact that though they are challenged in a way they still are capable of performing tasks in a different manner. This report tries to find out the status of differently-abled people, society perceptions towards them and explain the challenges and opportunities for them. People with disabilities face many challenges when integrating into the workforce, overcoming co-workers and employers’ negative attitudes and perceptions is one such challenge.

Keywords: Differently abled, society, perception

The world worries more about disabled people than disabled people do.

-Warwick Davis

The quote means that society are more concerned about differently people than the disabled themselves. Over the years, perceptions towards disability have varied significantly from one community to another. Limited literature in disability history, however, continues to pose a great challenge to students of disability studies in their endeavor to trace the development and formation of perceptions toward persons with disabilities. The terminology used to describe people with disabilities has been changing along with changes in society’s attitudes. Very old terms include; idiot, imbecile and moron. These terms were replaced with “mentally retarded” and “disabled”. In recent years, it has become important to emphasize the individual, not the person’s disability; e.g., “individuals with mental retardation” rather than “mentally retarded people.” People with disabilities want to be recognized for their abilities, not their disabilities. Some individuals prefer the term “differently abled” rather than disabled. According to the World Health Organization(WHO), 15% of the world’s population (1 billion) is estimated to live with some form of disability(World Tourism Organization network,2015). In order to encourage social justice against discrimination and social exclusion- a major problem still faced by differently-abled people in developing countries like our Nepal where hospitality and tourism is a great sources of economic empowerment. United Nation Word Tourism Organization (UNTWO) has outlined rules and regulations worldwide to ensure that differently-abled people are included in tourism and hospitality development and societal planning. Due to the lack of proper knowledge regarding the nutrition, most of the people in rural areas give birth to differently-abled people in our country. In 2011,94% of the total population of Nepal reported having a disability, According to the Nepal Census. Despite the growing population of differently-abled people, they are still unemployed and treated as a burden to their family and society. Though they can do something in a better way, they are not given opportunities or proper places where they can showcase their talents. They are being dominated by their own family, society and even the government as well. Most of the hotels are only focusing on the recruitment of highly qualified people, they are not focusing on the uniqueness on the hospitality business. Inadequate infrastructures, political instability and ineffective or weak promotion are the major obstructions for the differently abled people in the hospitality business in our country. Discrimination against individuals with disabilities appears to continue as a serious problem despite efforts, legislation, and identified benefits of hiring people with disabilities (Geng-qing & Qu, 2003; Ruggeri-Stevens & Goodwin, 2007; Stokes, 1990). It seems that certain individual characteristics (past working experiences, own disability, frequent exposure, and gender) affect individuals’ attitudes toward people with disabilities (Perry, Ivy, Conner, & Shelar, 2008; Unger, 2002) thus potentially leading to decreased discrimination. Employers who had worked in the past with people with disabilities had positive attitudes and were more willing to hire and integrate them into the workforce (Daruwalla & Darcy, 2005; Geng-qing & Qu, 2003; Gilbride, Stensrud, Vandergoot, & Golden, 2003; Unger).

Prior to the twentieth century, social attitudes reflected the view that persons with disabilities were unhealthy, defective and deviant. For centuries, society as a whole treated these people as objects of fear and pity. The prevailing attitude was that such individuals were incapable of participating in or contributing to society and that they must rely on welfare or charitable organizations.

Generally speaking, prior to the late 1800s, people with mental retardation, cerebral palsy, autism, and/or epilepsy resided at home and were cared for by their families. Life expectancy for severely and profoundly disabled individuals was not as long as it is today.

Beginning in the late 1800s, institutions were built by state and local administrative agencies to house people with developmental disabilities. These institutions were usually built on the outskirts of town. Societal attitudes fostered this segregating style of management. Unfortunately, segregation from society further stigmatizes people.

Florida Farm Colony for the Feebleminded and Epileptic was built in Gainesville, Florida in 1920. Management of residents was based on a “custodial” model. They were not integrated into community programs. Obviously, segregation from society is stigmatizing. Attitudes toward Disability

Negative societal attitudes toward people with disabilities are well-documented in the literature (Brodwin & Orange, 2002; Cook, 1998; Frank & Elliott, 2002; Livneh & Antoniak, 1997; Siller, 1976; Smart, 2001; Wang, Thomas, Chan, & Cheing, 2003). Because of the impact of societal attitudes on life experiences, opportunities, and help-seeking behaviors of people with disabilities, negative attitudes toward disability could be viewed as “invisible barriers” to successful rehabilitation (Chubon, 1982). For these reasons, the study of attitudes toward people with disability and validating effective attitude change strategies has continued to be an important topical research area in rehabilitation.

An attitude is viewed as an evaluative statement (favorable or unfavorable) related to a person, object, or event. It is generally agreed that attitudes are composed of the following three components:

• Affective component (feelings—what one feels)
• Cognitive component (beliefs—what one thinks)
• Behavioral component (actual actions—what one does)

Other concepts related to attitude include stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. Allport (1968) defined stereotype as an “exaggerated belief associated with a category. Its function is to justify (rationalize) our conduct in relation to that category” (p. 191). The statement, “Asians are good at mathematics,” is an example of stereotypes held by some Americans. Prejudice is an “aversive or hostile attitude toward a person who belongs to a group simply because he belongs to that group, and is therefore presumed to have the objectionable qualities ascribed to in that group” (All- port, 1986, p. 7). Prejudice may be felt or expressed and may be directed to a group as a whole or to an individual because he or she is a member of that group. Discrimination is defined as the negative action that a person carries out, based on prejudice (Allport, 1954). Excluding people with psychiatric disabilities from employment, residential housing, and political rights are examples of discrimination (Smart, 2001). The term stigma refers to problems of knowledge (ignorance/stereotyping), attitude (prejudice), and behavior (discrimination) (Thornicroft, Rose, Kassam, & Sartorius, 2007). Stigma is a behavioral chain that starts from the stigmatizing mark (e.g., race/ethnicity, gender, disability), progresses through attitude structures (e.g., stereotypes and prejudices), and results in discrimination that is often harmful to individuals with disabilities (Lam, Tsang, Chan, & Corrigan, 2006). Grand, Bernier, and Strohmer (1982) indicated that the relationship between attitude and behavior is highly complex and modified by norms, contexts, habits, and expectations. In the context of disability, emotional, social, personality, and cultural factors also affect our attitudes toward people with disabilities (Livneh, 1982).

Likewise, the individual’s reaction to his or her disability (e.g., anxiety, depression, mourning, grief, denial, passivity, dependency, aggressiveness, withdrawal, compensation, and coping mechanisms) may also affect the reaction of people without disabilities (Livneh, 1982). Attitudinal Sources of Negative Attitudes toward Disability Livneh (1982, 1988) traced the origins of negative attitudes toward people with disabilities by reviewing the disability and rehabilitation literature and identified several major attitudinal sources that can be perceived in terms of cause-and-effect relationships by people without disabilities. An understanding of the complexity of the interacting factors contributing to the formation of negative attitudes toward people with disabilities may help researchers better develop and validate effective strategies for changing negative societal attitudes toward people with disabilities. The major Sociocultural conditioning. People are influenced by societal and cultural norms, standards, and expectations of physical attributes (e.g., beauty, physical ability, wholeness); productivity and achievements; socioeconomic status; and health status.

Any major deviation from these culturally conditioned expectations often leads to the formation of negative attitudes and status degradation. Because some of the consequences of a disability can include physical changes, reduction in productivity, unemployment, and secondary health condition issues, these deviations from cultural values and expectations held by members of society lead to stigmatization of people with disability Childhood influences. The child-rearing practice of parents in the western world can also lead to negative attitudes toward people with disability. This is because childhood experiences related to emotions and cognitions can influence the growing child’s beliefs and value system. Parents’ preoccupation with health and normalcy could instill fear and anxiety toward sickness, illness, and disability in their children, leading them to avoid people with disablity and to associate them as transgressors.

Psychodynamic mechanisms. People without disabilities may expect people with disabilities to grieve for their loss to preserve the societal value of all the importance of a functioning body. Any resistance to conform to this “requirement of mourning” and the need to adjust to such a “misfortune,” or the rejection of the “suffering role” will meet with negative attitudes from people without disabilities. Other psychodynamic mechanisms at the root of negative attitudes toward people with disability may include the following: (a) the spread phenomenon, which is the tendency to invest one salient characteristic (e.g., a physical disability) with other unrelated characteristics (e.g., emotional maladjustment); (b) the attribution of personal–moral accountability to the cause of a disabling condition; and (c) the fear that association with people with disabilities may be interpreted by others as reflecting psychological problems of one’s own (“guilt by association”).

Disability as a punishment for sin. The triad of sin, punishment and disability as an underlying psychodynamic mechanism of negative attitudes is reported prominently in the literature. The triad of sin, punishment and disability could be regarded as a universal phenomenon in which the source of a person with a disability’s suffering is frequently attributed to an evil act committed by the person or by ancestral wrongdoing. As such, people with disabilities are perceived as dangerous, and fear of people with disabilities can be attributed to the belief that people with disabilities are dangerous. Furthermore, disability may also be viewed as an unjust punishment and, therefore, people with disabilities may seek revenge for the imposed injustice.

Anxiety-provoking unstructured situations. Ambiguous and unfamiliar situations are often anxiety-provoking, especially when social rules and regulations for proper interactions are not well-defined, as in the case of social interaction with people with disabilities. The ambiguity creates an incongruent cognitive gestalt that disrupts the basic rules of social engagement and can cause withdrawal from further interaction. Also, there can be a fearful and negative affective reaction to people who are different because it does not fit into the structure of the expected life space. The lack of effective readiness can exemplify their distress. Lack of contact and exposure is, therefore, a major contributing factor to the origination of negative attitudes toward people with disability.

The people who are differently abled may face different challenges every day and it’s not the challenge that they are afraid of it’s the way that the people in the society look at them when doing the task at hand, they are constantly being judged for there action and effort they put into which leads them to eventually giving up on there task at hand and not giving it another try due to all the judgment towards them. As per the words of Stephen Hawking ‘ disability need not be an obstacle to success. Although he has had this disease with him for almost all his adult life. He has faced on the disease head-on no matter what people thought about him. His achievements have made him a worldwide sensation. He is a true inspiration to all the people that are phyically and mentally challenged. But unfortunately, not all people are fortunate enough to think like he did and face those obstacles like him. Some are demotivated to the point where they go through severe depression.

The main reason for this occurrence (depression and demotivation) is due to how people within the society look at them and judge them. This has been a major cause for the differently abled to not come out and shine or not be able to accomplish the task. They may have different physical and mental illnesses or sicknesses from birth or which come into there life’s later. Some may have visual impairedness, be handicapped, mute (no audibility) etc All of these the people who have them from birth are so used to it so hence they can deal with it, but what they cannot deal with is the constant judgment form the people of the society. In a context of poverty, limited resources and psychological stresses, people with disabilities appeared to be assigned a lower priority. society observes that cultural beliefs about differently abled causation may have attracted prejudicial attitudes and discriminating behavior within the family unit, and beyond in the community [21]. Roles government and private sector in hospitality development to give equal platform for differently abled people?

• Quota system and equal opportunity.
• Awareness and training program.
• Government and private sector can provide more opportunities for differently abled people
• Make more outlets available for differently abled people to work in as permanent staff.
• Make the hospitality sector for differently abled people friendly so they have an equal opportunities like other people.
• Providing good job opportunities to all the differently abled people and also scholarship and many more things.

After the completion of my thesis report I would like to recommend below points:

· Appropriate measures to create job opportunities on the open labor market, including financial incentives to employers to encourage them to provide training and employment for the differently abled.

• Differently abled people also need to be given the opportunity to work because they can also do every work like normal people.
• Another person also can get motivation when differently abled are hired at the staff.
• Government should have a policy regarding differently-abled employment opportunities.
• A quota system should be provided to give employment opportunities.
• If the differently abled are given the opportunity it raises brand awareness as the name of the company is more recognized and is beneficial for the company and their stakeholders.
• Differently abled can do mental work even if they are physically challenged.
• Awareness programs should be created to empower differently-abled people.
• Family should take differently-abled people as a blessing not as a burden.
• Empathize or put yourself on the shoe of differently-abled people.
• Having differently abled in the company increases awareness of physical challenges and help to innovate new solutions.
• Training should be provided to differently-abled people.
• Government should support vocational training, vocational guidance and placement service.
• Encouragement of co operation so it improves the employment situation.
• Differently abled should enjoy equal opportunity in respect of access to, advancement in employment.
• Putting in place of concerted local action plans and multidisciplinary teams.
• The vital role of education should be given.
• The incentive should be attractive to motivate differently able people.

Reference

1. · (Balta_Bengisu 2019). Retrieved 16 July 2019, from https://agrilifecdn.tamu.edu/ertr/files/2012/09/401_Balta_Bengisu.pdf
2. · Darcy, S., & Taylor, T. (2009). Disability citizenship: An Australian human rights analysis of the cultural industries. Leisure Studies, 28(4), 419-441.
3. Chan, Fong & Livneh, Hanoch & Pruett, Steven & Wang, Chia-Chiang & Zheng, Lisa. (2009). Societal attitudes toward disability: Concepts, measurements, and interventions. Understanding Psychosocial Adjustment to Chronic Illness and Disability.

Religion impedes progressive social change in modern Australia. Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber sociological theories have a difference of opinion in the substantive area of religion, social inequality and social change. Contemporary religious movements in Australia have organised social groups such as The Right To Life group, which have strong conservative approaches. Contemporary organised social religious groups in Australia are welcoming for people who are isolated and suffering from inequality. Sociological imagination for people living in anomie conditions such as poverty or living in social isolation use religion as a hope that life will get better. Functionalist sociological theories elucidate how religion in modern society is likely to impede progressive social change. Social forces formed through radicalisation within religious groups such as Islamic extremists can cause social inequality, leading to negative social change.

Inequality is based on meritocracy and social inequality which causes equilibrium. In a competitive capitalist society such as Australia, people are influenced by their religious beliefs, both positively and negatively. Religious groups provide a social support network, a meaning of existence and a coherent belief in being able to make social change. Unfortunately recent times have seen criminal convictions and anthropological sensibility through highly immoral religious practices causing deglobalisation in Australia. Religious groups exert their influence on others and this can have a negative impact on social change and impedes progressive social change.

This paper will evaluate the impact of religion and critic sociological theories of Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. Next will be substantive area of religion with a precise analysis concerning inequality and social change in Australia. Karl Marx Marxist theory and social conflict theory will be analysed as this theory is the most compelling for making sense of contemporary religious movements critiquing how constituted religious subgroups and social classes impedes social change. Final evaluating how religion is conversely shaped by its social context in ways that affect its social role.

The founding Fathers of sociology Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber had three contrasting theories on how religion affects social change. Karl Marx Marxist conflict theory, Emile Durkheim functionalist theory and Max Weber social action theory all have different perspectives in their sociological theories of how society perceives religion.

Karl Marx, Marxist theory and social conflict theory are the most compelling for making sense of contemporary religious movements. Marx materialistic perspective was formed from the understanding that religion played a critical role in forming a capitalist society. Marx historical materialistic dialectic approach was formed from his study into how religion and politics implemented social change (McGivern & Little 2014). The Marxist theory perspective explains that social life is governed not substantially by economic forces which causes conflict from social changes, not benefits. Conflict theory of Marx extended his Marxist theory to include other forms of oppression, such as religion. Marx argued that economic pressure forces influence through social expression from religious groups. Marx critiqued religion and believed that the cause of inequality was due to social change because religion gave people a false consciousness (Van Krieken, Habbis, Smith, Hutchins, Martin & Maton 2017). Religion encouraged inequality instead of resistance, religion taught that weakness and suffering in this world would be compensated in the next. The opinion of Christianity and Marxism formed a liberation theory that religion exerts a radical influence on society (Woods 2005). Domination of religion produces inequality through division, critical sensibility and contributes to oppression (McGivern & Little 2014).

Emile Durkheim functionalist sociological theory included social structure, the division of labor and individuals left in a state of anomie. Durkheim functionalist theory examined the view that faith was necessary for society and that religion contributes to social solidarity. Durkheim’s theory of religion exemplifies how functionalists examine sociological phenomena, with a conservative approach that religion in society is progressive for social change. Durkheim functionalist theory looked at how different religions brought together society (Van Krieken, Habibis, Smith, Hutchins, Martin & Maton 2017). Communities come together for Christmas, weddings, funerals and major life events religion gives significance to social solidarity. Durkheim stated that human sociability required explanation, he argued that in any society social solidarity is achieved through the establishment of the moral universe which he called the collective conscience (Van Krieken, Habibis, Smith, Hutchins, Martin & Maton 2017). Durkheim’s theory is criticised as Australia is a multicultural society and the coexistence of differences in religious beliefs and rituals which is seeing negative social change. An example is the wording of Easter being removed from Easter egg packaging, replaced with non religious wording of holiday eggs, causing social unrest.

Max Weber’s social action theory interpreted the understanding causal, explaining the course and effects of social action. Social relation is shaped by politics, economics, culture, religion and interaction through relationships. Weber’s conflict theory argued that social action causing social change derived from emotional and traditional foundations (Giddens 1979). Weber stated that religion was a shaping factor of capitalism. Weber’s sociology explanation was how society is affected by human actions and that religion impacts on social change which impedes progression. Max Weber’s sociological analysis explains power as a capacity, such as religious and its affect on social groups. Weber’s sociology definition reflects on his perspective that human action has subjective meaning to their behaviour through documentation and statistical data, giving an understanding from a holistic point of view (Stark 1964). Max Weber definition of historical materialism was that rationalisation, secularisation and disenchantment gave rise to capitalism and modernity. Weber’s defines social class in relationship to social action a division between class, age, status and religious belief (Little 2016). Concluding that Weber’s social action theory relates to religion, as society encourages certain types of people who motivate action.

Social phenomenon of religion can be pervasive to society. For religion to make progressive social change, beliefs, rituals, rules and morals must be socially cohesive (McGivern & Little 2014). Religious groups command action even when met with resistance from others, power held by some can only be at the expense of others. Empowerment Zero-sum concept of power means a person acquires power even if it means someone else has to loose it (Craig & Mayo 1995). Religious groups in Australia The Right To Life and Family First Group have a strong conservative approaches.

The Right To Life group is religiously influenced by Christian beliefs such as opposition to abortion and homosexuality. The groups demand social action in regards to immigration, drug legislation, homosexual marriage and euthanasia. These religious group approaches cause division between non believers due to their fundamental core beliefs, which impedes progressive social change.

The demonstration of Religion power is a source of social action. Religion is used by domination to justify position and provide the ideological foundation for radical social movements. Religion effects social behaviour due to conflicts and political movements. Islamic movements around the world are seeing strong social conflicts in Afghanistan, Israel, Sudan, Iraq and Chechnya (Van Krieken, Habibis, Smith, Hutchins, Martin & Maton 2017).

Ethnocentrism within extremist religious groups judges other cultures and standards assuming their culture is more natural (Wright 2015). Radical Islam extremists groups cause social division within their own Islamic faith, these extreme groups cause inequality and socially segregate for peaceful Muslims. Islamic terrorist organisations such as ISIS are a risk to Australian national security (Australian National Security 2019). Muslims are expected to increase social action in the west and this will cause secularisation due to to social inequality and division between religions. Extremist groups use religion as a institution to negotiate major cultural and social change. The rise in oppression will come from structural racism facilitated verbal or physical attacks on society. Islamic extremist religious groups cause the majority of social class within Australia to disagree and even fear all Muslims due to the extremism actions such as terrorist attacks and hate speech against non believers. An interrelated set of beliefs and ideas to interpret their religion are interpreted differently within the religion of islam. Civil religion promotes homogenous uniformed national society (Cordesman 2016). Negative social deviance through sanctions are not acceptable normal behaviour. Social psychology society, shaped by the existence of other people feelings and attitudes (Durkheim 1962).

Islamophobia in Australia is causing social change. Max Weber’s social action theory interpreted the understanding causal, explaining the course and effects of social action such as fear of a terrorist attack would cause negative social change. Shalailah Madhora in (2015) stated that three out of four Australians believe a large scale terrorist attack will happen in our country.

Concluding that the powerful social force of religion plays a critical role on human behaviour. Marxist theory and Karl Marx social conflict theory forms an understanding into social formations in society and how groups can cause inequality due to fundamental differences. Emile Durkheim functionalist sociological theory emphasises the consensus and order that exist in society, focusing on social stability and shared public values. Max Weber’s social action theory interpreted the understanding causal, explaining the course and effects of social action of social relationships is shaped by politics, economics, culture and religion. Religious groups such as the interact with economic arrangements, political formations, status groups and this interaction brings social change. Extremist groups use religion as a institution to negotiate major cultural and impede progressive social change. Religion is a powerful social force and plays a critical role on human behaviour.

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First I will discuss the context of Somali Dutch people in the Netherlands. Then I will elaborate a theoretical framework where I will discuss how stigmatization and non-rational components structure Somali Dutch people’s vulnerability and limited psychological support. Following this, I discuss the shortcomings of the framework by elaborating a structural explanation about how demographical features influence the coping mechanisms of the Somali Dutch people. Finally, I will conceptualize the relevant concepts and discuss research ethics.

Introduction

There are 40.000 Somali Dutch people in the Netherlands, which makes them the second largest migrant group from Africa in the Netherlands (Andriessen et al., 2017). Many Somalis have fled the armed conflicts and ongoing unrest that plagued Somalia since the 1980s. The impact of collective violence and the destruction of social structures was further compounded by a severe drought in 2011, which led to an increase in refugees (Cavalera et al., 2016). The Somali Dutch people in the Netherlands are not doing well, according to a recent study by the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP). Language problems, poor school performance, poverty, and a low level of education make their position in Dutch society vulnerable.

Only a quarter of Somali Dutch people have paid work. Unemployment is more than twice as high as among the total group of non-Western migrants and almost six times as high as among native Dutch people (Andriessen et al., 2017). The majority (52 percent) of Somali Dutch people, therefore, depend on social assistance benefits. By comparison, for native Dutch, that is 2 percent (CBS, 2018). There is a lot of poverty among this group of migrants. More than two third of Somali Dutch live below the poverty threshold. Of the Somali Dutch children, 82 percent live in poor households (Andriessen et al., 2017).

Research have shown that the perceived health among refugee groups is generally less good than among people without a migration background (Hadgkiss and Renzaho, 2014). Refugees – in addition to the regular factors that influence health, such as socio-economic status, living environment and lifestyle – are faced with additional factors. This may include pre-flight factors (such as war and shocking events in the country of origin), but also events that occur during or after the flight (Andriessen et al., 2017). Several literatures discuss the interaction between social inequality and (mental) health problems (Ikram & Stronks, 2016, Lamkadden et al., 2013, Tuk, 2010). Social inequality both influences (mental) health problems and structures social participation.

There are many uncertainties regarding the perceived mental health of Somali Dutch citizens. Nijenhuis & van Liempt (2014) emphasize that most temporary research is distorted. They argue that traumas and psychological problems are relatively common in the Somali community, but because of the stigmatization on mental health problems, they are not reported. Andriessen et al. (2017) concluded that autochthonous Dutch people visit more often a psychologist than Somali Dutch people. They argue that stigmatization defines the help-seeking behavior of Somali Dutch people. Their research shows that only a small percentage of Somali Dutch seek psychological support.

However, stigmatization may not be the only explanation for the help-seeking behavior of Somali Dutch people. Tuk (2010) explains that the perception and processing of events can differ between cultures, which may lead Somali Dutch people to have a very different conception of psychological problems than what is customary within Dutch society. Health professionals frequently find it challenging to provide assistance to displaced Somalis with mental disorders or psychosocial problems due to distinct cultural and religious conceptualizations of mental health and psychosocial wellbeing (Cavalera et al., 2016).

Somali people have different embedded cultural explanatory models for coping with mental illnesses. Explanatory models refer to the way that people explain and make sense of their symptoms or illness, in particular how they view the causes, course and potential outcomes of their problem. This includes how their condition affects them and their social environment, and what they believe is appropriate treatment (Cavalera et al., 2016). Another possible explanation is the collectivist Somali culture, which offers a lot of mutual help within the community. This is usually regarded as a protective factor for mental health problems (Andriessen et al., 2017).

In order to adequately address the vulnerable position of Somali Dutch in the Netherlands, I propose to critically evaluate the mental health of Somali Dutch people and the obstacles in seeking psychological support. In order to do so I will elaborate a theoretical framework that focuses on stigma, explanatory models and structural forces which influence coping mechanisms and help-seeking behavior.

Theoretical framework

Stigma

Society establishes the means of categorizing people and the complement of attributes felt to be ordinary and natural for members of each of these categories (Goffman, 1963). Goffman’s (1963) stigma is based on micro-level processes in which stigma occurs and are reproduced. Goffman (1963) argues that people value and devalue others within the process of categorization. People make assumptions as to what the individual before us ought to be. The character we impute to the individual is what Goffman (1963) conceptualizes as a virtual social identity. The category and attributes that the person could in fact prove to possess are the actual social identity. The discrepancy and attributes that make the individual different from others in the category make that the individual is reduced from a usual person to a tainted or discounted one. Such an attribute is a stigma. It constitutes a special discrepancy between virtual and actual social identity (Goffman, 1963).

Goffman (1963) identifies three types of stigma. The stigma of character is described as “blemishes of individual character perceived as weak will, domineering, or unnatural passions, treacherous and rigid beliefs, and dishonesty, these being inferred from a known record of, for example, mental disorder, imprisonment, addiction, alcoholism, homosexuality, unemployment, suicidal attempts, and radical political behavior.”(Goffman, 1963, p. 4). Physical stigma relates to various physical deformities. The third stigma, tribal stigma, relates to tribal identities such as race or ethnicity.

Sheehan et al. (2017) explain how the application of the social-cognitive model contributes to the understanding of stigma, and especially to explain the processes of stigma development for people with mental illness. According to the social-cognitive model stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are components of stigma formation (Sheehan et al., 2017). Stereotypes can be described as public attitudes and prejudices as the emotional reaction resulting from the agreement with public attitudes. Discrimination is the behavior that results from stereotypes and prejudices (Sheehan et al., 2017). In the case of mental illness, social cues such as eccentric appearance or the presence of symptoms provide the foundation from which the process of stigmatization unfolds (Sheehan et al., 2017). Therefore, I will demarcate the analyses by focussing on Goffman’s (1963) stigma of character and physical stigma.

Stigma and help-seeking

Corrigan (2004) discusses the link between stigma and help-seeking behavior. Corrigan (2004) argues that many people who would benefit from mental health services opt not to pursue them. One of the main reasons for this disconnect is stigma. In order to avoid the label of mental illness and the harm it brings, people decide not to seek mental support. Ikram & Stronks (2016) argue that the prevalence of mental health problems is higher among refugee groups than among native Dutch people. Lamkadden et al. (2013) substantiate this by showing that the prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety symptoms are higher among refugee groups than among native Dutch.

However, temporary statistics show that there is no difference in the experienced physiological health of Somali Dutch and native Dutch. This earlier discussed distortion in temporary research is in line with Corrigan’s (2004) link between stigma and help-seeking behavior. Andriessen et al. (2017) emphasize that the frequency in which Somali Dutch and native Dutch seek psychological help differs. They argue that it is likely that the stigmatization of psychological problems in Somali Dutch culture influences help-seeking behavior. In all observed Somali Dutch groups, only a small percentage have had contact with a psychologist. Andriessen et al (2017) argue that this may indicate that the stigma on psychological problems applies throughout the entire group.

For several decades, the people of Somalia have been confronted with severe levels of armed conflict and forced displacement (Cavalera et al., 2016). Several literatures suggest that a large number of Somali Dutch people experience traumas and severe psychological health problems and it is argued that stigmatization influences the help-seeking behavior of Somali Dutch people (Andriessen et al., 2017; Kam & Stronks, 2016; Nijenhuis & van Liempt, 2014; Hadgkiss & Renzaho, 2014). In turn, mental health problems structure the social participation of Somali Dutch people and influence social inequality. However, stigmatization on psychological health problems are not the only obstacle for Somali Dutch people coping with psychological problems.

Explanatory models

The explanatory model is a term that denotes the ‘notions about an episode of sickness and its treatment that are employed by all those engaged in the clinical process’ (Patel, 1995 p. 1291). Explanatory models are formed from a variable cluster of cultural symbols, experiences and expectations associated with a particular category of illness (Patel, 1995). It relates to sickness labeling and cultural idioms for expressing the experiences of illness and have been shown to influence health-seeking behavior and health service utilization (Patel, 1995).

Explanatory models thus refer to the ways that people explain and make sense of their symptoms or illness, in particular how they view causes, course and potential outcomes of their problems. This includes how their condition affects them and their social environment, and what they believe is appropriate treatment (Cavalera et al., 2016). Explanatory models have potentially important implications for coping, help-seeking behavior, treatment expectations and worries about the long-term consequences of illness (Cavalera et al., 2016).

Cavalera et al. (2016) discuss the difficulties in western countries with providing assistance to displaced Somalis with psychological problems. Caused by distinct cultural and religious conceptualizations of mental health and psychological problems in Somalia. Also, Tuk (2010) argues that the perception and processing of psychological problems differ between cultures, which may lead Somalian Dutch people to have a completely different view on psychological problems common in Dutch society.

Somalian explanatory models of psychological health

In Somalia, the traditional concepts for mental distress are much more fluid than psychiatric, western categories. the description of distress may not fall into any specific western psychiatric category. However, these conditions may lead to serious suffering if the person is not able to recover from them (Cavalera et al., 2016). Mental health and treatment are relatively new concepts in Somali culture. For that reason, when talking about mental distress it is always important to remember that emotional states, by themselves, are not the central concern of the Somali population (Cavalera et al., 2016). In Somali culture, mind, body and spirit are seen as a whole, and for many Somalis, it may be odd and unusual to define their distress in psychological terms.

In Somalian culture spiritual factors play an important role in the explanation of mental disorders and psychological problems. The cause of illness if often captured in spiritual terms: God’s will and one’s pre-determined fate (Cavalera et al., 2016). Western discourses are heard less among Somalis. When asked about the origin and cause of a disease the answer may simply be ‘only God knows’. Anything that comes to people in this life, good or bad, is seen as coming from God (Cavalera et al., 2016).

Mental illness is also thought to come from evil spirits. Evil spirits are generally known by the generic term Jinn. According to Islamic belief, Jinn are real creatures that form a world other than that of mankind, capable of causing physical and mental harm to human beings (Khalifa & Hardie, 2005). When a Jinn enters a human being, the person may hear voices or speak with an unfamiliar voice. Jinn are thought to cause a wide range of distress, including emotional states of fear, anxiety, apathy, general malaise, violent behaviors, hearing voices, shouting, crying, unhappiness and suicide attempts, but also somatic symptoms such as sleeplessness, tiredness, nausea and vomiting, fainting and persistent headache (Cavalera et al., 2016).

Other common explanations of metal health problems are Sar spirit possession, the Evil eye, curses and witchcraft. The psychiatric classification system DSM-IV describes Sar as ‘a general term applied in Ethiopia, Somalia, Egypt, Sudan, Iran and other North African and Middle Eastern societies to the experience of spirits possessing an individual. Persons possessed by a spirit may experience dissociative episodes that include shouting, laughing, singing, or weeping. Individuals may show apathy and withdrawal, refusing to eat or carry out daily tasks, or may develop a long-term relationship with the possessing spirit (Cavalera et al., 2016).

From a western view, explanatory models could be considered as non-rational components in order to manage vulnerability and mental illness. However, according to Bastide (2015), these forms of coping and managing trust are also found in western countries. Bastide (2015) emphasizes the role of faith or magic in modern society. Which highlights the presence and relevance of non-rational components when coping with illnesses and vulnerability. Several literatures suggest that explanatory models influence coping, help-seeking behavior and treatment expectations. It is plausible to suggest that spiritual factors influence the coping and help-seeking behavior of Somali Dutch people. In order to fully understand the coping of Somali Dutch people we must understand how the explanatory models influence the approach toward mental health problems.

A theoretical focus on stigma could potentially explain why few Somali Dutch people seek professional support for psychological problems. The focus on micro interaction and stigma partially explains the vulnerability of Somali Dutch people. However, it does not explain how cultural attributes influence coping of mental health problems. Explanatory models explain how non-rational components define the way that people make sense of their symptoms or illness and how to cope with them. Taken together, these theories offer a comprising theoretical lens to approach the difficulties of Somali Dutch people in the Netherlands. Nonetheless, this theoretical framework is neglecting a structural approach of the vulnerability of Somali Dutch people.

Structural approach

An alternative approach for coping with mental illness in Somalia is the collectivist Somali culture, which offers mutual help within the community. This is usually regarded as a protective factor when experiencing psychological complaints (Andriessen et al., 2017). Within the specific Somali context, having a strong social network reliant on extended family and community may be the primary factor contributing to resilience. For people with severe mental disorders, the extended family plays a key role in supporting patients, and it is considered the responsibility of the family to do so (Cavalera et al., 2016). People from collectivist cultures are more interdependent within their in-groups and are especially concerned with relationships (Finnström & Söderhamn, 2006) The needs of the group or family are given priority over the needs of the individual. The group is expected to help and support the individual that is in need (Finnström & Söderhamn, 2006).

In the Netherlands, a substantial part of Somali immigration consists of minor children. In the second half of the nineties, this group made up forty percent of Somalis’ total immigration (Andriessen et al., 2017). The Somali Dutch people can be considered as a young group. Somali Dutch households are more often single-parent households than other refugee groups in the Netherlands (Andriessen et al., 2017). The Somali community is also characterized by a relatively small percentage of couples, both with and without children (Andriessen et al., 2017).

It could be assumed that structural forces such as being a refugee and age influence coping and resilience with mental illness of Somali Dutch people. An intersectional approach of these categories could address important aspects of the vulnerability of the Somali Dutch people.

Intersectionality emphasizes how interlocking systems impact the most marginalized in society. Intersectionality addresses the effects of the intersection of structural forces and social categories (Mattis et al. 2008). In this specific context, the analysis is about the effects of being a Somali Dutch migrant in the Netherlands and the effects of age. Crenshaw (1989) argues that it is problematic to use exclusive categories in analysis. A single-axis analysis distorts multidimensional experiences as the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of the experiences of exclusive categories. Intersectionality is not about overlapping factors and categories, but about interwoven experiences that are far more nuanced than the sum of their constituent parts.

Being a young Somali Dutch migrant could potentially influence the coping and resilience mechanism based on collectivist community networks. Most Somali Dutch arrived in the Netherlands as minor migrants which possibly leads to an absence of a strong social network. This could negatively influence the required support with mental health problems as people from collectivist cultures are especially concerned with relationships, family and community (Cavalera et al., 2016). Therefore, it could be argued that the intersectional experience of young Somali Dutch migrants are greater than the sum of age and Somali Dutch (migrants). Young Somali Dutch migrants possibly could be multiply-burdened and their various forms of stratification therefore should be seen as interwoven together.

Operationalization

Stigma

Operationalization and data collecting focus on how stigma, explanatory models and structural forces influence coping with mental health problems. The dominant conceptualization of mental health stigma is composed of three interrelated constructs: stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination (Corrigan & Watson, 2002; Sheehan et al. 2017). Stereotypes can be understood as especially efficient, social knowledge structures that are learned by most members of a social group (Corrigan & Watson, 2002). Stereotypes are considered social because they represent collectively agreed-upon notions of groups of persons. Stereotypes are efficient because people are able to quickly generate expectations of individuals who belong to a certain group (Sheehan et al. 2017). Prejudices endorse these negative stereotypes and generate negative emotional reactions as a result. In contrast to stereotypes, which are beliefs, prejudicial attitudes involve an evaluative component. Prejudice also yields emotional responses to stigmatized groups (Corrigan & Watson, 2002). Prejudice, which is fundamentally a cognitive and affective response, leads to discrimination or a behavioral reaction.

Explanatory models

Bhui & Bhugra (2002) argue that explanatory models should be researched with participant observation and open-ended conversation in order to embrace the authentic view of the participant’s world. Emphasizing certain aspects of the explanatory model leads to higher priority, leading to the neglect of the patient’s total experience of the illness (Bhui & Barga, 2002). The approach is to learn about indigenous systems of healing and explanatory models which are common to specific cultural groups so that an understanding of distress which is closer to the patient’s experience. However, as Bhui & Barga (2002) argue, it is important to conduct interviews openly without referring to specific aspects. Qualitative research must also provide insight in how the intersectional effects of age and Somali Dutch migrants influence the coping and resilience of psychological problems.

Data collection

The necessary data will be collected with qualitative interviews. In qualitative interviewing, there is great interest in the interviewee’s point of view. Qualitative interviewing tends to be flexible, responding to the direction in which interviewees take the interview and perhaps adjusting the emphases in the research as a result of significant issues that emerge in the course of interviews (Bryman, 2012). In order to adequately address the main concepts I will conduct semi-structured interviews. I will make use of an interview guide, but it also offers the interviewee a great deal of leeway in how to reply (Bryman, 2012). Questions that are not included in the guide may be asked as following the answers of the interviewee.

Ethics

Beauchamp & Childress (2001) describe four ethical research principles. The first is non-maleficence and concerns not doing harm to the research group. Bourdieu (1999) argues that the research relationship is primarily a social relationship. As such, it can have an effect on the results obtained. Researchers must be aware of the distortion in this relationship and potentially exerting any form of symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1999). Therefore, Bourdieu (1999) argues for a relationship of active and methodological listening. In order to do so, the interview must meet certain criteria. Preferably, there is cultural proximity, understanding and submission of the subject’s life history and knowledge of the context and structures in which the subject is embedded.

As the interviewer, I have a considerable social and cultural distance to the interviewees. The interview is set up to further understand the respondent’s worldviews. Hence, it is very likely that the interview is somehow distorted by the relationships of a different kind of capital and cultural asymmetry. I must be aware of reducing subjective reasoning to objective causes and possibly adjusting the level of language and status signs in the interview.

Constant labor of construction could potentially limit the effects of the research situation on the obtained answers (Bourdieu, 1999). When conducting interviews, there must be great emphasis on the understanding and submission of the subject’s life history and knowledge about the context and structures in which the respondent is embedded. Therefore, if possible, multiple interviews with the same respondent should be conducted. The second ethical principle that Beauchamp & Childress (2001) describe is beneficence. This is related to the question if the respondents benefit from being involved. Logically, the respondents will participate anonymously. As a group, the aim is to further understand the vulnerability of Somali Dutch people in the Netherlands. Results could be used for more appropriate support and policy. The third principle is respect for autonomy. It is important that is clear for respondents that they can quit and stop participating whenever they decide to do so. For the fourth ethical consideration, justice, we must question for what ends the research could be used. The research focuses on adequately addressing the vulnerable position of Somali Dutch and it implies the limited risk of harming this group.

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Firstly, one of the pillars of IOE is people in which keeps all 4 pillars together. People essentially keep the IOE going due to individuals unique innovation’s but without people, IOE is inevitably useless as people are the ones who engage with the devices and systems such as students or members of society as over 59% of the world population use the internet with 4,574 million using technologies such as a computer and is increasing day on day conveying the vital impact people have on LOE.​

Students ​

Students interact with IOE daily with common devices and has changed drastically. Before books and handwritten work was the norm to track progress, write notes and revise however now this has all changed and is set to be more progressive in the future to. Students currently use face to face interaction with teachers still however the use of laptops enables us to teach ourselves at home and gain wider reading to attain more skills. Furthermore students use nearly every type of device now available such as tablets, smartphones and computers to access a range of material such as online homework setters, Teaching material and general work such as past paper or revision materials Furthermore we see how students now use social networks to interact with other students but also on a professional levels to contact teachers in which was not available before. Students can be seen to use google classrooms in which id a virtual classroom allowing teachers and students to connect but also the use of email for students had it more convent for them to ask questions rather than before in which you would physically have to go up to them.​

These are all innovations created over the years to create more independent study for students allowing them to work more from home than in school and in a smarter way. With the use of IOE face to face teaching could be replaced with video calls as all device have cameras implemented in them and wearable such as smart wristbands could be used to track attendance in big institutions such as university. However, this new progressive way of technology for students may hinder their education is more easier to cheat or pass someone’s else’s work as your own. Students new way of working has now transformed businesses into creating more responsive and portable devices and also creates a market to create software that can help students help in their time of education.​

Members of society ​

Members of society once would communicate face to face and record attendances using a sheet however this is beginning to change. Members of society have many devices allowing them to connect with each other weather it’s a phone or a laptop. It allows the general public to share ideas and have a constant communication weather it’s a social media platform or a messaging service. However with ioe improving there is lots more technology’s that could be used create an easier life for individuals such as our smartphones acting as a pass to get into certain places such as the workplace or the newest invention created by the government of an app which helps individuals if they need to isolate if they have come into connect with people with coronavirus symptoms. These available technologies help the general public to become smarter, even the use of google glass could be implemented in which was an experimental wearable computer in the form of glasses with a tiny screen that displays information to the wearer and had a small navigation menu on the side to help the public in ways like the weather forecast or where about the bus is helping members of society gain an easier life. Furthermore, the use of the watch allows users to constantly be connected with others as they text, call and still check various applications such as health or playing music. The use of These technologies can transform businesses as there able to sustain a revenue from them and could produce a smart and more efficient way of collages working eg your being your pass for work. Consequently, these technologies do have its flaw’s such as malicious users could find out personal information.​

Connecting in relevent ways ​

LOE can further connect people in relevant ways, before to connect with people in relevant ways was possible however the use of the interns has now made it easier to narrow It down. One way is the internet enabling individuals to communicate with each other on such devices e.g. text messaging service, phone calls or social media platforms. However, the Internet can be used further to communicate with others in different ways through businesses marketing ideas to customers that it has relevancy to. It could also connect people who have similar interests e.g. similar web searches for the future. The innovation of connecting with people in relevant ways can help businesses target the right customers who will have an interest in there idea rather than wasting time and targeting an mass audience ins which half would ignore the idea they are portraying e.g. through mail or email. ​

Device’s ​

People can connect using a range of devices available for us and ones that are still in production for future uses. The basic level of devices in which nearly every individual has or is exposed to in which are all convent are Mobile phones (Smartphones are able to connect to the internet from almost anywhere and have a range of different functions search as text messaging services and camera’s) , Tablet (Smart phones but in a bigger form) and computers. These devices were not available before e.g. in the 1990’s (or weren’t popular) making it harder for those to connect with each other. These devices have become integrated within our everyday life now and now help us to keep in close contact with family and friends more than ever before. For those more advanced within tech some individuals would have wearables as they could be seen as more convenient for them to interact with everyone. Within the future LOE could develop significantly e.g. through having our devices communicate with us more showing how Loe is becoming more progressive for humans now and in the future. These devices have transformed businesses now into becoming a more tech savvy place but also the one who make the technology, they can gain more streams or revenue due to the never-ending technology.​

​Social media ​

Social media has been on the rise for years and has come more common than ever with the likes of Instagram, Facebook and more being available to us than before in which social media was never a thing back in early 2000’s if people wanted to communicate it had to be by phone or physical contact. Social media allows us to communicate with others and share our lives with people that we know through sharing posts experiences or in a more private way such as texting or video in which have all been done by businesses to enhance our experiences. In the future social media could provide us with more features such as peoples locations but also to keep us informed such as news integrated within the add or direct market if an individual visits the business website to help entice customers in the future. ​

Wearable’s ​

Wearable have been introduced more recently from glasses to watches or Bluetooth headphones. They have now come a long way from before as wearable like work badges that scanned were for identification and security. However, they have now come along way with the likes of the IWatch in which is A smartwatch can connect to a smartphone to provide the user with alerts and messages. Additional functions, such as heart rate monitoring and counting steps, like a pedometer, can help people who are wearing the device to track their health in which makes the human life easier as there able to keep track on their health. The innovations of wearables could be better for the future and transform businesses e.g. the I watch could be used a pass into the businesses or businesses such as public sector NHS could have users sync their health wearables such as iWatch and Fitbit to their system to monitor their health and anything that should be brung up for medical attention.​