Category: Nationalism

State Formation in the Middle East

It is necessary to note that ideas of nationalism affected the development of the countries in the Middle East. As a result of these ideas and weak governance, the Ottoman Empire disappeared, and many countries obtained their independence (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 60). However, this freedom was quite illusionary as they were still under the control of Western powers. Thus, Iran and Turkey appeared after the World War I, which was a result of post-war treaties (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 70). Israel was created after the Second World War as an attempt to solve the issue associated with tensions in Palestine and as a result of lasting fight of Zionists (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 72).

Arab Revolt

During the World War I the Allied side was afraid of the Ottoman participation in the war as it was significant military force. Notably, various groups within the Empire were ready to fight against the Ottoman rule and the Allied side used this. They addressed one of the leaders of the anti-Ottoman force, Sherif of Mecca Sherif Husein, and promised him that a vast territory of the Ottoman Empire will gain independence and will be given under his rule (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 61). Husein managed to lead people, which resulted in the Arab revolt in 1916.

The Secret Agreements

Western countries were interested in having the control over the countries in the region as they wanted to have access to their resources and wanted to make sure that the governments will be loyal to their power. Thus, during the war (1915-1916) the Allied countries had an agreement on the distribution of their powers over the territories. France would get the control over the Levant area and Syria, the British would control Jordan and Iraq, Russia and Italia would control some areas of Turkey (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 62).

Colonialism and Western Dominance

As has been mentioned above, Western countries tried to control the nations of the Middle East throughout the first part of the 20^th century. Thus, Western diplomats tried to influence decisions of leaders of the countries in the area (Volt 64). They supported leaders who were loyal to them, and they tried to suppress masses and leaders who wanted to get rid of the Western dominance. Western powers needed the control over the territories due to their resources and their support during the wars.

Self-Determination

In 1918, Woodrow Wilson outlined fourteen points that, in his opinion, would ensure lasting peace in the world after the World War I. They were a bit idealistic, but some concepts enabled some countries to develop and some Western powers, for example, Britain, to keep their economic dominance (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 66). The President stressed that nations had to have the right to improve and develop relations with other countries (including economic ties) (“President Woodrow Wilson’s 14 points”). The point concerning the Middle East ensured the right of self-determination for all countries that were a part of the Ottoman Empire.

Contradictory Agreements

It is necessary to note that the agreements made in the first part of the 20^th century created some contradictions that are still present in the region (Dawoody 322). For instance, the agreement between France, Britain and Russia concerning the division of the control over the territories of the former Ottoman Empire resulted in frustration of all the parties. Furthermore, even though the British supported Husein, he could not control Hijaz region as the leader of the Wahhabi, Ibn Saud, did not want to accept the rule of Husein (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 69). Palestine was one of the most debatable regions as the fast-growing community of Jews was still a minority, but it was better organized than the Arab majority.

Trauma of WWI

Notably, the World War I created the world that was characterized by dissatisfaction and hostility. The Axis-Central Powers paid a very high price as the two empires were divided into several nations. The Allied side obtained control over the territories of the former Ottoman Empire, which led to their empowerment in the international arena. However, the created countries were not developing in peace as there were many revolts.

WWII and the Middle East Theater

Importantly, the states of the Middle East played a significant role in the World War II as they were used as important allies in the region. It is important to add that some these countries did not want to support Western nations as they were associated with exploitation and suppression of the cultural development (Choueiri 108). Nonetheless, the influence of Western countries was significant, and the states of the Middle East had to remain (at least, nominal) allies.

Post-War Independence Movements

The end of the World War II was associated with the rise of anti-colonial movements. Countries tried to obtain independence and the nations of the Middle East also wanted to be independent of the Western powers. Thus, Egypt, Iraq, and Iran received their real independence in the 1950s. Notably, production of oil enabled these countries to gain their independence as oil trade ensured the economic and social development of those states.

Israel

The end of the World War II was also associated with the creation of a new country, Israel. However, this country was seen as an outpost of imperialism and “Western hegemony” (Anderson, Seibert and Wagner 75). Arab leaders were against the creation of this country, and they did not want to give the territories to Jews supported by the Western world (Pappé 2).

Works Cited

Anderson, Roy R., Robert Seibert, and Jon G. Wagner. Politics and Change in the Middle East. New York: Routledge, 2011. Print.

Dawoody, Alexander R. “The Arab Spring of 2011: A Perspective.” Public Administration and Policy in the Middle East. Ed. Alexander R. Dawoody. New York: Springer, 2014. 319-341. Print.

Knysh, Alexander. “Historiography of Sufi Studies in the West.” A Companion to the History of the Middle East. Ed. Youssef M. Choueiri. Malden: John Wiley & Sons, 2008. 106-135. Print.

Pappé, Ilan. The Modern Middle East: A Social and Cultural History. New York: Routledge, 2014. Print.

President Woodrow Wilson’s 14 Points (1918). Web.

Volk, Lucia. The Middle East in the World: An Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2015. Print.

Introduction

The nineteenth century was a period of severe hardships for the divided states of modern Italy and Germany that were ruled by varied outside powers. Germans were living in 314 states that were barely united under the control of Austria (Farmer & Stiles, 2008). At the same time, Italy was separated by multiple external forces that competed against each other in the world arena. Their presence weakened the country, and they were leaving each other more vulnerable. In turn, Austria had its last advantage held by its military strength, yet it was multinational and did not have enough allies (Rowe, 2013). Under this background, nationalism was able to find its foothold.

Thesis statement and the Paper’s Roadmap

Italy and Germany were able to become the major political powers only through unification under a robust national idea, with the domination of the Austrian Empire serving as the catalyst of this process. The division that Germany and Italy had experienced in the nineteenth century was necessary to be eradicated through a focus on ethnic kinship. At the same time, Australian political and financial struggles allowed its controlled states in both countries to act with great success. Moreover, the growth of nationalist ideas gave rise to solid political forces that were essential in overcoming external influence that kept Germany and Italy divided. This essay will review how nationalism played its role in the unification of Italy and Germany and how it affected Austria.

The Pressure on Italy and Germany by Austria and other Neighboring Countries

As has been said, the external pressure on Germans and Italians was high. Austria, Spain, France, and other key players were pushing onto these states, competing for dominance. The detrimental effect of this internal competition was evident, as Europe was far less heterogeneous due to expansionist politics attempted by several of its members. For example, the disputes between Austria and Prussia led to them disregarding their states’ suffering and inadvertently creating the German Confederation (Hastings, 2018). This attempt to gain a better position among European political forces was not unique to Germany. Religious figures had a strong influence over Italy at that period. However, Pope Pius’ inability to adequately address the division that grew over anti-Austrian protests led to the destabilization of Rome’s control over its regions and outbreaks of violence (Hastings, 2018). There has been a long row of adverse events that triggered unification. These constant fights for control that occurred on territories of Italy and Germany had a substantial negative impact on the states’ economic and political stability (Rowe, 2013). Seeking solutions to long-lasting hostilities, citizens with active political positions decided to take charge.

Why did Austria Lose its Power over the Controlled States?

During the nineteenth century, Austria was rapidly losing its position in comparison with its past role in Europe. The French Revolution destroyed the balance of power, causing numerous crises, such as the Hohenzollerns, the anti-Austrian coalition between France and Russia, and spreading distrust between states, including southern German regions (Farmer & Stiles, 2008). The Austrian Empire saw little to no benefit from such a dire situation, as it was the likely target for aggression from all sides. The industrialization process played a major role in leaving Austria behind economically. For example, its attempts to capitalize on new technologies made its controlled German territories stronger through the urbanization process that gave rise to better-educated citizens (Hastings, 2018).

Higher levels of education made countries realize their positions and strive for better lives. For example, Austria has kept its strong presence in Germany by keeping its many states divided through internal conflicts and disrupted by the economic struggles from military activities (Hastings, 2018). Austria was unable to continue its strategy after the shocks from economically prosperous regions that became rebellious. There were several attempts to overthrow its rulership in several different locations, as well as the menace that stemmed from the neighboring countries, including France (Hastings, 2018). The economic growth of Austria’s regions exceeded their ruler, putting it under duress and giving Germany and Italy another reason to unite.

The Rise of Nationalism in Germany and Italy as a Response to External Intrusions into Local Politics

It was the time when new ideologies were easier to accept among the masses since their political positions were shifting. People were learning about injustices that affected their lives and began to strive for improvements. Steps taken by Germans toward nationalism stemmed from the need to address the concerns of locals through a governmental body that would be familiar with their struggles. For example, Rowe (2013) argues that “public engagement with politics beyond a particular locality” was the only way for citizens of oppressed states to be heard by their rulers (p. 478). In fact, the idea was that the nation must have been able to manage itself to lessen the burden of its distant ruler.

The role of the Austrian pressure on Italy was a deciding factor in turning nationalism into a path for unification as well. For example, the anti-Austria riots that took place in a number of Italian states in the middle of the nineteenth century helped spread the nationalist ideas over many states prone to rebellion, such as Sicily (Gooch, 2002). People wished to stop the bloodshed that occurred in the middle of the nineteenth century. The alliance between Italian Prime Minister Cavour and Napoleon led to mobilization and the spread of awareness of the horrors of battlefields (Hastings, 2018). The same ideas that permeated other European countries at that time led to highly motivated Italians choosing to create an independent government.

Austria’s role in the rise of nationalism is not strictly indirect. Rowe (2013) writes that “Austria became Europe’s leading opponent of nationalism” (p. 505). There was a clear realization that nationalism would be the end of this empire as the independent movements grew in numbers. However, Austria’s position was only a strengthening factor for nations that were already coming together on the basis of the needs and views shared by their citizens. At this time, various justifications of racial superiority became prominent among aristocrats, who, in turn, promoted said thoughts among larger populations, effectively radicalizing them (Hastings, 2018). The interests of ethnic groups took over the ambitions of distant rulers, making Italy and Germany the major forces that fought back their adversaries.

Conclusion

In conclusion, nationalism allowed Germany and Italy to unite into independent political powers under the ethnic-centered ideas and oppose the Austrian rulership that spread over many of their states. The actions of the monarchies, including the Austrian Empire, were detrimental to people who lived in the states where German and Italian ethnic groups were the majority. At the same time, these people had an opportunity to utilize their resources and the occupants’ weakened state to gain an advantage on their home ground. Austria, which had a strong influence over both Italy and Germany, had lost its lead by gaining too many adversaries on the political stage. It has ignored the pleas of people in distant states, who felt being left to fend for themselves. Nationalism began as an attempt of these communities to manage their need under the influence of the ideas of that time.

References

Farmer, A., & Stiles, A. (2008). Access to history: The unification of Germany 1815-1919 (3rd ed.). Hodder Education.

Gooch, J. (2002). The unification of Italy. Routledge.

Hastings, D. (2018). Nationalism in Modern Europe: Politics, identity, and belonging since the French Revolution. Bloomsbury.

Rowe, M. (2013). The French Revolution, Napoleon, and nationalism in Europe. In J. Breuilly (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the history of nationalism (pp. 476-563). Oxford University Press.

Introduction

Nationalism in the context of the Japanese entails a very wide range of ideologies and sentiments that have been adopted by the Japanese people for the past two centuries concerning their native nation, the culture, political structure and the changing and historical destiny. It’s hence imperative to distinguish different perceptions of nationalism like cultural nationalism from state-oriented nationalism which is also viewed as Japanese imperialism.

As history will have it, Japanese nationalism consists of a blend of indigenous and foreign political ideologies that were initially adopted by the Meiji administration to encourage national unity and loyalty. This was first in reaction to the colonization by European and later on the nationalism concept was to be used to attain the influence and equality that other great powers had. The concept has evolved very fast through the ‘Taisho era’ and ‘showa period’ hence justifying the growing totalitarian governance with more expansionism abroad.

The Changes in Nationalism

Over the past years, several scholars from western nations have made attempts to try and explain the essence of Japan as a very unique country. The task was not just to explain how Japan is unique but also to what extent this uniqueness had impacted other nations. Nationalism can be described as managing and mystifying identity (Nathan 23). In this way, several Japanese nationalisms can be described as being in the categories that are identified by other nations.

Basically, this means the Japanese can feel that they are so unique yet everyone else is feeling the same. Nathan believes that Japan is not prepared to discard its certainty of being so distinctive but rather explains how the Japanese are coping up with the challenges that face any other modernized country. His analyses assess the family system today where there is increased juvenile delinquency. The Japanese nonetheless have tactful ways of reacting to the stalled economic trend (Nathan 23).

Basically, Nathan sees issues like the way the Japanese military was treated after the Second World War and the amount of effort that was put down by the politicians to bring reform where contradictory forces had to work for the politics of Japan as a very unique thing. The Japanese society is basically cohesive though the current fracturing is what is making its future so uncertain. However, if societal issues like defiant children, breaking families and the shocking increase in juvenile crime are anything to go by, then only the renewal of their main force with is the Japanese nationalism can offer the cure (Nathan 134).

Nathan has studied the issue of national identity and that the Japanese feel about themselves. Basically, their problems are about an identity crisis. It seems that they are caught up in the crisis as they considered themselves to be isolated while at times they consider themselves as the key players in world affairs. The history of Japan embodies a very intense nationalism paradigm. Their nationalism emerged from elite patriotism that was inspired by very few extraordinary men who were the leaders of Japan in the period around 1600-1868 also termed as the Edo period (Nathan 134).

It was further advanced by Meija era leaders around the years 1869-1912. In the late 19^th century, a constitution was created to allow authority for the processes that were informally recognized since 1868. In essence nationalism for Japan was very strong until 1945 (Nathan 136). This was attributed t the defeat of its military in the Second World War. Since then, the nationalist attitude has been very shaky and perhaps the most critical.

The loyalties to the government were in a way silenced after the Second World War through the bond among the citizens is still very strong and carrying a great weight. The Japanese have grown steadily in terms of the economy hence managing to keep the threat very low. The Japanese are experiencing very fast internationalization, a trend that was sparked after 1945. Rather than considering themselves as isolated, the Japanese now consider themselves as a very vital element to the world where it constantly interacts with the foreign states (Nathan 149). Its national loyalty is competing greatly with other personal loyalty like music, art and family among others.

Also important to note is the fact that Japanese literature, arts and cultures have grown to become cosmopolitan. Their style is so unique that even critics are unable to reject them or separate them for modernity as Japan itself is modern.

Modern Japan History and Nationalism Continuity

The Japanese have a great sense of feeling so unique, this is grounded from the long history where the nation considered itself as very isolated naturally but later the notion of isolation was self-imposed. The Japanese or rather Asian at large view a group’s wellbeing as the most imperative thing that personal interests (Nathan 149).

The sense of self is hence developed through their interaction with other people from outside the region. Individuals basically worked very hard in order to meet the needs of their families or the local community that they belonged to and currently for the country. On the whole, it can be said that either one is Japanese or is not. Concepts of demography that are very distinct in other ethnicities like culture, race, and language were very synonymous for Japanese and still are (Nathan 154).

Japanese viewed the westerners as very weird kinds or people while they saw black as fearsome. Nonetheless, they worked very well together and in the 19^th century, they had advanced to catch up with the Chinese. In the 20^th century, Japan developed further to catch up with the west. These steps have made the current Japanese history very strong presenting them as very unique. The entire past is basically described as having very great foreign influence and comprising the strong indigenous sentiment (Nathan 163). This basically returns modern Japan to their history of group welfare as presiding that of an individual.

Nationalism has not always been a good concept for the Japanese. It has moved the country through turbulent moments of an inferiority complex to the volatility of a superiority complex just as it was observed in the Second World War. Currently, it is like they are realizing that they must have set up a very bogus dichotomy that differentiated the west and their indigenous virtues. Technology is no longer considered as western as the Japanese now realize that it is not culture-specific (Nathan 163).

Conclusion

The concept of nationalism in Japan is greatly influenced by the process of globalization. In that regard, Japan is conserved as internationalizing and taking up most of the western technology, way of life and way of doing business as well as managing its economy. The modern history of Japan especially in the contest of nationalism in the post-war era is considered as a narration of how the nation has shifted from a situation of categorical susceptibility to the gradual achievement of autonomy that is very well-founded on the financial capacities and the financial resources that it has become a threat to other nations.

With the breakdown of the Soviet Union threat and the termination of the cold war, Japan became even more independent in terms of security. It no longer depends on the US as it has developed its own world-class security system and hence it has room for manipulating resources to uphold its economy.

Work Cited

Nathan, John. Japan Unbound: A Volatile Nation’s Quest for Pride and Purpose, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2004.

Introduction

I have always believed people need changes to define the worth of their contributions to national and global development. Historically, such processes are known as revolutions, the promotion of nationalism, and exploitation. Many meaningful changes occurred between 1789 and 2001, including the French Revolution in the 1780s, German nationalism in the 1800s, and the Gulag repressions in the 1900s. One of the most remarkable events, the destruction of the Berlin War in 1989, gave rise to a new geopolitical idea of social melding.¹ However, Donald Trump admits the importance of walls for nations to protect their current national achievements. This statement made me think that instead of opening doors to all opportunities, the world has to understand the role of boundaries. Today’s Coronavirus pandemic or the Russia-Ukraine war are the outcomes of a poorly interpreted past. Therefore, my intention to evaluate the impact of revolutions, nationalism, and exploitation is based on the necessity to identify the best ways for co-existence in the modern world.

Revolution

At the beginning of the course, I learned the definition of revolution introduced by Jack Goldstein. He explained it as a rare “institutional change” or “driving ideology” under the condition when “rulers become weak” and “people believe in themselves.”² French Revolutions in 1789 or 1848 show how new military conflicts overthrew political regimes to promote a new democratic system. The Industrial Revolution in Britain provoked economic and social transformations that enhanced reconstruction. Historians like Goldstein and Hobsbawm offered not to confuse revolutions and rebellions (failed liberation attempts).³, ⁴People have to be ready to take quick and confident steps and use the unpredictability factor as a winning element. Thus, the intention to encourage the movements for women’s suffrage and minority groups’ support (slave exploitation) at that moment did not succeed but contributed to new ideologies and debates. Using this information, I think, today, revolutions are hardly possible because of people’s limited desire to introduce new strong ideologies, except those of neo-nationalism.

Nationalism

Nationalism is another critical concept to be thoroughly studied during the course. According to Hobsbawm, this ideology is rooted in congruence between political and national units to strengthen national identity.⁵ In the 1800s, the first elements of German nationalism emerged as a reaction to the Napoleonic Wars and the identification of political forces when German-speaking states united to resist Napoleonic power. In a short period, the British recognized the strengths of nationalism to fight against the French invasion. The inability to solve controversies now affects the modern world, and Brexit is an outcome. According to Thomson, Brexit is rooted in the growth of contradictions between the UK government and the European Union and the inevitability of national identity breakthrough.⁶ Nationalism might not directly shape exploitation changes, but it significantly affected another change force – revolutions. There were many examples when national sentiments provoked serious conflicts at the national level in China (the Opium War), Australia (the Anzac Myth), and Africa (post-World War I self-determination). I think the Cold War is one of the most dangerous views of nationalism due to the unpredictability of the competition between the West and the Soviet ideology.

Exploitation

The last concept that has been learned is exploitation from 1789 to 2001, and its connection to the ideas of nationalism and revolutions is undeniable. Following the views of historians, the wrong or unfair exploitation of labor was one of the major reasons for people to rebel and define their rights and freedoms.⁷ The abolition of the slave trade in English society, African and Asian migration of non-white populations, and Congo repressions under King Leopold at the end of the 1800s were evident examples. The creation of gulag camps by Joseph Stalin was explained by the necessity to remove undesirable elements in Soviet society.⁸ Instead of supporting damaged populations, the leader was interested in using prisoners as the major source of labor. Today, Putin supports the contextualization approach to hide the horrors of such exploitation, but it is a part of history that cannot be ignored. My thought is that nationalism and exploitation affected life quality and the relationships of individuals from different social groups.

Conclusion

Before starting the course, I knew that such concepts as nationalism, revolutions, and exploitation shaped human history and affected political and social changes. Now, I got a great opportunity to learn different historian views about how the chosen forces of change could shape each other and the modern world. Sometimes, society is ready to remove old rules, while some situations require more time and resources to understand unpredictable events and implement the necessary shifts. Revolutions can emerge from nothing, and a lack of national identity or increased exploitation activities usually contribute to conflicts at different levels. I will use examples from different countries, including Germany, France, the UK, and Russia, to improve my understanding of painful reality. People want to create a perfect wall and break all walls to enhance justice and freedom. However, this intention should never be a one-sided evaluation but a combination of national experiences and critical lessons about the past.

Bibliography

Goldstein, Jack A. Revolutions: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

Hobsbawm, Eric. Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Revolution: 1789-1848. New York: Vintage Books, 1996.

Postel-Vinay, Karoline. “How Neo-Nationalism Went Global.” The Conversation, 2017.

Thompson, Helen. “Brexit Forever.”History Today 69, no. 3, 2019.

Walker, Shaun. “Russia’s Gulag Camps Cast in Forgiving Light of Putin Nationalism.”The Guardian, 2015.

Footnotes

1. Karoline Postel-Vinay, “How Neo-Nationalism Went Global,” The Conversation, 2017. Web.
2. Jack A. Goldstein, Revolutions: A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 17-18.
3. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: 1789-1848 (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), 23.
4. Jack A. Goldstein, Revolutions, 20.
5. Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 9.
6. Helen Thompson, “Brexit Forever,” History Today 69, no. 3 (2019). Web.
7. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 39.
8. Shaun Walker, “Russia’s Gulag Camps Cast in Forgiving Light of Putin Nationalism,” The Guardian, 2015. Web.

Introduction

The concept of nationalism is quite complicated, and many scholars still debate about it in academic circles. Nationalism has been defined differently by scholars who have developed various schools of thought about it. “Nationalism involves a strong identification of a group of individuals with a political entity defined in national terms” (Allan 13). It can also be explained as a unifying factor since it aims at uniting a group of people who share common social and cultural values. Many historians believe that nationalism began in the post-medieval period in Europe. According to Kohn, nationalism began in 1642, while Acton believes that it started developing during the partition of Poland in 1772. Kedourie contends that it began in 1806 in Berlin.

Many scholars believe that it originated during the French Revolution that took place in 1789. “This is because the French Revolution brought together the elements of nationalist ideas, which were brewing up throughout the previous two centuries” (Smith 56). Trevor Roper traces the origin of nationalism in Germany and Hungary. From these territories, it was spread to Eastern and Southern Europe by intelligentsias. The idea of nationalism, later on, spread to Asia and Africa. Nationalism became one of the major developments that took place during the 19^th century. This paper seeks to discuss the importance of nationalist ideologies. “Ideology can be defined as a set of consensually shared believes and doctrines that provide the moral and intellectual basics for a political, economic, or social system” (Berger 72).

Importance of Nationalist Ideologies

The growing popularity of nationalist ideologies in the 19^th century was as a result of the following factors. Nationalist ideologies made it possible for nations to interact peacefully and constructively with each other. In this case, nationalist ideologies were used in empowering nations to make better decisions on international issues. This was achieved by struggling for self-determination. The 19^th century was also characterized by despotic regimes like Germany, which dominated international politics. This encouraged other territories to fight for self-governance. For example, the First World War was partly caused by the simmering arguments between different countries.

Nationalist ideologies were also important because they facilitated the formation of nations and states. Many scholars who support this argument perceive nationalism as an ideology. They perceive nationalism as a relationship that exists among people. During the 19t century, politicians used nationalist ideas to claim political power. Such politicians argued that the state would be governed by a few individuals, representing the people’s cultural and ethnic identities. This ideology always brought conflicts between the dominant and minority groups, especially in territories with mixed races, and different cultural practices. For example, the American civil war occurred between the blacks and the whites because they had different cultural beliefs.

Some communities remained stateless, but they were bonded by the common cultural practices that they shared. For example, the Kurds in the Middle East and the Zulu in South Africa had common identities. On the other hand, some countries with many ethnic groups were brought together by one political system. Nationalist ideologies facilitated the formation of centralized political systems as many people increasingly engaged in politics. This brought efficiency since despotic regimes could be ousted from power. Nationalist ideologies mainly facilitated the development of the nation-state. These ideologies encouraged various States to have more powers to manage the citizens effectively. Therefore, state laws became more effective and powerful. With the development of nationalist ideologies, the aristocracy was no longer recognized as the only sign of authority.

Many people were exposed to political knowledge as a result of the spread of nationalist ideologies. In the 18^th century, many people were governed by aristocratic regimes which were very powerful and could not be questioned by their subjects. People were always expected to obey the rules set by the aristocratic regimes. However, the modern state demanded the participation of many people in politics. Several pressure groups emerged in the 19^th century, and they forced their governments to carry out reforms. For example, in Britain, several laws were amended to widen the democratic space. This enabled many British citizens to participate in political activities. Many political parties were also formed in Germany after its unification in 1871. These political groups participated in politics and cultural activities. The German citizens encouraged their government to colonize other territories. This was implemented by Bismarck, who was serving as the German Chancellor (Hobsbawm 89).

The idea of common identity was spread to many nations after the French Revolution. Nationalists believed that cultural homogeneity would encourage nation-building. Minority groups were therefore expected to subscribe to the cultural practices of dominant groups. This was done with the aim of fostering national unity. National unity could be achieved through the assimilation of minority groups to the dominant ones. Nation-building was further promoted by cultural elites. Scholars were very important in facilitating the development of national language in countries like Germany and Italy.

Even though nationalism encouraged national unity, in some cases, it ended up being counterproductive. This is because sub-nationalism could always emerge in some countries which had many ethnic groups. When the minority groups were enlightened about nationalist ideologies, they also started forming their own identities; hence they fought for their own nationalism. Nationalism increasingly became common, especially towards the end of the 19^th century, and it also led to the dissolution of large and strong empires. “The ruling elites of Austria, for example, were forced to make concessions to the Hungarian population group in 1867” (Berger and Lorenz, The contested nation: ethnicity, class, religion, and gender in nations histories 180).

Conclusion

The above discussion indicates that the need for democracy and cultural identity led to nationalist movements in the 19^th century. Nationalist ideologies were very instrumental in shaping the development of various countries in the 19^th century. French Revolution acted as a source of inspiration for many people who faced political oppression from the dictatorial regimes. The media and the elites’ role was crucial in spreading the nationalist ideologies in various territories. For example, “the French ideologies, equality, liberty, and fraternity, were commonly used by many people when they were fighting for reforms in their countries” (Allan 56).

The spread of nationalism did not stop at the end of the 19^th century, but it continued even in the 20^th century. Nationalism is also one of the factors that led to the colonization of Africa. Many African countries fought for self-determination after the Second World War, and they mainly used the nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is still being practised even at present. For example, a wave of nationalism recently emerged in Arab countries such: as Egypt Yemen, Tunisia, and Libya. These revolutions demonstrate that despotic regimes still exist, and many people are still fighting for nationalism even after achieving independence. Nationalism, therefore, remains one of the greatest developments that started in the 19^th century.

Works Cited

Allan, Bayly. The birth of modern of modern world 1780-1914: global connections and comparisons. Malden: Blackwell, 2004.

Berger, Stefan. A companion to ninetenth cetury Europe: 1789-1914. Malden: Blackwell, 2006.

Berger, Stefan and Chris Lorenz. The contested nation: ethnicity, class, religion, and gender in nations histories. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

Hobsbawm, Eric. Nations and nationalism since 1780: programme, myth, reality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Smith, Antony. Nationalism: theory, ideology, history. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001.

Hobsbawm (1990) discusses the reasons and the ways of the concept of “national patriotism” becoming a powerful political force within a short time. The author speaks about the development of certain communal sentiments, which could have been predecessors of nationalism. These proto-national sentiments can be both “supra-local” and springing from local political communities (Hobsbawn, 1990, p. 46). Nevertheless, proto-national sentiments do not always transform into national sentiments. For example, the Jews managed to preserve their sense of common Jewishness even though they did not have a Jewish State for a long time and are now nationalistic.

The concept of proto-nationalism is difficult to define because it can be found in many aspects such as language, ethnicity, religion, and consciousness of belonging to a lasting political entity. Also, nationalism and proto-nationalism can be the same. Still, proto-nationalism itself cannot form nationalities, nations, or states due to certain reasons. Firstly, there are fewer national movements than human groups that can potentially form a nation. Secondly, proto-nationalist sentiments lose their importance for patriotism formation after a state is established. Thirdly, there is a lack of evidence of proto-nationalist sentiments’ existence because they could have been not recorded due to the illiteracy of the population that developed these ideas.

Duncan (1998) introduces the concept of proto-nationalism in pre-modern Korea. The author agrees with the majority of the twentieth-century scholars who claimed that nations could be treated as entities that preceded the development of contemporary nation-states. This theory is particularly true about Korea because the nation has been living on a single territory with very little racial mixing (Duncan, 1998). The author mediates between two attitudes towards the Korean nation, like the one preceding the development of the Korean state and being a modern creation.

Duncan (1998) addresses the ideas of Hobsbawn (1990) about the areas of proto-national identification, such as language, ethnicity, religion, and membership in a lasting political entity. While all of these areas are significant, belonging to a lasting political entity is considered to be a decisive criterion of proto-nationalism. Duncan (1998) claims that, in the case of Korea, all of the suggested areas contributed to the formation of modern nationalism.

The development of the nation and state lasted for centuries and differed from that of European countries. On the whole, the author agrees with previous ideas of proto-nationalism and adds that the Korean sense of self-identification had a long history and had a significant impact on the formation of the contemporary Korean state.

References

Duncan, J. (1998). Proto-nationalism in premodern Korea. In Lee & Park (Eds.). Perspective on Korea, pp. 198-221 Sydney, Australia: Wild Peony.

Hobsbawm, E. J. (1990). Nations and nationalism since 1780. Programme, myth, reality (2nd ed.). Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.

Introduction

The movement of people from one place to another influenced a sense of sovereignty among people who are interested in self-governance. Nationalism involves movements that intend to promote a particular country’s interest. Therefore, many independent states that are self-reliant were formed through nationalism.

Discussion

In the 19^th century, migration influenced nationalism since increased interactions led to the unity of purpose among citizens in various states. Moreover, migration led to the exchange of ideas, leading to revolutionary movements that were significant for gaining independence in various African countries. However, some acts of migrants, such as slavery and colonialism, interfered with nationalism. While migration activities encouraged nationalism, they suppressed it by denying people the power to self-govern.

Migration activities increased social interactions that allowed locals to realize their essence and the importance of sovereignty. For instance, the migration of Europeans to African countries made the locals doubt the European imperial mission (Tignor et al., 2021). Consequently, Africans migrated to safer areas where they could organize resistance against the European colonialists. Additionally, through migration activities, nationalists recruited new members who were against colonialism. Kinjekitile Ngwale, a young African, is one of the nationalists who moved among different ethnic groups to encourage rebellions against colonialists (Tignor et al., 2021). Therefore, migration promoted unity among different ethnic groups, which was crucial for resistance movements.

Conclusion

Although migration was crucial for nationalism in various jurisdictions, it suppressed the urge for sovereignty among locals. Fear among the locals in Asian and African countries was spread through migration activities (Tignor et al., 2021). As the individuals moved from one part to another, they spread the news on the advanced technology and use of lethal weapons by the Europeans. Consequently, nationalism was discouraged since many were apprehensive of torture and death. Moreover, the European imperialists used the migrants to spread their influence. Some Asians and Africans acted as representatives of the European colonialists who reported any form of resistance while encouraging the locals to embrace Western culture (Tignor et al., 2021). Although migration was significant for nationalism, it negatively influenced the movement.

Reference

Tignor, R. L., Adelman, J., Pollard, E., & Rosenberg, C. (2021). Chapter 18: An unsettled World (1800-1914). In Worlds Together, Worlds Apart: From the Beginnings of Humankind to the Present. W. W. Norton & Company.

Introduction

Stokely Carmichael is a civil rights activist and founder of the notion of “Black Power.” He showed himself as a brilliant student both at school and university, where he became interested in the topic of civil rights (“Stokely Carmichael: West Indian-American Activist”).

His path in civil rights activism began by becoming a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (the SNCC). This essay focuses on Stokely Carmichael’s contribution to black nationalism. Although Carmichael faced difficulties during his journey to a life without racial inequality, he did not stop and kept spreading the slogan “black power” to London, Cuba, and Vietnam.

Stokely Carmichael’s Participation in Civil Rights Actions

Stokely Carmichael took part in many civil rights organizations, including his participation in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee led by James Forman, Bob Mosses, and Marion Barry (“SNCC”). The party aimed to provide black people with equal rights in civic actions. In 1966, Carmichael was elected as the head of this party, in which he integrated the term “Black Power” that characterized violence as self-defense. Carmichael was also a member of the Freedom Riders, a civil rights movement that fought against racial segregation. (“Stokely Carmichael: West Indian-American Activist”). The experience he got from participating in these actions prepared him for one of the most important marches in his life, the Meredith March.

The purpose of the Meredith March was to create equal rights for black voters to remove the fear of many black people to cross Mississippi and to fight against racism. It was organized by James Meredith in 1966 and implied a walk from Memphis to Jackson (Joseph, p. 77). During his second day, an unknown man shot Meredith and injured him. The journalists reported the news with an error saying that Meredith was killed. Even though the updating was done less than an hour later, the incident raised a wave of resentment among people. The new head of the Congress of Racial Equality Floyd McKissick announced the continuation of the movement and promised to finish it by gathering volunteers. This march embraced the Black Power notion and made Carmichael a prominent figure by representing him as a national civil rights activist. The movement lasted from May 8 till June 29, ending with a tribute of black and white people seeking justice and equality for everyone; even famous figures such as Marlon Brando joined in.

Challenges in the South

One of the challenges that Carmichael faced was whites’ hostility towards marches. During the Meredith March, when the crowd reached the Madison County Courthouse, the officials forbade protesters to pitch the tents (Joseph, p. 87). Despite the prohibition, Carmichael gave the order to settle down in front of McNeal Elementary School. This act led to the punishment of the protesters by patrolmen. They were throwing the gas canisters into people, but Carmichael and McKissick kept chanting, “Pitch the tents.” It was not the only violent act from the police troops. After each police attack, Carmichael was pointing at them, saying that these people are not able to protect anyone if they beat women and children and throw gas canisters at them. He took every opportunity to show the real face of the American political system.

During the march, Carmichael became a close friend with already well-known civil rights activist Martin Luther King-Jr, whose views and values although differed in some points were quite similar to Carmichael’s. The difference in opinions was another problem that Carmichael faced during his movements. King showed disapproval of the notion of “Black Power” because he saw violence in it. In his speeches, he expressed the position of many black people who were furious because of the attempt to murder James Meredith, at the same time reminding them of nonviolent politics. However, later King states, “If Stokely Carmichael now says that nonviolence is irrelevant, it is because he, as a dedicated veteran of many battles, has seen with his own eyes the most brutal white violence against Negroes and white civil rights workers, and he has seen it go unpunished” (p. 34). This shows his compromise with Carmichael on the issue of racial desegregation.

Despite difficulties, Carmichael kept traveling and giving speeches on civil rights freedom. People in London treated him as an idol and listened to his glorious speeches. He realized that the nonviolent tactics will not work, that is why he refused to talk about the topic of nonviolence and instead spoke about relevant things, such as self-defense. Although people loved him, he faced resentment from authorities and had to depart from London. He was invited by the Cuban officials to attend the Organization for Latin American Solidarity (Joseph, p. 144). There he became acquainted with Fidel Castro, Cuban human rights activist. His travel to Havana, Carmichael describes as “eye-opening, inspiring, and mind-blowing” (Joseph, p. 146). Later he booked a flight to Vietnam where he took part in actions against the Vietnam War.

Conclusion

To conclude, Stokely Carmichael’s contribution to racial equality was prominent. With his sharp mind and dedication on the way to making his nation free from discrimination he could convey a message to the masses, and people listened to him. The slogan” black power” inspired people to fight against injustice and racial discrimination, to define their rights, and to build a united community. Although he experienced some difficulties such as whites’ hostility and aim determination of the movements, he was conscious of these challenges and took advantage of them to subdue other countries with his great speeches.

Works Cited

1. Joseph, Peniel E. Stokely: A Life. Basic Civitas, 2014.
2. King, Martin Luther Jr. Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? Beacon Press, 2010.
3. “SNCC.” History, 2019. Web.
4. “Stokely Carmichael: West Indian-American Activist.” Britannica. Web.

Introduction

The assigned papers delve into the concept of proto-nationalism, its roots, and its role in the modern world. Thus, the first reading states that the idea of national patriotism arises from the fact that there are particular groups of human beings who recognize themselves as members of these formations. For this reason, their interests are focused on the protection of these groups’ interests. This vision is close to the idea of proto-nationalism that emerge under the impact of feelings of the collective belonging which already existed in individuals’ mentalities. There are supra-local forms of identification that disregard the importance of particular areas and political bonds of certain entities that are linked to certain institutions.

Main body

The concept of proto-nationalism goes beyond traditional meanings of nationalism as it unites people from various states across the world in a particular formation characterized by similar ideas and mentalities. The language also plays a critical role in the appearance of proto-national groups as it helps to define individuals and differentiate them from the rest of the nationalities. In such a way, this sort of nationalism becomes a potent force that can be utilized with the primary aim to achieve a certain goal or promote a particular idea across the globe.

The role of proto-nationalism in the formation of nationalities can be evidenced using the second reading. For instance, the rise of Korea can be considered a history of one nation as since the first stages of its development it has been a single race. In such a way, mainly under the impact of proto-nationalist ideas, people living in the area managed to save the vision of a unified state and the vision of the Korean nation as a force impacting the evolution of the region. In such a way, the discussed concept became a basis for the emergence and formation of nationhood with its culture, mentality, and identity.

Conclusion

The reading also touches upon the topic of language and the role it plays in the evolution of proto-nationalism and the promotion of its ideas across the globe. It becomes an important component of ethnicities and cultures; however, it also undergoes the impact of local dialects and other language forms which makes it difficult to consider it to be the most important factors that precondition the emergence of proto-national ideas and their becoming central forces cultivating the rise of ethnicities and nations in various parts of the globe.

Question

What is the role of proto-nationalism in international policy and global intercourse?

The given question helps to acquire an improved understanding of the role proto-nationalism plays in the coherent society. At the same time, answering it, an individual will be able to investigate the main peculiarities of the modern international policy and understand how nationalism preconditions the emergence of various tendencies in policy and decision making.

Works Cited

Duncan, John. “Proto-Nationalism in Premodern Korea.” Perspectives on Korea, edited by Sang-Oak Lee and Duk-Soo Park, Wild Peony, 1998, pp. 199-221.

Hobsbawm, Eric. Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. 2nd ed., Cambridge University Press, 2012.

Pan Asianism is a combination of ideas and movements that advocate for consolidation and collaboration of Asian nations to free themselves from the western influences. Pan Asianism resulted from a number of reasons. The Asian countries believed they could unite in combating European imperialism. European countries were believed to have political, economic and military influence and dominance in Asian countries.

Pan Asianism gained popularity in the early 20^th century from the resistance of European foreign involvement in Asia. Europe’s political setup and theories were not a favorite and compatible to Asian countries’ beliefs and practices. Some of the political values from Europe were the human rights and freedom which greatly contradicted Chinese communism and the Indians individualism. Pan Asianism attractiveness was heightened by conflicting interest between the European states and the Asians states (Beasley, 211).

Pan Asianism is strongly related to Russo- Japanese’s war of 1904-1905. The war was between Japan and Russia. It culminated from conflict of interest and revolted between Manchuria and Korea. Japan had adopted European ideologies and technologies by the late 19^th century thereby becoming one of the industrialized imperials in Asia (Beasley, 181). Late in that century Japan had emerged victor in a war with China and acquired its territories including Port Arthur. Later, in order to quell the boxer rebellion in China, Russia occupied Manchuria where Port Arthur was located. The Russians later refused to vacate the area even after the deadline passed. Possession of Port Arthur did not auger well to Japan. Russia had absorbed some of the Asian states and was in great need of a frost free port. Port Arthur was the favorite since its port of Vladivostok could operate only during summer. Japan and Russia had interest in Korea and had managed to coexist. The refusal of Russia to vacate from Manchuria triggered Japan to get hostile. Russia had proposed to abandon Korea in exchange of Manchuria since they believed Japan could never have contemplated going to war with them. This was what triggered Japan to enter into war with Russia over Manchuria. Japan finally emerged victor. Pan Asianism was the sole fuel to this war as Japan wanted to expand its interest in Asia in opposition of the western states (Beasley, 196).

There were different versions of pan Asianism which ranged from political, cultural, economic and military aspects. Cultural independence was seen to be at stake since the Europeans had different cultures, Tōa dōbunkai was a cultural version of pan Asianism. Asian countries had unity in using the Chinese characters. The Asian religions were similar and were far much unrelated to Christianity which was practiced by the western states. Politically, the western countries were colonizing the Asian countries. Pan Asianism strongly opposed this since it wanted to maintain its political independence. Gen’yōsha and Kokuryūkai were the other version groups of pan Asianism (Espiritu, 163).

Pan Asianism was well demonstrated in Japan. Japan was the center where scholars and leaders of pan Asianism would meet and openly discuss their affairs. Various pan Asianism groups were founded in Japan under their influence. After Japan defeated china and Russia it joined the ranks of colonial powers. During world war I Japan was pushing for a movement that it named Asia for Asians, this demonstrates pan Asianism in Japan as the movement would kick out the colonizers. During 1930 to 1940 Japan had military expansion which were also expressed in official pan Asianism declarations “New Order in East Asia” and the “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere”( Gi-Wook, 124).

Finally, pan Asianism can be attributed to having liberalized Asian people from European domination. It can also be likened to the great East Asia wars thus it can be called war to liberalize Asia. Pan Asianism has played an important role in intellectual discourse and development of East Asia.

Works Cited

Beasley W.G. Collected writings New Yolk: Routledge, 2001

Gi-Wook Shin. Ethnic nationalism in Korea: genealogy, politics, and legacy Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2006

Yen Le Espiritu. Asian American panethnicity: bridging institutions and identities Philadelphia:Temple University Press, 1992