Essay about Unemployment in South Africa

Essay about Unemployment in South Africa

Abstract

This study seeks to understand both Nigeria and South Africa’s respective unemployment situations. This study discusses what factors can contribute to the consistent disparity between South Africa and Nigeria’s unemployment rates. In this research, various possible factors are considered, including an underdeveloped agricultural sector, a lack of quality education, and a lack of accessibility to jobs. This proposal also seeks to better understand why Nigeria’s unemployment rate seems to have been steadily climbing over the past five years. In a broader sense, this proposal aims to understand what causes unemployment to better understand possible solutions to unemployment and lessen the poverty that follows as a result of high unemployment rates.

Introduction

Nigeria and South Africa are two very similar countries, with both nations boasting the top-performing economies in Africa. However, for countries so economically similar, both South Africa and Nigeria have had drastically different unemployment rates for the past five years at least. While South Africa has had consistently high unemployment rates, Nigeria’s unemployment rates have been comparatively lower. Stranger still, Nigeria’s unemployment rate has been steadily increasing, and yet, even at the height of its ascension it has still maintained a consistently lower unemployment rate than South Africa, as shown by Figures 1 and 2:

This research proposal aims to investigate what factors lead to the unemployment rate disparity between Nigeria and South Africa. I begin to go about this task by first describing the works from which I derived my data in a literature review. I will then describe the model that my research leads me to believe is the most justifiable and hypothesize about how the said model can effect change within South Africa and Nigeria. I will then go on to explain why I selected South Africa and Nigeria for this case study, and I will describe the benefits and flaws inherent in this comparison. Finally, I will close with my final thoughts on this study, describing not only why this study is important, but how it could be continued and improved in the future.

Literature Review

There were many possible explanations for the differing employment rates between Nigeria and South Africa. Unemployment in and of itself is a difficult phenomenon to explain due to the various possible cultural, economic, and political factors that can lead to it. Within the various scholarly discussions about the subject, there seemed to be three main schools of thought that explained the disparity. The first school of thought, which from this point on will be referred to as the Agricultural school, believed that unemployment within the nation of South Africa was a direct result of their poorly developed agricultural sector and that the comparatively low unemployment rates in Nigeria can be attributed to their better developed agricultural sector. The second school of thought, which will be referred to as the Educational school, posited that South Africa’s unemployment rates were the result of a poorly developed education system and that Nigeria’s unemployment has slowly been increasing due to a similarly poor educational system. Finally, the last school of thought, which will be referred to as the Labor school, identifies an incompatible labor supply and demand as the culprit for South Africa’s unemployment situation and the development of a similar situation in Nigeria as the cause of its slowly increasing unemployment rates.

Agriculture

The agricultural school can be summarized as holding a poorly developed agricultural sector responsible for South Africa’s unemployment and a well-developed agricultural sector responsible for Nigeria’s lack of unemployment. This school of thought was supported by information from the CIA’s World Factbook. The database provided useful information about GDP composition by sector, enabling a more comprehensive analysis and comparison of the two country’s agricultural sectors.

The information provided by the CIA makes it clear that, in terms of the sophistication of their agricultural sectors, Nigeria is much more developed than South Africa.

Author O.E. Ayinde (2008) provided a lens through which to interpret this data in her article Empirical Analysis of Agricultural Growth and Unemployment in Nigeria stating that “Unemployment is a result of the inability to develop and utilize the nation’s manpower resources effectively, especially in the rural sector” (p.465). Ayinde argues throughout her article that increased growth in Nigeria’s agricultural sector could likely alleviate the country’s growing unemployment, attributing the country’s comparatively low unemployment rates to its already marginally more developed agricultural sector. According to Ayinde (2008), in countries with large rural populations, like Nigeria (and by extension South Africa) “agricultural growth rate has an inverse relationship with unemployment” (p.465). This article suggests possible validity for the agricultural school.

Education

Within the educational school of thought, scholars argued that historically unequal access to education brought on by apartheid, as well as poor quality of education, is responsible for South Africa’s high unemployment rates. Nigeria, in comparison, is plagued only by a poor quality of education allowing it to have lower (albeit steadily rising) unemployment rates than South Africa.

A newsletter by the South African Department of Communications (n.d.) provides a firm basis for the educational school, citing data that suggests that “the deliberate exclusion of black people from the educational system…under apartheid contributed to high rates of unemployment today” (Possible Root Causes, para. 2). The report also states that “[i]nadequate education and lack of productivity is costing jobs. Unemployment increases progressively with decreased educational levels, and the education system is not producing the skills for the labor market,” (Possible Root Causes, para.3) further supporting the claim that South Africa suffers from a simultaneous lack of quality education and lack of equal access to education.

Nigeria, in comparison, understandably lacks South Africa’s racial history and, therefore only really struggles with providing a quality education. According to Poverty and Rate of Unemployment in Nigeria, an article written by Adebobola Olotu, Rafiu Salami, and Igbayemi Akeremale(2015), Nigeria has been struggling to provide their students with an education that makes them attractive to employers, stating that “[i]neffective educational quality, inadequate job skill and training are shortcomings militating against [the] productive sector of [the] Nigerian economy, [and the] private sector [is] not willing to recruit Nigerian graduates because of insufficient knowledge and experience”(p. 3). The Nigerian economic system is struggling to sufficiently prepare students to enter the workforce and this may explain why their unemployment rates are slowly increasing.

Labor

Within the labor school of thought, scholars argue that unemployment within both countries is being driven by a sudden oversupply of willing laborers within a market that has not yet developed an equally high demand for them. The article Poverty and Rate of Unemployment in Nigeria (ibid.) presents a simple explanation for the oversupply of workers in Nigeria, stating that an unprecedented amount of educated workers looking for work has been produced “as a result of the sharp increase in the tertiary institution turnout” (p. 2). Simply put there has been a sharp increase in higher education graduates within Nigeria, and the sudden increase in educated individuals was not mirrored by an increased need for labor, resulting in a high rate of unemployment. As to why so many new people were suddenly attending and graduating from “tertiary institutions” in Nigeria, research presented numerous explanations, the most compelling of which was a mass migration of aspiring workers from rural to urban areas.

In comparison, South Africa experienced a similar increase in laborers, however for very different reasons. While the situation in Nigeria was motivated mainly by a sudden increase in educated individuals as a likely result of rural-to-urban migration, the labor increase situation in South Africa can once again be explained by its history of discrimination. According to the South African Department of Communications (n.d.), South Africa was prevented from accessing the full potential of its workforce until 1995 due to the “deliberate exclusion of black people…from skilled occupations under apartheid” (Possible Root Causes, para. 2). Since South Africa has a majority black population, it makes sense that, with the change in laws, many of the black citizens who had formerly been denied work would be entering the job market that had now been opened to them. While this sudden influx of workers bears many similarities to the influx that occurred in Nigeria, its most notable difference is that this sudden increase in workers involved a majority of the country suddenly being allowed to enter a workforce that had previously been closed to them, and thus a more extreme level of unemployment is to be expected in such a situation.

Model and Hypothesis

According to my research, the most justifiable model would be the model presented in the labor school of thought. I hypothesize that the volume of new workers being introduced to the job market influences unemployment rates, more specifically, when new labor is introduced in too high a volume at any one time within a country, said country’s unemployment rate increases as a result. A country needs time for its job market to adapt to new workers and so a gradual introduction of new workers would better maintain low unemployment rates. This hypothesis also attributes South Africa’s high unemployment rates to the high volume of new workers that the end of apartheid suddenly introduced to the South African job market. Had this introduction been more gradual perhaps South Africa would have had lower unemployment rates today. This hypothesis also attributes Nigeria’s growing unemployment rates to the growing number of students being produced by Nigerian schools to transition into the workforce. Compared to South Africa’s sudden transition out of apartheid, the gradual pace at which Nigeria’s schools are producing more aspiring workers explains why Nigeria has a low unemployment rate compared to South Africa.

Research Design

This research focuses on comparing the unemployment rates of Nigeria and South Africa. These specific countries were chosen for their economic similarities, with both countries being among the top economies in Africa. Furthermore, both countries share major urban demographics. According to the Central Intelligence Agency’s World Factbook Database (2018), 50.3% of Nigeria’s population lives in urban areas (People and Society Nigeria) while 66.4% of South Africa’s population live in urban areas (People and Society South Africa). Finally, both countries share similar population demographics between ages 15 and 54, with 59.29% of South Africa’s population falling within said interval and 50.25% of Nigeria’s population falling within the interval (ibid.). This age structure is especially important because it is the interval between which individuals are most likely to be seeking employment, and thus this similarity allowed me to more accurately judge whether any differences between the two countries correlated to their low or high unemployment rates.

Of course, many complications arise when trying to compare two extremely large nations. For one thing, the population of Nigeria (203,452,505) is more than three times the size of the population of South Africa (55,380,210), making it slightly more difficult to accurately compare the two (ibid.). Furthermore, both countries are geographically dissimilar, with Nigeria being located much farther north than South Africa. This difference in location may create unseen geographic variables that are difficult to measure and could, thus, skew the results of my research. Finally, very little historical information is available on Nigeria’s past unemployment rates, limiting my research and leading me to narrow down the scope of my study to a period of 5 years before the present day.

The strategy I used to evaluate the validity of the various arguments I came across was a system of information synthesis, analysis/comparison, and reasoning. To begin I gathered as much information as possible about unemployment in South Africa and Nigeria. This included general information and demographics on both countries (most of which was gathered from the CIA World Factbook Database), and various scholarly articles and essays discussing unemployment rates within both countries. After learning as much as possible about the employment situations within both countries, I analyzed the data that I had gathered, looking for major similarities and differences between the two countries that might explain why they have consistently differed so greatly in their unemployment rates. Finally, I used reasoning to ascertain which school of thought best explained the employment phenomenon occurring within both countries, taking into consideration factors such as which schools had the largest volume of supporting data, and which schools gave the most complete explanations (with “complete explanation” in this case meaning depicted the most direct correlation between their school of thought and South Africa and Nigeria’s unemployment disparity). While this method of assessment is partially subjective (and therefore biased) it is virtually impossible to test any theory in real-time, and thus gaining a deep understanding of the situations within both countries and comparing them is the best that can be done at present.

Discussion

All in all, the labor school seems to have been the most justifiable school of thought. The labor school of thought provides a viable explanation for both South Africa’s comparatively high unemployment rate and Nigeria’s steadily rising unemployment rate. South Africa’s history of apartheid involved introducing an extremely large number of new workers to the labor force abruptly thus resulting in its historically high unemployment rates. Nigeria did not have such an abrupt change in its labor force and thus was able to maintain comparatively low unemployment rates, however, increased urbanization within Nigeria explains why Nigeria’s unemployment rates have been slowly increasing. The amount of aspiring workers is increasing much like it did in South Africa, but in a much less abrupt fashion.

This research is important simply because growing or high unemployment rates always lead to growing or high poverty rates. The very state of being unemployed necessitates that said unemployed person has no means through which to provide themselves and, as a result, often must rely on outside forces like government agencies to live. Poverty places people’s lives in danger since it often makes it difficult for them to procure the resources necessary to survive. In this way, unemployment can be a matter of life and death. Understanding what factors cause unemployment within a country can aid researchers in understanding how to alleviate both unemployment and poverty.

If I were to continue this research it would likely be helpful to make predictions about the two countries’ unemployment rates based on each school of thought, that way it would be easier to pinpoint whether or not there is any real correlation between the listed factors. Perhaps widening the scope of the research to other economically and demographically similar countries in Africa could provide a more comprehensive understanding of which factors influence unemployment in either country.

Ban on Twitter in Nigeria: Analytical Essay

Ban on Twitter in Nigeria: Analytical Essay

The impact of the Twitter ban on the Nigerian economy is examined in this article. The Nigerian government’s move to ban Twitter could have serious economic consequences. The reason for the restriction appears to be the social media companies’ decision to delete a tweet by President Muhammadu Buhari that was labeled as ‘abusive behavior’ by Twitter just a few days ago. Twitter is one of Nigeria’s most widely used social networking platforms.

Later, it was discovered that the Twitter ban infringes on people’s rights to freedom of speech, expression, and access to and sharing of information. It was also determined that the restriction had such a negative impact on the economy that it hampered the flow of information between business partners, resulting in employment losses, investor hostility, and business collapse. The government should rethink its decision and allow people access to Twitter, as it is one of the platforms through which people may make a living and also a way to boost the country’s economy.

The present Nigerian government has long been concerned about the country’s use of Twitter. The continuing local ENDSARS protest started on Twitter and gained traction in 2020, when it received 48 million tweets in ten days. Prior to banning Twitter, the present government discussed the concept of social media control on several times. Attempts to establish anti-social media legislation in the past have largely failed due to widespread public outcry on Twitter. Days before the ban, Nigeria’s communications minister deemed Twitter’s actions in the country dubious, noting its role in the ENDSARS protests.

The Nigerian government banned Twitter from operating in the country indefinitely on June 5, 2021, after the social media platform deleted tweets from Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari warning the south eastern people of Nigeria, primarily Igbo people, of a potential repeat of the 1967 Biafra civil war due to the ongoing insurgency in the region. The removal of the president’s tweet was cited by the Nigerian government as a reason in their decision, but it was ultimately based on a long list of issues with the social media site in Nigeria, where misinformation and fake news distributed through it have resulted in real-world violence.

Amnesty International, the British and Canadian embassies in Nigeria, and the Swedish embassy also criticised the ban. The Nigerian Bar Association and the Social Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) have both stated that they will fight the ban in court. Nigeria’s cultural ministers are concerned about the ban, according to Twitter. The prohibition would be revoked if Twitter adheres to local licensing, registration, and requirements, according to Lai Muhammed. ‘It will be licensed by the Broadcasting Commission, and it must promise not to allow its platform to be utilized by individuals pushing activities that are detrimental to Nigeria’s business existence.

It was stated three days after the ban that the restriction had cost Nigeria about 6 billion naira and will contribute to the country’s rising jobless rate. The website traffic for Express VPN increased by almost 200 percent, while VPN searches increased across the country.

The United States and the European Union issued an united statement condemning the restriction. After a screenshot of a twitter deactivation message he uploaded on Facebook revealed a VPN logo, the country’s attorney general openly vowed to arrest individuals who circumvented the ban.

Twitter stated in late June 2021 that it will begin talks with the Nigerian authorities about the platform’s suspension. The talks began in July though no direct meeting has been reported as of July 15.

The prohibition on Twitter in Nigeria, in the opinion of the general public, has major repercussions for the people’s rights. The impact of the prohibition on various aspects of the economy is discussed in this section.

During public health and safety catastrophes like the COVID-19 pandemic, digital media such as Twitter are critical for information dissemination, marketing, customer service, and remote work. The halt in trade might hinder business, reduce productivity, and result in job losses (iyatse and adepelan, 2021).

The Nigerians in Diaspora Movement (NDM) stated that banning Twitter in Nigeria was insensitive, given that many Nigerians rely on the site for a living. NDM recalled that social media platforms such as Twitter have been shown to help individuals, particularly the youth, rise out of poverty by facilitating the acquisition and exchange of value-added ideas.

According to Net Blocks, a watchdog organization that monitors cyber-security and internet governance, Nigeria lost 102.5 million naira every hour of social media gagging, increasing the daily loss to 2.5 billion naira. In three days, the economy would have lost over 7.5 billion naira.

The majority of information and communication technology (ICT) specialists condemned the government’s Twitter ban as a choice made without regard for the dynamism of technology. They claim that the decision could jeopardize the economic benefit that technology provides by steadily increasing the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (osuagwu, Nduihe Njoku et.al, 2021).

In an interview with AI Jazeera, Gbenga Sesan, executive director of the paradigm project, predicts that the prohibition would drive foreign investors out of Nigeria, and that major tech companies looking to invest in Africa will look to Ghana rather than Nigeria (iyorah, 2021).

According to reports, 39 million Nigerians have Twitter accounts; many utilize the platform for business and networking, and the capacity of this group of individuals to generate a decent life will be severely harmed as a result of the ban. Foreign investment in Nigeria’s technology sector will be affected as a result of this ( Sikhakhane, 2021).

Twitter, as a social media platform, is one of the most innovative technology innovations that has facilitated information exchange, marketing, and cooperation. It was recognised that millions of people in Nigeria, particularly the youth, relied on social media to join in debate, share information, and access it (Anyim, 2020). In fact, Nigeria’s constitution and international human rights law, as enshrined in the African Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression, protect the right to free expression and access to information, and stipulate that any restriction on this right must be justified in a democratic society (Ewangi 2021).

The government’s decision to suspend Twitter, a leading microblogging platform, has taken its toll on Nigeria’s struggling economy, resulting in a loss of N7.5 billion in the last three days. Nigeria’s decision to suspend Twitter, initially indefinitely and then temporarily, could backfire and cost the country economically in terms of new investment in its technology sector. The restriction could jeopardize Nigeria’s position as one of the best-performing African countries when it comes to garnering investment for technological start-ups (Iyatse and Adepetun, 2021).

Aside from the financial loss, Bala Zaka, an investment specialist, believes the government should be more concerned about the signal that Twitter’s ban has given to international investment. He believes the government could have engaged Twitter diplomatically (Iyatse and Adepetun, 2021). Financial analysts believe that the move, which has brought the country into the spotlight around the world, will raise the country’s investment unfriendly image. In a same spirit, the US, Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland issued an unified statement condemning Nigeria’s government for the restriction, warning that it would exacerbate the pandemic’s economic misery (Iyatse and Adepetun, 2021).

Twitter, on the other hand, is a worldwide digital communication and content platform that has the potential to diversify our economy and give our young a prosperous future. It is clear that the longer the ban lasts, the more money the Nigerian government will lose in tax revenue (Tenola, 2021). Twitter has created jobs for a large number of people as well as revenue for the government in the form of taxes, and if this revenue-generating route is stopped, the government will undoubtedly suffer a significant loss (Nwokoma, 2021).

For the most part, Influencers use Twitter as their primary commercial platform. Since the introduction of Twitter, the influencer marketing industry in Nigeria has expanded to the point that nearly anyone with a large following may land deals with companies trying to expand their reach. While companies who deal with influencers can readily use other platforms for marketing purposes, it may be more difficult for them to do so. Furthermore, while they may be able to purchase VPN services, their loyal customers may find it difficult or unwilling to do so (Nwokoma, 2021).

It was also discovered that Nigeria’s startup scene has grown rapidly in recent years, with $3,77.4 million raised in 2019, yet due to the coronavirus pandemic, that figure fell to $120.6 million in 2020. This has resulted in a large number of people finding work and the government receiving revenue in the form of taxes. All of those operations, however, are jeopardized by the Twitter prohibition. The majority of startups rely on social media in some capacity. Business would suffer if they didn’t have access to social media to launch marketing campaigns or create relationships with their customers. Applications that make use of Twitter APIs are also impacted. One of the issues that investors evaluate when making investment decisions is political stability. By banning Twitter and forcing the National Broadcasting Commission to begin licensing OTT services in Nigeria, investors are less likely to risk investing in Nigerian businesses, depriving the country of much-needed capital (Nwokoma, 2021).

Small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs) are critical to the growth of any economy, accounting for as much as 60-70 percent of total employment. SMEs in Nigeria account for 48 percent of national GDP, 96 percent of companies, and 84 percent of employment, with a population of over 117.4 million. Many SMEs have taken advantage of the Internet, particularly social media, for marketing and customer service purposes. This is evidenced by the large number of vendors on Twitter and Instagram. While these companies may relocate to other platforms, their postings may not receive as much attention as they do on Twitter (Nwokoma, 2021). In a summary, Hudley, Bishi, and Grossman (2021) determined that the banning of Twitter in Nigeria will have a significant economic impact because many Nigerians rely on Twitter to support their work. Employers, for example, can post job openings on the portal. It is used by freelancers to advertise and promote their services. Nigeria’s thriving start-up community, which boasts the highest number of start-ups in Africa, uses Twitter to recruit financing.

References

  1. ACNL (2021). Human rights implications of Nigeria’s Twitter Ban. Retrieved July 10, 2021 from https:www.icnl.orgpostanalysisthe-human-rights-implications-of-nigerias-twitter-ban.
  2. Adebayo, G. and Awonuga, G. (2021, June 6). Economy risks losing N2b to Twitter ban. Vanguard, 24 (15966), P. 2.
  3. Adegboruwa, E. O. (2021, June 10). Nigeria and Twitter. The Guardian, 37 (15505), P. 13.
  4. Adepetun, A., Aikulola, S., Nwokoro, S., Ugoeze, N. and Akpa, N. (2021, June 8).
  5. Adeboye, Kumuyi Defend Twitter Use as Envoys again Reject Ban. The Guardian, 37 (15,503), P. 1 & 2. African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR) 2007.
  6. Aja, K. (2021). The economic burden of the Twitter Ban on Nigeria. Retrieved July 8, 2021 from https:nairametrics.com20210609the-economic-burden-of-the-twitter-ban-on-nigeria
  7. Anyim, W. O. (2020). Admissibility of Computer-Generated Evidence in Nigerian Court of Law: Implications for Law Libraries. Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal). 4199. Retrieved July 12, 2021 from https:digitalcommons.unl.edulibphilprac4199
  8. Ewang, A. (2021). Nigeria’s Twitter ban follows patters of repression: Government should end restrictions on freedom of expression. Retrieved July 12, 2021, from https:www.hrw.orgnews20210607nigerias-twitter-ban-follows-pattern-repression
  9. Eze, M.; Taiwo, J.; Obi, O. O. and Nweje, C. (2021, June 3). FG Fumes as Twitter Pulls Down Buhari’s Civil War Tweet. Daily Sun, 17 (4723), P.6
  10. Fayose, P. A. (2021, June 3). FG Fumes as Twitter Pulls Down Buhari’s Civil War Tweet. Daily Sun,17 (4723), P.6.
  11. Hudley, L., Bishi, H. and Grossman, S. (2021). 3 things to know about Nigeria’s Twitter ban. Retrieved July 10, 2021 from https:www.washingtonpost.compolitics202106153- things-know-about-nigerias-twitter-ban