Category: Nationalism

Introduction

Nationalism is a sense of feeling where particular groups of people identify themselves with certain cultures, beliefs, traditions, norms, and are guided by similar law. People develop deeper sense of responsibility to each other in an attempt to accomplish common objectives and aims. The nation has a certain belief towards the right to statehood.

The members of a state develop a citizenship belief with some degree of cultural identity. People dedicate their lives to developing their nation by working hard since they believe that their state is powerful to all others. Each society has its own ways of doing things, which varies greatly with those of other societies. Globalization has made it easier for people to meet and interact in politics and economics.

People compete for markets and political domination making each group to unite to achieve collective bargaining in multilateral interactions. Social struggles and intrigues are the threats to nationalism. This paper examines how Middle Eastern citizens living in Australia join hands in their quest for supremacy.

The major purpose of the essay is to understand scientific research methodologies, their use and applications in real practice. The paper uses three articles talking about nationalism among Middle immigrants. The methodologies involved in the articles are analyzed with the purpose of conceptualizing research methods.

Catarina Kinnvall: Globalization and Religion: Self, Identity and the search for Ontological Security

The article analyses how states and nations have regrouped to form a strong sense of belonging after the 9/11 attack to the world trade center. Middle Eastern citizens continue living in fear since they do not know when the Americans will strike while the Americans have established all possible measures to contain terrorism.

The article reports that the existing international system puts states in precarious conditions because of suspicion and mistrusts, Israelis are always in strategy meetings to see how they can continue surviving in the Arab dominated region. Security is always tight in western countries because of the unknown, the fear of the darkness. Travelers undergo serious security checks at termini.

Citizens have become weary of foreigners and refugees. They view refugees are threats to national security and opportunities in their societies. All these have been brought about by globalization. There is free movement of goods and services (Kinnvall, 2004, p. 24)

The markets are open to all individuals in the global society implying that liberalism is embraced by all states. This has led to increased competition where weak companies and organizations exist at the mercy of the mighty ones. Egalitarianism and democratization process have changed societal social structure where the traditional exercise of power has been abolished.

People no longer identify themselves with race, class and gender but common aspirations and values are what people hold and identify themselves with. Societies have grown to a level of complexity where they interact for some time and develop new norms and regulations.

The society is very dynamic unlike the traditional society, which was static. Norms and cultures are no longer passed from one generation to another instead; generations acquire new norms that help them to cope with the changing society. One universal law such as international human rights that operate in all states governs the modern society (Kinnvall, 2004, p. 35).

The Middle East citizens living in Australia identify the aims they want and join hands in accomplishing them. They use all means including lobbying government to achieve their goals. Their representatives in government are part of them. This is what happens in the U.S. where Israelis have representatives in government to assist them achieve their goals.

Methodology Used

The writer should have applied sampling in doing the research. The whole population cannot be used to obtain information. Instead, a small percentage of the whole population is selected in order to determine the results. The specific sampling technique used is multistage sampling where the population is grouped together and clusters selected. Individual elements are not considered in this type of sampling.

The technique is meant for large populations. The writer began by selecting continents then he narrowed down to countries and finally went to communities. This kind of sampling ensures representativeness. The samples obtained will correctly take into consideration the views of the study population.

The research being conducted in the article involves learning of behavior. The researcher should take time with the population to study their ways of life by interacting with them. Through interaction, the researcher can observe the trends of life and record. The researcher must be around for him/her to judge by him/herself the moods and tempers of the population understudy.

Facial expressions are important in research since they reveal some feelings that the correspondence might be reluctant to volunteer. Observed information does not rely on the past or future behavior. The information is directly related to what is happening currently to the population.

Because of the expensive nature of observation method of data collection, the researcher can seek the services of enumerators to assist in data collection. The enumerators are given required training and sent to the field with specific questions to guide them on the type of information to be collected. The researcher keeps on checking the enumerators to ensure that whatever they are doing in the fields are correct.

Rae Heather: State Identities and the Homogenization of Peoples

The article claims that because of increasing insecurity and state identities, governments are reasserting their positions by strengthening their armies and promoting democracies. Those in government are suspicious that the foreigners pose threats to their relatives and families.

The government officials struggle for homogenization by organizing attacks to the perceived foreigners. This has led to instabilities in most parts of the world such as Rwanda in Africa, Middle East states and South America. The unprivileged politically find themselves being pushed to the periphery by the powerful.

The underprivileged are perceived as betrayers and are therefore expected to operate from outside the state territory. This forces them to seek asylum and refugee status in other states. This has seen quite a good number of refugees arriving in Australia from Middle East. The civil wars in Afghanistan and Yugoslavia forced many citizens to seek safety in Australia.

The immigrants consider themselves people of the same needs and problems. Once they obtain Australian citizenship, they forge a working unity to realize their potentials. They establish a sense of belonging and feeling that act as a bond among them (Rae, 2002, p. 4-6).

Methodology

The research relied heavily on secondary data. The researcher visited libraries and the internet to obtain critical information about the behavior of states in the international system. The investigator identified the problem and defined it within its precincts. In social research, nothing is new. Whatever we investigate is always in existence. We only add knowledge the available ones or we provide more understanding.

Relevant articles were identified and content analysis done on them. Most of the researches should undergo literature review to determine what exists and where the previous researchers went wrong. Without visiting secondary data, it would be difficult for a researcher to get started.

This would further lead to generalization of too much information that is irrelevant. Collected information should be help in some ways such as solving social problems afflicting society, academic utility that can further be modeled to come up with theories.

Goode Eric and Nachman Ben-Yehuda: Moral Panics: The Social Construction of Deviance

The article argues that societies are panicking about the regrouping of communities by leaders. Some groups belief that the problems in society are brought by specific groups. The communities cooperate to achieve their aspirations in life. They come into conflict with each other while trying to advance their interests.

The conflicts divide the society into groups, each group identify itself with some lifestyles such as mode of dressing and music, religion. In an attempt to outdo the other, groups brand each other. One group might be identified with some weird behaviors such as Japanese in Australia who are known for gambling. Chinese are believed to be corrupt that is, they use dirty tricks to acquire wealth and resources.

The Americans are blamed in Australia for introducing a bad behavior of resisting arrest. The Australian society does not want to come to the existing reality that social problems are caused by multiplicity of factors. The social problems are heterogeneous meaning that they can happen within any social context.

We have Middle East citizens who are murderers and at the same time, we hear of murder among Briton populations. The writers conclude by recommending that the society should come to the reality of accepting diversity and taking objective perspectives in judging problems (Goode & Nachman, 1994, p. 35).

Methodology

The kind of information contained in the article requires sampling. The sampling technique to be applied is deliberate where the researcher determines the people to interview. The investigator should first identify the problem statement. Once the problem is identified, he/she can check in the internet or available materials to determine the facts and hypothesis. Sampling cannot be random since the key informants might be left out.

The researcher chooses the most convenient place to sample since some places are inaccessible because of either insecurity or poor infrastructure. The researcher therefore should exercise objectivity since the research relies on his fairness. The data collection methods used is telephone interview and mailing. The researcher resorts to the methods because they are convenient and cheap as compared to observation.

The researcher hence knows the telephoned or mailed respondents no need of spending too much. Whatever the researcher will be doing is to survey the people not studying it in detail. The labeling theory is more utilized in the above article hence the writer must have relied also on the secondary data.

Importance of the Methods

Methods are the techniques used by researchers in undertaking research. The researchers choose carry out either a case study or surveys. Case studies are advisable in investigations involving human behavior. Human behavior is very complex to understand. The researchers need some time to learn what people like or do not like.

The way people behave is not uniform, human actions can be quantified because of its unpredictability nature. Survey studies are easier and cheap to undertake. They summarize data mathematically. The methods use in research assist in establishing which criteria should be used in collecting data. The first category of methods includes the libraries where the data available is analyzed.

The researcher records notes as he/she reads books or can as well watch/listen to tapes and analyze the information contained therein. The recorded information of books is then compiled statistically by way of manipulation. The researcher should interpret the collected information to suit the hypothesis. The investigator finally must provide references to the collected information and if possible provide abstract guides.

The second group of methods consists of techniques used for establishing some link between the known and unknown data. The techniques are statistical and it includes field research. The first type of observation is non-participant direct observation where by the researcher uses scorecards to collect information. The other way that information can be collected is through interactional recording where tapes and photographs are used.

This participant observation is preferred to non-participative because the researcher is able to observe other things apart from data. Mass observation is also applied in collection of data where the researcher interviews the respondents using independent observers in public places.

The mailed questionnaire and opinionative questionnaires are used to identify social and economic background of the interviewed population. Researchers to follow up questionnaires apply telephone surveys.

Sometimes the researchers may want to analyze a complex occurrence. Case studies and life histories are used for that matter. The method is applied to collect data for further analysis. The last data collection category is equated to laboratory research.

This technique employs devices such as audio-visual recording and use of experts in observing the occurrences. Small groups are therefore used as samples and the samples are selected randomly.

Basis of Scientific Research Methods

The research methods aim at making adequate and reliable statements about social-economic and political phenomena. The data collected relies on the methodology used. Data collected in social research relies on empirical evidence. Statements arrived at can be tested scientifically. It means that scientific methods rely on observation, testing and verification.

The empiricism of scientific methods allows logic to be applied in detecting societal problems. The methods use relevant concepts such as those derived from theories. A theory is a refined body of knowledge that scholars apply in interpreting issues. The methods do not take sides meaning that they only aim at objective truth. Subjectivity is highly discouraged in social research.

Researchers must take neutral stands in fact they should never try to interpret data to suit their wimps or wishes. The information obtained through application of methods result to probabilistic predictions. The data can be used for planning.

Relevance: Quantitative and Quantitative Research Methods

The two are most commonly used methodologies. The former uses numbers to summarize data while the latter give the exact information. Quantitative research is more of analytical, it analyses available data to arrive at conclusions while quantitative research is descriptive meaning that it gives raw data.

It the follows that quantitative research is advisable at the advanced stage of research while quantitative is to be applied at the earlier stages of research project. Researchers choose the type of research depending on the available time and resources.

Quantitative method is less time consuming and economical, it is best for surveys. It is recommended for natural scientists while qualitative research is expensive, it is recommended for case studies.

Conclusion

Research constitutes defining and redefining problems and formulating hypothesis. The research process consists of a series of actions that must be applied in conducting research to obtain good results. The research process starts with formulating the problem.

Either problems can be natural or relational that is, those that exist among people. The next stage after identifying the problem is reviewing literature; a researcher is advised to investigate on what has already been done. This enables intensive enquiry into the problem. The research should have a working hypothesis. These are tentative assumptions applied to test the hypothesis.

The researcher needs to come up with a research design. He/she should know which type of research will be best suited to the topic, will it be case study, survey, experiment, quantitative or qualitative.

Sampling is the last item in the process. The researcher should come up with the most representative sample to avoid the biases that crop up because of sampling. Research is incomplete without one of the steps. One of the objectives of research is to portray accurately the features of an individual. The researchers should be careful to arrive at this accuracy.

References

Goode, E. & Nachman, B. (1994) Moral Panics, the Social Construction of Deviance. Oxford: Blackwell.

Kinnvall, C. (2004) Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity and the search for Ontological Security. Political Psychology, 25(5), 741-767

Rae, H. (2002) State Identities and Homogenization of Peoples. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Introduction

It is only to be expected that a creation have the characteristics of its creator. The concept of nationalism is one which without a doubt was created by men for men. Consequently, it is to be expected that nationalism should have strong influences on the masculine gender. This paper shall argue that nationalism is a gendered realm that favors the male sex and that within nationalism as an institution, there is very little room for women. The women are nothing more than props to nationalism.

McClintock states unapologetically and very succinctly that all nationalisms are gendered, and apart from that, they have all been invented and are dangerous (McClintock, 1985). She explains that nations are built from traditional practices which are passed down through history from generation to generation until these practices become integral to the people. The traditions then give the people an identity, a sense of distinction that puts them separate from other societies around them. This is what McClintock means when she says that nationalism is invented.

While on the one hand, nationality purports for a togetherness that arises from the nurtured common identity, it on the other hand perpetuates a distinction between genders, a wide gap between the two sexes. Equality is for those of the same sex, not across the sexes. The resources and opportunities allocated to the two sexes are never the same, no matter what nation on earth one might be in. The nation determines how resources are distributed to the people, using criteria that nationalism devices.

National hierarchies are often patriarchal, the needs of the nation are often equated with masculine needs. Women are not active participants in national issues; they stand ignored and assumed on the periphery, only coming into the main picture if they are playing the role of prop to a man. While the man remains the central figure, the woman, as McClintock puts it, is the ‘boundary’ of what constitutes the nation; women are the mortar that holds the bricks together in the wall, important but unrecognized.

Men are the makers and the keepers of the nation while women are only symbolically associated with the same nation. The roles allocated to women as being part of nationalism are divided by McClintock into five major categories. Women are seen as the way for continuing the nation’s descendants; they are the carriers of life. Women define the boundaries for national groups; if they were to intermarry freely with other nationalities then national lines would become blurred hence the restrictions put on a marriage. Women are passing on national culture, by teaching their offspring and by being considered as part of that culture. Lastly, women are implicated by nationalism in that they take part in the national struggles that best their nations.

The misplaced analogy of nationalism and family

As has been mentioned, nationalism is meant to inculcate a sense of belonging, a sense of being part of one great and cohesive whole. The nation is supposed to be representative of the family, the most basic and all-inclusive human social group. Countries are referred to in terms of being the ‘motherland’ or the ‘fatherland’ and when one migrates to another country they ‘adopt’ it.

Thus, anything that is done to serve national interests is assumed as being in the interests of all those who stand under the umbrella of that nation, an assumption that is rarely ever true in the case of the woman. Women the world over, do not feel like part of their nations are not so keen on the national spirit. The men created nationalism; the symbols of nationalism are also relegated to men. Hence women are rather indifferent to nationalism. They think of it in the abstract.

Nationalism is not a concept that women can address with passion. Simply put it is not a cause that they would as quickly and readily go to war for as the men do. This is how far removed the women are from their countries’ political systems.

In the symbolism of nationhood, the woman comes in handy. Since the woman is in many situations as a national and cultural symbol. Men fight their bloody wars for nationalistic causes that are meant to protect the ‘motherland’. It is considered noble to give up one’s life for this motherland.

But do the same men who perpetrate violence stop to consider the ramifications of violence on their womenfolk? In different war-torn regions of the world, women and children are the ones who voicelessly bear the brunt of conflict. They are the ones who are raped and forced into becoming sex workers to keep their families. Women are the ones who have to stay in refugee camps, helpless and alone, separated from those they care about. Yet the men are the ones who are counted as war heroes, who get the medals and to whom monuments are dedicated. Men are the ones who are immortalized for their feats on bloodied battlefields as they fight in defense of the precious motherland.

Does the post-colonial woman equal the independent woman?

What is termed as the ‘struggle for independence’ can be re-termed as man’s struggle for independence. Like other aspects of nationalism, breaking away from colonial masters was very much a male affair. The colonizer, if still to be considered using the family analogy, acted as the ‘big brother’ who offers guidance to a younger and ignorant sibling who needs to be shown the ropes. The colonialist, feeling superior with his capitalism and nationalistic approach offers to show the younger brother the ropes. The aim of this was for the colonized nation to emulate the colonizing power which acts almost as a benchmark Thus, colonial nations were cast in the role of illuminating patriarchs; they were to lead lesser nations into their maturity stage.

In this process, women stood as a group suspended out of time. Their situation remained untouched and unchanged by the freeing of their nations from the yokes of colonialism. The analogy found between the white man as a colonizer who is at liberty to take as many of the colonized women as he sees fit, as contrasted to the white woman who chooses to take a black lover gives an apt description of the position of woman in society.

Since the white man is in charge, he can willfully take any woman he wants; the woman does not have any say in the matter. However, when the woman takes a black lover, she is in no way seen to be taking control or asserting authority based on her color; she is giving of herself. There is no other reason she could take the lover other than for those that are propelled by emotions. The man can take what he wants, but the woman, no matter her position can only give.

The reason why the black man desires the white woman and longs for her is only that she represents the power and stature that the white man has. By possessing the woman, he can indirectly earn some of the power and status his master has. The woman, for the black man, is just the means to an end.

Marjane Satrapi, in her book ‘Persepolis’(2003), clearly illustrates how little change there is for the woman whether the nation she lives in is independent or colonized. Since the nation has been made analogous to the family, then the gaining of independence is meant to be independent for all, whether male or female. In this sense, Satrapi feels that Pakistan gaining her independence should have meant independence for her women too.

On the surface, it would appear as though women have gained a certain level of independence: they can now go out in public without their veils, they vote and some women even pursue an education. But that is just about the extent of Pakistani women’s newfound independence. Independence is not independence if an individual relies on the whimsy of another as Pakistani relies on their men. What this means is that Pakistani women have not gotten their independence over areas of their lives where it really counts.

Let us examine just one aspect of this independence; the education of Pakistani women. The education that Pakistani women get is based on a curriculum that has been specially formularized by their menfolk so that the women learn how to be good wives. The education that Pakistani women get is not one that is aimed at emancipating them, they remain subordinate to their men.

Religion also plays a role in the subordination of Pakistani women. Islam puts several restrictions on what a woman can or cannot do. Under the religious doctrine, a woman is practically her husband’s chattel to do with as he wishes. The woman cannot be recognized as an entity separate from her husband, father, or brothers. On her own, she has no standing and no value. She can neither own land nor property. She cannot work and has a very low chances of gaining an education of any kind. She remains powerless and enslaved to the menfolk who have devised all ways and means to keep her under their power.

But the women in Pakistan do not stand alone, all over the world, even in the west where the liberation of females and gender equity are preached with great fervor, women still remain under a certain degree of subordination. Nationalism is for the menfolk and unless this ideology is reviewed to genuinely encompass peoples and nations, it shall remain a guise under which women remain oppressed.

Nationalism is an institution for men and by men. While women are indirectly involved in the struggles that might beset a nation, they are sidelined by their men to the periphery, where they remain second in the struggle for and attainment of nationalism.

Conclusion

Putting it as succinctly as McClintock does, nationalism is a gendered realm. It is, like most institutions of its kind, a creation of the male sex, brazenly branded with male traits. Women were not active participants in the creation of nationalism, hence it is not something that they can readily conform to.

For women living in countries that were colonized and gained independence as recently as sixty years ago or thereabouts, the concept of nationalism is an even more alien concept. For these women, their lives are somehow stuck in limbo because for them, nationalism has not fostered much change in their day-to-day lives.

Bibliography

McClintock, A, & Ella S, M, (1997). Dangerous Liaisons: Gender, Nation, and Postcolonial Perspectives. Published by University of Minnesota Press.

Satrapi, M (2003). Persepolis: The Story of a Childhood. New York: Pantheon Books.

Attention in the social sciences is focusing on the impact of globalization on cultural as well as national identities of immigrants. It is argued that improved global links is having an effect on how immigrants form identities in two main ways. First, globalization has created a “global locality” by making it easy to establish communication links with various communities in different parts of the world, thus making it possible to know what happens in those cultures. A significant number of Australian immigrants are from the Middle East especially from countries such as Yemen, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Dubai and Saudi Arabia. The Middle Easterns are traditionally Muslims and such the sustenance of their Muslim identity is vital. Globalization helps them to keep track with what is happening back in their home countries. The ability to maintain contacts with their cultural roots means that their Muslim identity is not lost. They thus derive a sense of pride in their Muslim identity. However, this pride is affected by negative stereotyping. Secondly, globalization has improved social interactions globally as such these immigrants are able to keep pace with what is happening in other parts of the world. Westernization, especially American cultures largely influences the global culture. Thus national identities of such immigrants have been rendered susceptible to the influences of global locality culture as it may lead to the adoption of the global culture. Therefore their national identity is affected by the open global society.

Nationalism can be termed as the mind-set and the actions that the citizens of a given country have in relation to forming certain traits that they esteem as crucial in identifying their unique distinctiveness over other citizens of other countries. Such attitudes and actions constitute the self determination of that country. Nationalism creates a shared self-awareness a psychological condition amongst people of a given state that makes it possible to identify themselves as belonging to that country. Middle Easterners in Australia esteem to uphold their national identities and identify through religion, dressing mannerism.

Nationalism: Unique attitudes and behaviors portrayed by citizens of a given county.

National identity: Understanding of such traits and the psychological conditioning amongst citizens of that country.

Morris Theory

Bicultural identity: results from the affects of globalization on national identity formation.

Globalization only dilutes the surface identity and leaves the deep structural identities intact.

There are a number of social science theorists who have come with different ideas on how national identities are formed. One such theory is the Morris Theory. Morris explains that globalization does affect cultures as the it has made it easy for people to to interact and accept different cultures from many parts of the world (2002). The Continued interaction with these cultures leads to weakening of national identities. However, only the surface identity is diluted. Surface identity is identified as the outward expression of identity in ways such as dressing. This means that the deep structural formation of cultural identity is not affected by globalization. This means that even through such individuals do adopt new surface identity the underlying cultural orientation of their native countries still exists. This leads to the formation of a bicultural identity a hybrid of both local and global cultures.

This theory identifies that the formation of such a hybrid culture involves the movement of ideas and cultural symbols across cultures.

The great irony

• Access to global culture limited by the social class.
• Globalization the result of hybridization of cultures.
• The result is the culture of confusion.

Socio-economic configuration of the community determines the effect of globalization of cultural identity formation. A majority of the poor people do feel insecure as they do not have the necessary resources to access global culture. However, criticism of this theory explains that globalization is the result of the crossbreeding of cultures and as such as many people as possible do participate in global cultures. Morris also argues that globalization influences native cultures which lead to a confusion of identities especially in the youth. This postulate that the hybrid cultures are thus cultures of confusion. Such confusions lead to a sense of insecurity amongst the youths.

The Great Debate

• Is the movement of ideas single directional or multidirectional.
• In what ways does the limited access to global culture influence the youths to embrace it further?
• What is the relationship between hybridization of culture and globalization?
• How does the bicultural reflected in middle easterners in Australia?
• What are he effects of Biculturalism to the Australian society?

The great confusion

There are some grey areas though that needs further elaboration and will provide opportunities for further discussions. The theory proposes certain inordinate relationships such as between globalization and hybridization, global culture and the youth

Globalization has a big influence on the way Middle Easterners form their identities. This paper defines globalization as the amplification of the universal social interactions which in effect leads to two way exchange of cultures. Local events are shaped by occurrences in other pars of the world while local happenings shape happening in other parts of the world. This creates a global society in that the whole world has been condensed into just one locality the global locality. Localization of the world means that local communities have become exposed and usually succumb to the global influences. Some of the cultural norms especially the western cultures become more influential than others. This is termed as western cultural imperialism (Tomlinson 1991; Shepard and Heyduk 2002).

• Globalization opens up a socialization super highway such that local communities interacts with other communities in other parts of the world (brings them together).
• A global locality is born with westernization the homogenizer of the new global culture formed.

Globalization

• the channel that the Middle Easterners needs to keep in touch with their cultural roots.
• The touch with the Muslim base is not lost.
• Thus sustenance of national cultures.

Opening up of the socialization creates interaction links that allows for exchange of cultures. Therefore the ability to keep track with occurrences in different parts of the world means that Middle Easterners are able to keep themselves informed with what is happing back in their home countries. In this case they are able to keep in touch with their cultural roots. Globalization therefore enhances the sustenance of native identities which is predominantly Muslim. That the reason why they have been able to maintain their Muslim identity in their country of adoption Australia. Such identity is maintained at the family level as well as the individual level (Naidoo 2007).

• The flip side of globalization effect on cultural identify formation is cultural erosion.
• Informazisation of the modern world through mass media creates too much freedom which leads to too much westernization of
  the middle easterner Australian immigrant.

There is the flipside to this issue of globalization and the community identity formation. The flow if information through a number of mechanisms and channels such as the internet, mass media and film mean that there is glut of information easily accessible by any one. Therefore people all over the world are able to discover what is happening in all other parts of the world. The internet for example has a lot of information about the current trends, this deepens the awareness of global affairs and as such people become world conscious citizens. There thus emerges a feeling of acceptance of the global culture and as cultures is readily embraced. More and more people feel that they are thus part of the global culture which is dominated by westernization. Slowly and sometimes involuntary there is the adoption of western cultural values. Their local identify thus starts to wither slowly. Most of the Middle Easterners have found themselves in this fix. This is because, Australia sis a more secular culture. Because of the freedom that comes with such a culture they find it easy to ignore some of the rigid Muslim cultural norms. Thus their cultural identity id ruptured (Naidoo 2007; Giddens 1991).

The effects of globalization on cultural and identity formation of Middle East Australian immigrants can be summed up in two contrasting ways: it lead to both the rupturing and continuity of their indigenous cultural values and norms (Naiddo 2007). Middle Easterners in Australia esteem that ability to keep in touch with their cultural roots as a way of extending their national identity in their country of adoption. They thus practice Muslim cultural values not just because of the freedom of worship that is guaranteed in Australia but as a way of expressing their solidarity with their native country identity. Thus continuity of there cultural identity is realized. However western cultural imperialism does slowly eat into their native cultural fabric. Thus lead to dissociation with some of the rigid Muslim cultural practices such as dressing and general mannerisms. Their culture is thus ruptured.

The paradox of the influence of globalization on the identity formation of middle east in Australia: it leads to both the continuity and discontinuity of cultural identity.

Such a paradox of occurrences has been witnessed in Lebanese’s Australian immigrants. These were not Muslim but of catholic dissent; the Eastern Catholic Rite and the Antiochean Church. Most of these Lebanese associated their Lebanese cultural with their religious practice; they did separate Lebanese Catholicism and Lebanese national identity. In this case they did not see themselves as part of the larger Roman Catholic church but as Lebanese Catholics. This means that their national identify played a big role in forming their religious identity. More fundamentally they identified themselves as Middles East Christians. The differences between the two types of Catholics were reflected in some of the religious activities such as prayer and conducting of the Eucharist mass. Faith and national identity was one thing. The effect is that the Australian catholic referred the Lebanese Catholics as “them”. However, long exposures to the Australian version of the Roman Catholic lead to a majority of them accepting part of the Roman Catholic world view. They thus involuntarily dropped some of the Lebanese catholic as well as Lebanese national culture (Ghosn 2010).

• The influence of religion on national as well as individual identity formation reflects this paradox.
• Lebanese Catholics thought their Lebanese Catholicism as part of their national culture until they accepted as part of the roman Catholicism.
• This acceptance was the beginning of the break with their national identity.

The common myth about the Muslim immigrants especially those from the middles east is that they have formed a unitary cultural identity. However nothing can be from the truth than this. The Middle Easterner Australians form a diverse Muslim identity due to a number of factors. These include their varied nationalities of origin. Members of the Muslim community in Australia come from a variety of counties such as Yemen, Lebanon. Iraq, Iran among other Middle East countries. Furthermore, the open Australian society compounds the matter. As such the Middle Easterners in Australia find themselves in the middle of an identity crisis. This affects the youth and the women more. They are torn between following the strict Muslim faith and the freedom of the largely secular Australian society. Such confusion is evident in their increasing limited understanding of the Muslim family and financial law. The extremely sexually permissive Australian society has created massive challenges for the identity of the Australian female Middle Easterner (Saeed and Akbarzadeh 2001).

The paradoxes does obscure the reality about the identity of the Middle Eastern Muslim: that there are diverse Muslim identities due to diverse countries of origin as well as the confusion created by the liberal Australian way of life.

However, such exposure to secularism has not been in vain. The Australian government is the first in the world to develop an immigrant’s settlement scheme. This is aimed at ensuring that all immigrants are quickly integrated into the Australian way of life and become part of the Australian community contributing to its well being. Thus the Middles Easterners have found a ready home in Australia. The Australian constitution stipulates a highly secularised culture which largely appeals to all Australian immigrants including Middle Easterners. As such Muslims from Middle East have broken with radical Islam. They thus have formed the identity that they are good Muslims who are interested in the development of the Australian social cultural and political affairs. As such they completed shun any radical views and opinions. The exposure to secularism leads to depolarisation of a radical Islam identity. The new identity has had a number of benefits. Australian Middles Easterner are guaranteed equality in provision of human rights as well as job opportunities and other economic benefits. Thus a new breed of Australian is formed . This is the proud Muslim as Australian. This fosters a sense of nationalistic identity (Aly and Green 2008).

• Then liberal secular culture has lead to the formation of the good Muslim identity in Australia.
• This identity is reflects modernistic views devoid of radicalism.
• The good Muslim benefits equally with other Australians and develops proud to be Australian.
• A new identity is formed: a proud Australian Muslim this promotes nationalism.

The new identity of the Australian Muslim Has had a significant effect on the entire Australian socio political set up. Australia is largely accommodative society and as such avoids much of the negative stereotyping of foreigners witnessed in other western countries such as the US especially against the Muslims. Other than the isolated but largely mild cases of racial mistreatment from native Australians, Australian Muslims are living a comfortably social life. They are treated as part of the mainstream Australian society and it is almost hard to tell the differences. This can also be attributed to the liberalization and secularisation of the Australian Muslim. As such Australian Muslims from Middle East have found a home in Australia. They now consider Australia as their new home and a rising number of them no longer hold nationalistic identities with the Middles East. This is not just a signification of loss of native identity with their native counties but also an ideological departure as some of them openly oppose such radical Islamic ideas such as male hegemony as well as jihadist ideas. This has led to the formation of a new identity of Australian Muslims who are openly vocal against retrogressive practices such extremist Islam. The new Muslim faces a number of challenges. It has been reported that the Australian Muslim faces all manner of discrimination especially regarding employment and education opportunities. Furthermore the Australian Muslim as stereotyping and is usually unfairly suspected of crime, is involved in drugs as well as being subjected to racial mistreatment (Bahfen 2008).

• The new Australian Muslim: the face of the new breed of Muslim that not only breaks with the nationalistic Middle East identities but also extremist Islam.
• The new Muslim faces a number of challenges: racism, suspicion of crime, drugs abuse and social political discrimination.

Globalization has localized the world with the establishment of global community connected through the improved information technology systems. However it is having other positive side effects. The ability of globalization to influence the formation of cultural identities is influencing global affairs. The face of the new liberated Muslim is the reflection of this.

Globalization has not only influenced global affairs but is also the vehicle through which new cultural identities are formed.

References

Aly, A. and Green, L. 2008. ‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen. Web.

Bahfen, N. 2008. Online Islamic Identity and Community in Australian and Three Neighboring Countries. Web.

Ghosn, M. 2010. Religious identity of young Australian Maronite Adults. Web.

Giddens, A. 1991. Modernity and self-identity: Self and society in the late modern age.

Cambridge: Polity PressNaidoo, L. 2007. Rupture or Continuity? The Impact of Globalization OnCultural Identity and Education in Indian Immigrant Families in Australia. Web.

Saeed, A and Akbarzadeh, S. 2001. Searching for Identity: Muslims in Australia . Web.

Shepard, B., & Hayduk, R. 2002. From ACT UP to the WTO: Urban Protest and Community Building in the Era of Globalization. New York: Verso.

Tomlinson, A. 1991. Cultural Imperialism. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

The development of nationalism in contemporary China and Taiwan alike illustrates the modernist theory of nationalism as an imagined community constructed through shared perceptions rather than an immanent entity rooted in blood and soil. Taiwan provides a good example of how national identity may be constructed despite the ethnic differences of the country’s population. According to Dreyer et al. (2003), the democratized Taiwan after 1986 began building a “new Taiwanese identity” intended to unite the long-time inhabitants of the island and the newcomers from the mainland into a cohesive nation (para. 4).

Hughes (2019) also confirms this assessment by demonstrating how the political effort development of this new identity relies on the idea of shared destiny rather than potentially divisive ethnic origins. Similarly, the developing Chinese nationalism – and, in particular, the rise of popular ziganwu bloggers – can be explained through patriotic education programs stressing common Chinese identity (Wong, 2021). Given the fact that the People’s Republic is even more ethnically diverse than Taiwan, it highlights even more how the national identity is constructed despite objective differences rather than imminently present throughout history.

In terms of the Sino-Taiwanese relations, this parallel development of national identities may further complicate Chinese plans of reunification. Dreyer et al. (2003) note that the Taiwanese political nation is not yet fully formed, and, moreover, representing Taiwanese society as strictly separated into pro-unification and anti-unification camps would be an oversimplification. In purely ethnic terms, there may be little difference between the Nationalists and Communists for the Taiwanese since both are mainland Chinese. However, if Taiwan succeeds in creating a shared feeling of nationhood uniting the Taiwanese and mainland newcomers, it may pose yet another challenge to China’s pursuit of unification in not only ethnic but national terms.

References

Dreyer, J. T., Gold, T. B., Rigger, S., & Tkacik, J. J. The evolution of a Taiwanese national identity. Web.

Hughes, C. R. (2019). Revisiting Taiwan and Chinese nationalism: Identity and status in international society. In Fell, D. & Hsiao, H. H. M. (Eds.), Taiwan studies revisited [ePub version]. Retrieved from Google Play.

Wong, T. (2021). China: The patriotic ‘ziganwu’ bloggers who attack the West. Web.

White nationalism is a growing problem in our society today. This is because the nationalists are slowly adopting new strategies to enter into the mainstream. The group cannot defend the laws that protect their beliefs of white domination, therefore, rely on violence to achieve the group’s objectives, creating more problems in society. The source of white nationalism is the belief that mass immigration of non-white individuals, miscegenation, and low birth rates among white people threaten the white race’s extinction. The white nationalists advocate preserving the white culture and claiming that cultures result from a race. The group seeks to protect the survival and domination of the white race and the traditional cultures of the historically white communities. They also hold that the white communities should maintain political and economic power and dominance.

A small number of people participate in the white nationalism groups. However, I think more individuals within the society advocate for the idea of white nationalism since the group has existed in global history for a long time. Its proponents are also recruiting new members further in the mainstream society. In addition, white nationalism is growing faster and spreading geographically more than anticipated. White nationalism and other groups whose beliefs are inclined towards the racial lines are growing faster in the US. The majority of Americans also believe that racial divides are harmful and could worsen by the day. However, I think that the future race relations in America will get better because the current government under Biden’s administration is a strong supporter of racial equality and advocates for eliminating systematic racism in America. In addition, more ways to prevent racial crimes are put in place.

Introduction

People’s identities can be expressed through various means, such as qualities, beliefs, or social group belonging. Apart from these ways, identity views of a person as a member of some nation can also be manifested through language. Usually, this type of identity is vividly expressed in the countries that have been under some other nation’s occupation for a long time. Korea, which was Japan’s colony in 1910-1945, applied linguistic nationalism as an attempt to reach political liberation during that time. The present paper focuses on the review of studies dedicated to the Korean language’s status during Japan’s colonization and discusses how Koreans tried to defend their language and nation’s rights.

Historical and Political Background of the Issue

Linguistic nationalism in Korea emerged during the 35-year occupation of the country by Japan which started in 1910 and ended in 1945. Scholars divide the Japanese rule into three major periods: subjugation, cultural accommodation, and assimilation. Subjugation, also known as the “dark age,” lasted from 1910 until1919, and it was known as a military-ruled phase full of violence (Kang 2). Cultural accommodation started in 1919, after the Korean Independence Movement in March. This period, which lasted until 1931, was prominent for some freedoms in the press, education, and business.

Assimilation, which dominated between 1931 and 1945, brought a renewed “tightening of controls” along with the forced participation in the Japanese military campaigns (Kang 2). Although Japanese rule brought some positive changes for Koreans, the progress was not primarily aimed at the prosperity of the colonized country. The enhanced infrastructure of roads and harbors, a modernized educational system, and the transformed economy (from an agrarian into a semi-industrial one) did not bring much delight to Koreans (Kang 2). The actual rationale behind those changes was the promotion of the Japanese expansion.

During the occupation, Koreans were deprived of many things that used to form their national identity. The Japanese took away the most traditional food, rice, and made them eat millet, barley, or beans (Kang 2). Along with rice, such an important commodity as cotton was exported from Korea to Japan. Above all, political and social alterations affected occupied Koreans most of all. While the Japanese constituted only 2.5% of the population in Korea, over 80% of government positions were taken by them (Kang 2). Other crucial changes were associated with social and cultural life.

One of the most difficult aspects concerned the attempt of the Japanese to make Koreans speak Japanese instead of Korean (Caprio 6). As Cumings mentions, the Japanese not only “made Koreans speak their language” but even “took away their names” (215). While economic and political processes could be more or less accepted by the occupied country, language was something they could not give up so easily.

Hence, people insisted on using their language as a way of sustaining their identity. The application of linguistic nationalism was most vividly expressed during the period of cultural accommodation when Koreans expressed their nationalistic ideas through various movements and protests.

Scholarly Approaches to the Problem

Cultural Nationalism in Korea as a Background of Linguistic Nationalism

Any nationalistic movement emerges from the dissatisfaction of people with the conditions in which they find themselves. In Korea’s case, nationalism was initiated as an “elite project” at the end of the nineteenth century and lasted for the first few decades of the twentieth century (Robinson xiii). Scholars note that the beginning of the colonial rule was not marked by much freedom for Korean people (Caprio 6; Kang 2; Y.-J. Kim 76). Therefore, the increased need and desire to defend their national identity encouraged Koreans to defend their culture and language. However, it was not the whole colonial period that could be named nationalistic. The most active period was in 1919-1931, during which many prominent events and movements happened.

Y.-J. Kim supports Robinson’s opinion about cultural nationalism being connected with elites (89). In particular, Y.-J. Kim remarks that there existed a confrontation between the agents of the colonial ruling ideology and nationalist cultural elites (89). Japan’s official ideology was “a policy of extension of the imperial territoriality” (Y.-J. Kim 89). While it was mentioned that the efforts were made to eliminate discrimination between Japanese and Koreans “at all policy levels,” the very idea of assimilation employed by Japan contradicted the concept of equality (Y.-J. Kim 89). According to that ideology, Japan was to “civilize” and “guide” those races of East Asia which were regarded as “the lesser” (Y.-J. Kim 89).

The importance of analyzing colonial society is also emphasized by Ha (39). The scholar mentions that t is crucial to realize the “inherent contradictions” made up by the conflicting needs of the two parties (Ha 39). The analysis of only one dimension of the conflict cannot provide an adequate notion of the difficulties of the colonial period. Thus, Ha suggests that cultural and social sides of the colonial control are necessary for the comprehensive examination of the issue (39). Since the key concept of the present analysis is language nationalism, it seems relevant to agree with these scholars. Indeed, only the combination of various aspects of the colonial rule can serve as a solid basis for the understanding of language nationalism as a way of political liberation.

Language Planning and the “Dark Age” of the Subjugation Phase

During the first years of occupation language, as well as almost every other aspect of life in Korea, underwent severe reformations. Not only land and economic changes were implemented but also education and language suffered much (Pieper 62). Force and cruelty were employed by the Japanese military men to punish those Koreans who did not want to agree with the new regulations. Among the most dramatic effects was the absence of respect toward Korean ruling class representatives and scholars (Pieper 63). Pieper remarks that two of the most crucial innovations were concerned with the system of education and the publishing industry (63).

That was the beginning of the language problem that later led to the rise of linguistic nationalism. Private newspapers were shut down, and the most influential paper Korea Daily News was sold forcefully and became “an organ paper” for the Governor-General of Korea (Pieper 63). Moreover, newspapers printed in Japan were forbidden to be distributed in Korea (Pieper 64). As a result, there appeared a shortage of Korean-language writings of that period, which gradually raised people’s dissatisfaction and inclination to express their national interests through linguistic means.

Apart from restricting Korean publications, the Japanese also changed the image of the colonized nation through their printed materials. According to Lee through the use of language, the Japanese created a set of images about Koreans which presented the latter as “the colonial Other” (1). At the same time, despite such activities, no decisive moves against the Japanese were made by Koreans.

Neither students (Ha 57) nor peasants (D.-N. Kim 150), who were active participants of further nationalistic actions, arranged serious protests during the subjugation period. Still, Rhee remarks that the Korean language served as “an autonomously contested medium for reaction” during the occupation (87). The author notes that even though Korean scholars criticized the colonial period, they did not pay enough attention to the analysis of all processes related to language (Rhee 88).

One of the factors contributing to such a state of affairs, according to Rhee, was the belonging of both Japan and Korea to the old East-Asian world order (88). Because of the tributary relationship with China, Japan had to manipulate Korean cultural attributes in a very sensitive way. Thus, language planning policies were employed by Japan (Rhee 88). One of such policies was the dichotomization of the dominant (Japanese) and dominated (Korean) languages (Rhee 89). Japan intended to “extinguish” the Korean language and create a monolingual population who would speak the Japanese language (Rhee 89). However, by the end of the subjugation period, Koreans expressed more and more dissatisfaction with such policies, which led to protests among the population.

Cultural Accommodation Period: Protests and Resistance as Elements of Linguistic Nationalism

Linguistic nationalism, as well as other significant protests related to Koreans’ national identity, was most vividly expressed in the accommodation period. The March First Independence Movement gave way to different social groups’ demonstration of their dissatisfaction with the occupational regime. After the protest, students became leaders in Korea’s political actions against Japanese rule (Ha 58). However, while in the beginning, students were organized as a nationwide community, by the end of the 1920s, their efforts were mostly focused on local measures.

The development of linguistic nationalism during the accommodation phase was promoted by the “rebirth” of Korean political magazines and newspapers (Y.-J. Kim 76). Such changes were initiated by Governor-General Saitō, who admitted that the absence of media, social, and political rights in Korea was not a sign of success but the reason for the former governments’ failure (Y.-J. Kim 76). However, as it appeared later, Saitō’s revival of the vernacular press was turned from the means of expressing the views of the colonial society into “a sophisticated system of manipulation and control” (Y.-J. Kim 77).

As Pieper notes, such intensive surveillance only increased the antagonism of the oppressed people (68). Particularly, uprisings became numerous among the working class: peasants, who were subdued at the beginning and the end of the colonial rule, were raised to the Red Peasant Movement (D.-N. Kim 150).

Rhee notes that the promotion of the Korean language gained its peak in the 1920s (93). One of the most prominent ways of resisting Japanese language policies was enacted through the standardization of Korean grammar and orthography. Among other principles that were introduced, there were guidelines for writing Chinese letters in Korean phonetic script (Rhee 93). Also, the language of Seoul was selected as a Korean standard language. Such changes promoted Koreans’ nationalist movement and increased their desire to escape from Japan’s numerous restrictions.

Language and Colonial Education

The discourse of the Korean language was particularly relevant in the system of education. As Ha remarks, education became “one of the most intense fields of perceived threat” to the Japanese authorities (53). Japan wanted to increase the usefulness of Koreans, and it needed schools to “teach unquestioning respect for authority” (Ha 53). Meanwhile, Korea needed a modern education as a means of creating a successful life for its people.

Thus, when Japan made schools selective, it led to limited local orientation and acculturation (Ha 54). At the same time, the artificial scarcity created by the Japanese inevitably raised the perceived value of the increased political sophistication and knowledge of the wider world (Ha 54). When Japan limited the number of educated Koreans artificially, it also developed the “perceived charisma” and authority of those individuals who preferred to employ their education to serve Korean nationalism and anti-Japanese resistance (Ha 54).

In research on Korean females during the occupation, Yoo notes that girls and women were particularly interested in receiving education and enriching their knowledge (52). As well as Ha, Yoo remarks that one of the most severe measures undertaken by the Japanese government was implementing their system of education for the Koreans (61). A new system was created for colonial schools, which presupposed four years of primary education and then, four or three years for boys and girls, respectively. A particular feature of the new schools was Japan’s endeavor to make the use of the Korean language limited. Yoo notes that one of the purposes of the new system was “the extended use of national language” (61).

In an attempt to enhance his position with the people, Governor-General Saitō allowed a group of missionaries and Koreans to express their concerns about school management. One of the suggestions made by the group was removing restrictions on the use of the Korean language (Yoo 66). However, this demand, as well as some others, was not met, and a compromise was offered. Secondary students would be taught science and Western languages on the condition that Japanese be a compulsory subject in their schools (Yoo 66). Thus, despite the language nationalist movement in some spheres of life, Koreans did not have an opportunity to keep their language dominance at schools. Still, the very fact of letting more Korean children in general and girls, in particular, attend schools and gain education was quite a positive achievement.

Linguistic Nationalism in the Assimilation Period

While the phase of cultural accommodation phase brought at least some options for the freedom to choose language, the last period of Japanese colonial rule was known for its severe restrictions. As Rhee mentions, education in the first half of the 1930s was performed in the Korean language at various informal activities, such as private companies’ sponsorship of lectures (94). However, by the end of the decade, the Korean language’s position was considerably weakened. Instead of the previously popular bilingual policy, Japan introduced the monolingual one intending to arrange effective wartime preparation (Rhee 94).

Apart from forbidding to use of the Korean language at schools and media publications, Koreans were forced to change their surnames to Japanese ones (Cumings 215; Rhee 94). The 1938 educational ordinance aimed at the Japanization of Korea, which also included cultivating loyalty to the Japanese emperor (Rhee 94).

As such, the linguistic nationalism during the third period of occupation had no opportunity to be promoted. The Korean language obtained the “proscribed” status, and mother-tongue education was discouraged entirely (Rhee 94). Such restrictions led to the complete elimination of Korea’s national identity. While the accommodation phase not only inspired Koreans to defend their nationalism but also gave some possibilities for doing so, the late 1930s were the times of surrendering linguistic preferences and nationalistic ideas. Not only were there strict measures applied to language but Koreans were also forced to change many aspects of their social life (Rhee 96). Resistance at that point was not successful and was suppressed by Japan quickly and violently.

Assimilation and Thought Conversion

One of the strongest forms of assimilation was thought conversion, and it impacted both the colonized and colonizing countries. K. Kim remarks that while thought conversion is a term that can be employed in various spheres of research, it played a prominent role in the third phase of Japan’s colonization of Korea (206). Recalcitrant Koreans’ ideas were “winnowed out of their heads” by dictatorial ways of interrogation until the moment they agreed to “confess” their political “sins” in a written form (K. Kim 206). Thought conversion had two polar aspects: on the one side, it was repressive and forceful, and on the other side, it was conciliatory and paternalistic (K. Kim 208). The punished individuals were not necessarily punished by force. Rather, they were “absorbed into the system” (K. Kim 208). Understanding thought conversion from both countries’ points of view helps to explain the politics of assimilation during the 1930s-1940s.

The Japanese Experience

It is possible to interpret thought conversion through the traditions of pre-Meiji Restoration Japan (K. Kim 209). The response to Western penetration at the end of the 19th century demanded accommodating Western culture based on Japan’s traditions. The initial passion for Western culture was soon overtaken by Japan’s desire to preserve its own culture and traditions (K. Kim 209). At the end of the 19th─the beginning of the 20th century, the majority of the Japanese were used to the traditional social order which involved parochialism and group solidarity. Individualism, which was promoted by Western culture, was alien to the Japanese (K. Kim 210). Thus, the country tried hard to expel the Western traditions, and that endeavor was especially ardent in the 1940s.

Thought Conversion in Korea

In its turn, Japan established thought conversion in Korea during the colonization period. The colonizer used that method for controlling the colonized (K. Kim 213). Still, even upon conversion, Koreans did not stop being interested in social and political issues or caring about their national identity (K. Kim 217). The main difference between Japan’s and Korea’s conversion was that the former was forced to accommodate Western traditions while the latter had been forcefully annexed. Japan tried to present the conversion as a means of making Korea its extension and not a colony (K. Kim 218). However, in any way, Koreans were deprived of the right to have their own identity and history. Thus, thought conversion, in that case, was a much more complicated issue than it had been in Japan.

The Aftermath of the Occupation’s Impact on the Korean Language

Historically, the Korean language and literature were affected by diglossia ― the use of two or more languages, one of which is regarded as superior to others (Cho 3). Up until the end of the 19th century, such a “superior” language in Korea was Chinese. Still, there was no threat to the Korean language to lose its value since the Chinese never gained “real currency” (Cho 4). However, after Japan’s occupation, the situation became much worse since the Japanese implemented too many restrictions on the Korean language.

At the end of the 1980s, the process of modernization in Korea was associated with the rise of nationalism and faith in scientific progress (Cho 6). Thus, Japan’s nationalist attempt to create “a national language” during the oppression period was a serious threat to the Korean linguistic consciousness (Cho 8).

As Cho remarks, the identification of Koreanness through literature was more prominent than through any other form of identification (11). As a result of a lengthy suppression of the Korean language, even after liberation from Japan’s rule in 1945, it took Korea many years to recover its language identity. While the country became free from Japan’s control, Chinese characters were still used in many social spheres and published materials. Thus, language activism in Korea is not less popular nowadays than it used to be during Japan’s occupation.

How My View Relates to the Reviewed Studies

My opinion about linguistic nationalism in Korea during Japan’s occupational regime coincides with the views expressed in scholarly papers. Indeed, applying linguistic nationalism promoted the political liberation of Koreans during some periods of colonization. However, it is necessary to emphasize that only one of the three phases of Japan’s occupation was productive for the Koreans. It was the cultural accommodation stage (1919-1931), during which Koreans were able to defend some of their ideological views and promote their native language at schools and in the press.

Taking into consideration numerous attempts of Japan to mute the Korean language at all levels of life, it seems relevant to note that people viewed defending their language as protecting the highest value they had. The constraints on native language use in Korea included very limited teaching, changing family names, and reading news issues in Japanese. However, the outcomes of Koreans’ linguistic nationalism were profound: people became more patriotic, they found faith in their country and language, the literature and science strived to develop, and some social changes were initiated. Therefore, it is possible to note that the ideas and facts expressed in scholarly sources coincide with my understanding of the analyzed problem.

Conclusion

The life of the Korean nation under Japan’s occupation was not easy due to various circumstances. However, political and economical restraints did not produce such a negative effect on Koreans as numerous language policies did. During the colonization period, Koreans tried to maintain their identity by defending their language and the right to educate their children in it. Despite all the hardships and administrative punishments, Koreans pursued their goal of sustaining their language in use. Out of the three phases of colonization (subjugation, accommodation, and assimilation), the middle one was the most productive for Koreans’ attempts.

During cultural accommodation, some several major protests and movements enhanced the position of the Korean language. However, in the last stage, when Japan was actively preparing for military actions, Koreans lost all the privileges they had been able to gain by that time. As a result, language activism in Korea did not lose its significance for a long time after Japan’s occupation regime. Still, it is possible to conclude that linguistic nationalism during colonization helped Koreans to gain political liberation in some aspects.

Works Cited

Caprio, Mark E. Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945. University of Washington Press, 2009.

Cho, Young-mee Yu. “Diglossia in Korean Language and Literature: A Historical Perspective.” East Asia, vol. 20, no. 1, 2002, pp. 3-23.

Cumings, Bruce. “The Legacy of Japanese Colonialism in Korea.” Shōwa Japan: Political, Economic and Social History, Vol. 2, 1941-1952, edited by Stephen S. Large, Routledge, 1998, pp. 215-232.

Ha, Yong Chool. “Colonial Rule and Social Change in Korea: The Paradox of Colonial Control.” Colonial Rule and Social Change in Korea, 1910-1945, edited by Hong Yung Lee, Yong Chool Ha, and Clark W. Sorensen, Center for Korea Studies, 2013, pp. 39-75.

Kang, Hildi. Under the Black Umbrella: Voices from Colonial Korea, 1910-1945. Cornell University Press, 2001.

Kim, Dong-No. “National Identity and Class Interest in the Peasant Movements of the Colonial Period.” Colonial Rule and Social Change in Korea, 1910-1945, edited by Hong Yung Lee, Yong Chool Ha, and Clark W. Sorensen, Center for Korea Studies, 2013, pp. 140-172.

Kim, Keongil. “Japanese Assimilation Policy and Thought Conversion in Colonial Korea.” Colonial Rule and Social Change in Korea, 1910-1945, edited by Hong Yung Lee, Yong Chool Ha, and Clark W. Sorensen, Center for Korea Studies, 2013, pp. 206-233.

Kim, Yong-Jick. “Politics of Communication and the Colonial Public Sphere in 1920s Korea.” Colonial Rule and Social Change in Korea, 1910-1945, edited by Hong Yung Lee, Yong Chool Ha, and Clark W. Sorensen, Center for Korea Studies, 2013, pp. 76-113.

Lee, Helen J. S. “Voices of the “Colonists,” Voices of the “Immigrants”: “Korea” in Japan’s Early Colonial Travel Narratives and Guides, 1894-1914.” Japanese Language and Literature, vol. 41, no. 1, 2007, pp. 1-36.

Pieper, Daniel. Han’gul for the Nation, the Nation for Han’gul: The Korean Language Movement, 1894-1945. Thesis, Washington University in St. Louis, 2011.

Rhee, Moon-Jhong. “Language Planning in Korea Under the Japanese Colonial Administration, 1910-1945.” Language, Culture and Curriculum, vol. 5, no. 2, 1992, 87-97.

Robinson, Michael Edson. Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920-1925. University of Washington Press, 2014.

Yoo, Theodore Jun. The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea: Education, Labor, and Health, 1910-1945. University of California Press, 2008.

Introduction

Shinto refers to the indigenous Japanese religion, which has always influenced the lives of many people politically, socially, and even economically in the country. The Shinto religion has a set of practices that were created in the prehistoric periods, but are still valued. The practices are conducted meticulously in order to ascertain the connection between current events and the precedent.

However, studies show that these historical records do not give the clear picture as to how Shinto, as a religion, established itself in the Japanese society. The writings give disorganized folklores, narratives, and myths. In modern Japan, Shinto is a term commonly utilized to refer to communal shrines, which are used for various reasons including war cenotaphs, crop celebrations, marriage, historical tributes, and sectarian groups.

A number of historians and analysts give a unified definition of the role of Shinto in the modern society, by using a standardized language and practice, which entails adopting an analogous style in dressing and ritual.

Shinto was derived from the phrase ‘the way of the Gods’. It was a Chinese name that combined the words kanji (shi), implying the spirit and kami (to), meaning a theoretical path or a study. The spirits were usually understood from various perspectives with some believers suggesting that they were human-like while others holding the view that they were animistic.

A majority of believers were of the view that they were abstract objects meaning that they represented nonfigurative forces such as mountains and rivers. Spirits and people are inseparable meaning that they are closely interrelated. In fact, the relationship between human beings and spirits is complex to an extent that the presence of spirits will always determine the behaviour of an individual.

The national statistics of Japan show that over 80 percent of all Japanese practice Shinto as a cultural aspect, but not necessarily as a religious feature. Studies show further that even though some individuals believe in Buddhism, they also engage in Shinto rituals meaning that it is a cultural practice among the people of Japan.

In this regard, Shinto is considered a cultural belief that influences the lives of many people, both believers and other non-believers of Shinto religion. Studies shows that Shinto is treated as a way of doing things in society, but not as a religious practice, given the diversity of the Japanese society.

For instance, a number of individuals, both taking Shinto as religion and those believing in Buddhism, tend to celebrate the birth of their loved ones in Shinto shrines.

Thesis Statement

It is true that Shinto culture influences the lives of many Japanese in a number of ways, which means that it cannot be separated from Japan, as well as the Japanese. In some point in history, Shinto was declared a state religion, which had a tremendous effect on national values. In other words, it can be noted that Japanese nationalism is attributed to Shinto culture.

As per the writings of various scholars specializing on Japanese culture, such as John Nelson and Scott Littleton, Shinto religion is closely related to the Japanese nationalism. My research would therefore focus on establishing the relationship between Shinto religious practices and Japanese nationalism.

Nationalism is a political concept suggesting that policies made ought to be based on exclusivity whereby the interests of the nation-state should always be given a priority when making decisions at the global level. Whenever the Japanese people make their decisions, they always consider the teachings of Shinto religion, which implies that Shinto religion has always influenced the decisions of policy makers.

Background Information

Shinto prodigies suggest that Japanese emperors were always related to each other in blood meaning that they belonged to the same clan. This relationship was in an unbroken line, with Jimmu Tenno being the first emperor who was Amaterasu-Omikami grandson. The kami was the first leader of the Japanese people who contributed to the creation of Japan as a state. Japan is an old country whose leader was known as kami.

All Japanese are descendants of kami, with Amaterasu being the first leader. The imperial family was the valued family unit in the entire clan, yet it originated from the kami. This shows that Japan is the way it is because the gods liked it.

Moreover, the leadership of the country was selected by god hence the people of Japan had a religious responsibility to support the leadership. Before any state function, all emperors had to worship the kami and offer some sacrifices in order to protect the Japanese populace from any form of tribulation.

In fact, a court liturgical was developed to ensure that god was worshiped before any state function could be performed. In the subsequent centuries, Buddhist traditions seemed to take over, but they contained several Shinto elements meaning that Shinto was more of a cultural aspect than a religious belief.

Towards the end of the 17^th century, Shinto took over the affairs of the government, which resulted to the Meiji Restoration. Consequently, Shinto was made a state religion in 1868. The first leader of Japan, Amaterasu, who was also a staunch supporter of Shinto religion, was promoted to be one of the gods. Shinto religion taught that the Japanese leader was not only a political leader, but also a religious leader.

In other words, the country’s leader was made a high priest. The emperor would therefore rule not only Japan, but other parts of the world as well. Since Japanese were related to god, they had a moral responsibility of ensuring that they offer their skills to other people. Since the emperor was associated with god, her position changed in society meaning that he was also a religious leader.

Some analysts observe that the Japanese emperor was the powerful figure in the land to an extent that he would not respect the law. In the 20^th century, the emperor had inadequate powers mainly because she was both a temporal and a political leader. No one would question her leadership given the fact that she would release the military at will.

Article 28 of the Meiji constitution gave people an opportunity to worship a god of their choice, but the emperor made it illegal for an individual to believe in any other faith, apart from Shinto. Every aspect of life, including political, social, and economic, centred on the Shinto religion.

In the education sector, Shinto religion was made a national core subject, both in primary and higher education. It is factual to conclude that Shinto religion controlled the lives of many in Japan until 1946, just after the Second World War.

Literature Review

Littleton, Scott. Shinto: Origins, Rituals, Festivals, Spirits, Sacred Places. Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 2002.

The source is very important in explaining the relationship between Shinto practices and the development of Japanese nationalism. The author stated that Buddhism and Shinto religions had coexisted for several years, yet Shinto was treated as a cultural practice. Kami was still respected as the Japanese most important god. The historian traced the origin of Shinto whereby he first noted that it was the way of the Gods.

Some of the events and festivals in the Japanese culture were worshiped within Buddhism, yet they awere the elements of Shinto culture. He also concurred with the fact that Shinto practices gained momentum during the Meiji Restoration. Through this resource, the rituals and festivals of Shinto religion would be understood better.

Nelson, John A Year in the Life of a Shinto Shrine. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996.

The third chapter of the book on the Kami and the fourth on rituals and customs are critical to the understanding of the Shinto religion as regards to nationalism. The author underscored the fact that the people of Japan valued kami so much since she contributed in the making of the nation. Many people were of the view that Japan could not be in existence without the kami. Therefore, kami was the national unifying factor.

Even non-Shinto believers conducted the Shinto rituals and practices as a sign of patriotism meaning that people respected the culture of Japan. In the third chapter, the author observed that many visitors were comfortable following the Shinto culture because it was not regarded as religion. The book will therefore serve an important role as far as establishing the relationship between Shinto practices and nationalism is concerned.

Littleton, Scott. Littleton. Understanding Shinto: Origins, Beliefs, Practices, Festivals, Spirits, and Sacred Places. London: Watkins Pub, 2011.

The book is critical as far as the understanding of Japan is concerned. In fact, the author cautioned that an individual could not understand the socio-political and economic aspects of Japan without conceptualizing the cultural practices of Shinto. In this regard, it is evident that a strong relationship between Shinto practices and Japanese patriotism exists.

In the view of the author, understanding Shinto culture entails the study of rituals, ceremonies and sacred architecture. Once an individual comprehends the Shinto culture, he or she would be in a position to determine its effects on the life of ordinary Japanese.

Since the source claims that Japan cannot be separated from the Shinto religion, it will serve a special purpose of explaining the interconnectedness of Shinto and major Japanese cultural practices, which would further confirm that Shinto has an effect on the country’s nationalistic ideals.

Averbuch, Irit. The Gods Come Dancing A Study of the Japanese Ritual Dance of Yamabushi Kagura, Ithaca: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1995.

The above resource suggests that the Shinto culture has retained its rituals over several years to an extent of making these rituals national symbols. Kagura is one of the oldest rituals, which is related to dance. It has been retained for years in Japan.

In particular, the above source insists on Izumo kagura, which is indeed the most popular type of the traditional Japanese dance. In many public functions, the dance is usually played as one of the ways of showing patriotism to the ideals of the country. This also confirms that Shinto is closely related the country’s nationalism.

Inoue Nobutaka, Shinto, a Short History. Washington: University of Washington Press 2003.

The source suggests that Shinto is no longer viewed as a modern religion, but instead a traditional religion of Japan that is related to culture. This means that people worship other forms of religions as their second option, but the first option is Shinto.

Moreover, the author is of the view that modern scholars relate the Shinot religion to kami, meaning a traditional god. Since it is treated as a traditional religion, it influences the behaviour of many Japanese, which confirms the notion that it shapes nationalist ideals.

Sugimoto, Yoshio. An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

The source introduces a number of cultural practices in Japan. Through analysis, the author observed that a number of these cultural practices, which are valued as national ideals even in modern Japan, have their roots in the Shinto religion. This implies that Shinto is no longer a normal religious belief that an individual may choose to neglect.

In particular, the author discussed the issue of impurity whereby the Shinto religion teaches that certain types of deeds generate ritual impurity, which demands personal cleansing for an individual to have the peace of mind. The wrong actions are referred to as kegare while purity is referred to as kiyome.

The author was of the view that a normal schedule in an individual’s life is referred to as ke while a season full of festivities is referred to as hare, meaning good. Many Japanese worldwide celebrate whenever they feel that they have achieved their objectives. They celebrate following the teachings of Shinto meaning that cultural practices in the country rely on the Shinto teachings.

Pilgrim, Richard, and Ellwood, Robert. Japanese Religion. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1985.

The two historians note that since the time of Nara and Heian, practitioners have been adopting a diversified set of beliefs through language and practice. They note that the style of dressing and the performance of rituals show that Shinto religion contributed a lot in the development of Japanese culture.

Bowker, John. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Religions. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

The author supports the writings of other historians by observing that religion contributes enormously to the development of any culture in the world. In Japan, the development of culture is attributed to Shinto.

Yamakage, Motohisa. The Essence of Shinto, Japan’s Spiritual Heart. New York: Kodansha International, 2007.

The view of the author is that Shinto religion forms the backbone of the Japanese culture meaning that it influences the life of each individual. Without Shinto culture, the author observes that there would be no religion in Japan.

Averbuch, Irit. “Shamanic Dance in Japan: The Choreography of Possession in Kagura Performance”. Asian Folklore Studies 57.2 (1998), 293–329.

The resource supports the previous works, which suggested that aspects of culture, such as dance, play a role in extending the influence of any culture. In Japan, kagura dance has contributed a lot in developing and maintaining culture.

Shimazono Susumu, and Murphy, Reagan. “State Shinto in the Lives of the People: The Establishment of Emperor Worship, Modern Nationalism, and Shrine Shinto in Late Meiji.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 36.1 (2009), 93-124.

The article talks about the Japanese society after the abolishment of Shinto as a state religion. The authors discuss the way in which Shinto managed to penetrate society to an extent that it was considered a national ritual.

In particular, the authors focus on period ranging from 1890 to 1910 whereby the emperor was the most powerful figure in the country due to her position as a religious leader. The source reviews three major features including the ritual system, educational structure, and the training system for the priests.

Susumu, Shimazono. “State Shinto and the Religious Structure of Modern Japan.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73.4 (2005), 1077-1098.

The author gives some of the reservations that many people of Japan have towards Shinto as a religion. The author is of the view that people are comfortable associating themselves with Shinto as a cultural belief, but not as a religion meaning it plays a critical part in determining the country’s nationalism.

The western values on religion affected the views of many Japanese regarding Shinto, but many individuals are unwilling to abandon it since it is part of their culture.

Fukase-Indergaard, Fumiko, and Indergaard, Michael. “Religious Nationalism and the Making of the Modern Japanese State Religious Nationalism and the Making of the Modern Japanese State.” Theory and Society, 37.4, (2008), 343-374.

The source talks about the role that religion played in developing the Japanese nationalistic ideals. In the source, the author is observes that the Japanese were determined to strengthen their culture through implementation of the Shinto rituals and practices. Some scholars had earlier advised that western societies achieved their objectives mainly because of the strong religious ideals.

State Shinto was instituted as one way of ensuring compliance from the locals. The author concludes by noting that, even though Shinto was aimed at realizing modernity in Japan, its path was different from those of the west.

In Japan, the state was never separated from religion since political leaders doubled up as religious leaders. In this regard, the country was able to achieve nationalistic objectives, as opposed to a number of countries in Europe and the United States.

Suga, Kōji. “A Concept of “Overseas Shinto Shrines”: A Pantheistic Attempt by Ogasawara Shōzō and Its Limitations.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 37.1 (2010), 47-74.

The source notes that Shinto shrines (kaigai jinji) refer to the national heritage of Japan since they are not only present in the country, but also in other countries with Japanese emigrants.

Before Japan was defeated in the Second World War, many individuals believed that the Japanese race was the most powerful in the world. The shrines were constructed in various countries to show the presence of Japanese. This meant that the Shinto shrines were symbols of national unity.

Teeuwen, Mark. “Comparative Perspectives on the Emergence of Jindō and Shinto.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 70.2 (2007), 373-402.

In Japan, the author is of the view that an individual may not actually differentiate between Buddhist believers and Shinto believers because they tend to have similar set of beliefs. The article claims that Shinto originated from Buddhism, with believe of the kami.

Bibliography

Averbuch, Irit. “Shamanic Dance in Japan: The Choreography of Possession in Kagura Performance.” Asian Folklore Studies 57.2 (1998), 293–329.

Averbuch, Irit. The Gods Come Dancing A Study of the Japanese Ritual Dance of Yamabushi Kagura, Ithaca: Cornell University, 1995.

Bowker, John. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Religions. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Inoue, Nobutaka, Shinto, a Short History. Washington: University of Washington Press, 2003.

Littleton, Scott. Littleton. Understanding Shinto: Origins, Beliefs, Practices, Festivals, Spirits, and Sacred Places. London: Watkins Pub, 2011.

Littleton, Scott. Shinto: Origins, Rituals, Festivals, Spirits, Sacred Places. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Nelson, John. A Year in the Life of a Shinto Shrine. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996.

Pilgrim, Richard, and Ellwood, Robert. Japanese Religion. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1985.

Shimazono, Susumu, and Murphy, Reagan. “State Shinto in the Lives of the People: The Establishment of Emperor Worship, Modern Nationalism, and Shrine Shinto in Late Meiji.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 36.1 (2009), 93-124.

Suga, Kōji. “A Concept of “Overseas Shinto Shrines”: A Pantheistic Attempt by Ogasawara Shōzō and Its Limitations.”Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 37.1 (2010), 47-74.

Sugimoto, Yoshio. An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Susumu, Shimazono. “State Shinto and the Religious Structure of Modern Japan.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73.4 (2005), 1077-1098.

Susumu, Shimazono. “State Shinto and the Religious Structure of Modern Japan.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73.4 (2005), 1077-1098.

Teeuwen, Mark. “Comparative Perspectives on the Emergence of Jindō and Shinto.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 70.2 (2007), 373-402.

Yamakage, Motohisa. The Essence of Shinto, Japan’s Spiritual Heart. New York: Kodansha International, 2007.

Introduction

Many people in the world base their national identity on race, language, kinship, and the general culture of their respective countries. Basing national identity along these lines is what is known as ethnonationalism. Every country has had its experiences with ethnonationalism.

Americans for instance, hate the idea of ethnic nationalism because it has people of varying ethnic origins. It has gone through generations of immigrations, cultural assimilations and intermarriages that have reduced the strength of ethnic identities. Many countries are still grappling with the issue of ethnic enclaves. This paper will explore in detail the issue of ethnonationalism in the world today, its consequences and possible solutions.

Origin of Ethnic Nationalism

Many social scientists have tried to show that ethnic nationalism is a product that is deliberately formed by culture; they argue that it is not a natural phenomenon as many people would think. Value systems that are found on narrow identities of groups have also been scorned by ethicists.

All these efforts have not and apparently, will not erase ethnonationalism from people’s way of life. Many people who immigrate to new countries are always prepared to fit and reshape their specific identities into the new order. However, many of those who remain in their ancestral lands have resorted to political identities based on ethnic forms. These identities have, on many occasions, resulted in groups competing for political power based on communal grounds.

This has always ended in violent processes of ethnic separation to solve the issue. This has led to the common belief that countries that enjoy political stability are mostly made up of citizens from a common ancestry. A narrative from the European history alluded to this belief by saying that the two world wars were caused by nationalism, a phenomenon that Europeans saw as a danger and consequently abandoned it (Muller, 2008, p. 1).

Is Ethnic Nationalism Bad?

This notion that nationalism was dangerous saw Europeans embark on the formation of transnational institutions such as the European Union after the war. The fall of the Soviet Union allowed this idea to spread to the whole of Europe. Many people saw this as a good example to the rest of the world, but the dreadful experiences that immigrants especially those of the African and Asian decent go through at European boarders show that the menace of ethnonationalism is not yet completely erased in Europe.

Surveys have shown that by the start of the 20^th century, there were many countries that had no single ethnic majority in Europe, but by 2007, two countries, Switzerland and Belgium have single ethnic groups. Ethnic balance of power in these countries is protected by stringent citizenship laws (Muller, 2008, 1).

Therefore, it still remains that ethnonationalism is a major cause of the plight of minority groups and the increase of refugees in the world today. Many ethnic intellectuals form ethnic nations by vernacular mobilization of the people. They do this by redefining, reeducating and finally, regenerating their ethnic roots.

They then politicize their cultures after which they embark on ridding their countries of Aliens by expelling or even exterminating minority groups who are seen as outsiders within their boundaries. As already mentioned above, the close of the 20^th century saw nationalism become a powerful political and social force in the world. This force has not only fostered good relationships between states, but has also spread all over the world as a strong tool for collective protest against power distribution in and among states.

This has often turned out to be a very dangerous and unpredictable scare to the order that the world enjoys today, although it also guarantees the shaping of the order by the majority. It has also been argued that nationalism accomplishes two things at the same time; it makes sure that people are secure from imperial tyrannies, and it also paves way for local tyrannies to be formed (Smith, 1994, p. 186).

Many refugee camps are filled every year as a result of ethnic conflicts within countries and among states. This flow of refugees has often been met with resistance as ethnic groups in host countries seek to assert themselves. This has seen countries place tight restrictions on entry into their countries for fear of reigniting ethnic tensions in their countries, or for fear of conflicts with the home countries of asylum seekers.

This does not mean that ethnic conflicts are entirely to blame for the rise in refugees, but it has contributed to some extent. Fear, suspicion and resentment are all products of ethnonationalism that have seen countries, especially in the developed world erect entry barriers to immigrants, in particular, economic migrants who are the majority of non-nationals in those countries (Smith, 1994, p. 187).

What Ethnic Nationalism and Governance

In ethnonationalism, a nation or a country is understood as a cultural and historical community that is linked in solidarity with a bond just like the familial bond. In this case, common ancestry qualifies an individual to reside in a nation that is not defined territory, but by descent.

People in such nations value vernacular cultures and popular mobilizations rather than legal equality and citizenship. Native history as well as ethnic culture is encouraged in the communities. This is why many nations in the world today are just socially constructed units that have been created by ethnic nationalist where they never existed before.

This is why the world today has many new nations that were formed by ethnic groups that sought to govern themselves. It is also true that those countries with stable and durable solidarities and unique cultural heritage were founded on strong ethnic ties. In other words, nations with strong ethnic histories have high probabilities of becoming viable political units (Smith, 1994, p. 187). There are many reasons for this assumption, but three of these are seen to strongly justify it.

The first reason is from a historical point of view. Many nations have come into being because of the ethnic ties and state activities that occur on the ground. Secondly, a nation and an ethnic community are sociological related. The nation just modifies the features of the ethnic community to place it on the territorial, social and legal map.

The third reason is political, where nations are seen in ethnic terms, or ethnic models are used in the formation of new nations. This has often been the major cause of all conflicts within and between states. It is expected that the formation of a nation based entirely on the model of an older ethnic community will bring problems. In the world today, modern nations cannot be expected to be exactly like the ancient ethnic communities. Today nations are more compact and demarcated along territorial lines.

They portray a single public culture, a single division of labor that is strength by freedom of movement, and members adhere to a single code of laws that protect their common rights and duties. Changing all these to fit into an ethnic model creates ethnic conflicts that are usually experienced in many countries (Smith, 1994, p. 188)

Territorial Nationalisms and Ethnic Nationalisms

This is what brings out the difference between territorial nationalisms and ethnic nationalisms. Territorial nationalisms only strive to give a nation a common history and culture that will allow everyone to participate in it. Ethnic nationalisms on the other hand, are not content with a common history and culture, but go ahead to specify that a nation should have a common ancestry. That means that ethnic nationalism requires that only those with a common descent are allowed in an ethnic nation.

This view has been held by many countries including the US. For many years in the history of the US, people believed that only those of an English origin, or those from Northern Europe and Protestants, were true Americans. Asians had been excluded and immigration from eastern and southern Europe was restricted for many years by the system of national-origin quotas that was abolished by the 1965 immigration law amendment (Muller, 2008, 1).

Sociologists have argued that ethnic nationalism did not just happen by mistake, but was gradually developed by the changes that were brought about by modernity. States started competing on the military level, this created demand for state resources and eventual economic growth. However, all these depended on literacy and easy communication among the masses. This created the need to for education and hence a common language.

Conflicts over what language should be used and communal opportunities ensued, leading to ethnic groups splitting into their own territories.

As different ethnic groups moved into cities, they discovered through education that all important positions in government and in the economic sphere had been occupied by the majority ethnic groups. This saw groups sharing a similar language come together to define their groups and later own demanded their own nation state in which they would have a chance to manage their own affairs (Muller, 2008, p. 1).

Ethnic Nationalism and World War I

World War I also contributed to the growth of ethnic nationalism. In Europe the war led to the breaking of the three famous empires. Mass murders and deportations of the minorities were witnessed in the Ottoman Empire in the name of ethnic cleansing. The Romanov and the Hapsburg empires broke up into small countries where the dominant group was protected. Governments discriminated against the minority.

They carried out government obligations in the majorities’ language, which meant that only those who spoke the language could work in civil positions. Ethnonationalism was also exhibited by the Germans when they discriminated against the Jews. In fact, during the World War II, they went to the extent of trying to eliminate all Jews from Europe by killing them. This was the most severe effect of ethnonationalism that has ever been felt in the history of the world (Muller, 2008, p. 1).

World leaders saw that the only solution to the Germany menace was to remove Germans from non-Germany nations. They believed that to end conflicts, there should be no more mixing of ethnic groups. As much as this was a solution to the ethnic problem posed by the Nazis, it was in fact, ethnic nationalism in practice. Germans were separated from the other ethnic groups.

The few Jews who survived found it hard to stay in Europe; this explains why most of them left Central and Eastern Europe for good to settle in America and Israel. It was this ethnic mixing that led to the idea of ethnonationalism in Europe. That is why many European countries are made up of almost one ethnic nationality. The disintegration of Yugoslavia was just the last effect of Ethnonationalism in Europe.

Ethnonationalism has also been felt else where in the world. When European occupation of other countries in the world ended, people started grouping into ethnic community and expelling those they felt did not belong to their groups. For instance, the creation of India and Pakistan occurred after the end of the British Raj along ethnic lines. In Africa, Algerians forced out Algerians of European origin, postcolonial Uganda expelled the ethnic minorities of Asian origin (Muller, 2008, p. 1).

Ethnic Nationalism and the Future

Ethnic nationalism is bound to be experienced for generations in the future particularly in newly created states. In such states, borders may cut across ethnic boundaries leading to communal conflict and ethnic disaggregation.

To solve this problem has always been hard. It is not easy to keep peace between groups that hate and fear each other. This calls for permanent solutions. Returning expelled groups to their former land will not help but stages the ground for future conflicts. Separation or partition is therefore the only best solution in such cases.

However, if there is a possibility a permanent reconciliation, then formation of a culturally cohesive community with different ethnic groups is better. This has been possible in some countries; of particular success has been the US (Muller, 2008, p. 1). It is worth noting that the post election violence in Kenya in 2007 can best be explained from the ethnic point of view. The newest state on earth, Republic of South Sudan which is less than two months old is a result of ethnic nationalism.

Ethnic nationalism and Stability

So far we have seen that ethnonationalism has always been the cause of tension and conflicts in the world. However, it has also brought about cohesion and stability. Countries in Europe have enjoyed harmony since the end of WW II because ethnic nationalism succeeded in removing any possible source of conflict in and outside state boundaries. Thanks to ethnonationalism, these countries now enjoy internal solidarity that has facilitated smooth running of government functions.

The negative effects of ethnonationalism are only felt in the early stages when ethnic groups seek to assert their dominance, once this is achieved, a period of tranquility follows for generations to come. This does not mean that ethnonationalism should be encouraged especially in the modern world today. Instead, nations should move towards states that are more inclusive in the cultural, territorial and political spheres of life (Muller, 2008, p. 1).

Conclusion

This essay has shown that ethnonationalism has come along way in the social political and economic history of states in the world. There are those nations that refrain at the mention of ethnonationalism like the United States, but there are those that appreciate and have successful used ethnonationalism such the European nations.

We have seen that European stability after WW II and during the Cold War era owes its success on ethnic nationalism. Ethnic nationalism has continued to shape the borders of many nations in the world and apparently it is here to stay. For instance ethnic nationalism is also tied to the creation of the newest country in Africa and the world, Southern Sudan, which will be granted its independence in July.

References

Muller, J, 2008, The Enduring Power of Ethnic Nationalism. Retrieved from: https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2008/02/the_enduring_power_of_ethnic_n.html

Smith, A 1994, Ethnic Nationalism and the Plight of Minorities. Retrieved from: https://academic.oup.com/jrs/article-abstract/7/2-3/186/1531625?redirectedFrom=PDF

Introduction

The origin of African state in the modern period dates back to the pre-colonial era. African history and modern are totally different, and its contemporary political and economic structures are different. Africa state has failed because of internal corruption, poor governance and hostile external environment, but this can be improved. Southern Africa state is one of the recognized states in Africa.

There are several empirical and socially constructed attributes that can be identified in Southern African region. Most of the contemporary states, in Southern Africa, region share the same colonial and postcolonial history. The region was originally colonized by Portuguese on both coasts, today these are Mozambique and Angola.

The Dutch colonized South Africa. Angola, Mozambique, and Namibia were under the German rule. The other Southern countries were under the imperial British (Gerhart 143). Today the Anglo linguistic, political and economic heritage is a similar feature in most of these countries.

Liberation movements in Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Mozambique and Southern Africa resorted to armed struggle to attain independence. The Cold war generated apartheid in South Africa, which campaigned for regional destabilization against neighboring countries, and the effect was felt in all Southern African countries. In this case, were going to discuss the nationalism in South Africa as an institution of democracy and development, as well as an obstacle preventing the achievement of these goals.

South Africa’s nationalist state

South Africa is a country, which is found in the Southern part of Africa. It consists of nine provinces. Its neighbors to the north are Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe. To the east its neighbor is Mozambique and Swaziland. Lesotho is surrounded by South African territory.

The country comprises of several ethnic groups and has different cultures and languages. Eleven official languages are recognized by the government of South Africa. Two of these languages originated from Europe, Afrikaans and South African English. All of the ethnic tribes and languages are politically represented in the country’s constitutional democracy.

In South Africa, the head of state is also the head of government, he is known as the dependent president. Majority of South African population is of black African origin. This population is divided into several ethnic groups speaking various Bantu languages. The country has many tribes of European, Asian and racially mixed origins in Africa. According to the World Bank, South Africa is an upper middle, income economy together with Botswana, Gabon and Mauritius.

The country is ranked as the biggest economy in Africa and is the 28th largest economy in the world. Around 25% of the population is unemployed; South Africa was colonized by both British and Boers (Gerhart 123). South Africa was known as Cape Town, and it became a British colony in 1806. In 1820s, the Dutch and the British acquired land in the north and east of South Africa. The Great Britain acquired full control of the Cape of Good Hope in 1795.

It also returned Cape Town to the Dutch in the year 1803. In early 19th century, the Zulu community dominated the country and extended their territory under their leader Shaka the Zulu. In 1830s, the Boers founded the South Africa republic. In 1867 diamond was discovered and gold was discovered in 1884 (Benson 213).

The discovery of these minerals led to the mineral revolution and increased economic growth and immigration. There was a struggle to control these resources between the indigenous people and Europeans, also between the Boers and the British.

During the first Boer war (1880-1881), the Boers revolted against the British encroachments by using guerrilla warfare tactics, which suited the local environment. The British, retaliated with a great number of soldiers, and a new strategy was developed in the second Boer war (1899-1902), and they succeeded.

During the colonial era, racial segregation was not formalized, although some regulations were put in place to govern the activities of the local people. In 1909 union of South Africa was created. This union was dominated by the British Empire. It restricted the black people from owning land in South Africa.

At this time, the indigenous people controlled only 7% of the country. Racial segregation was legally institutionalized by the British, and it was later known as apartheid. The British government identified three racial classes, white, colored and the black. In 1931the union was given independence from the British government.

The South African party and the national party combined to form united party. The national party was elected to power in 1948, and it strengthened the racial segregation. The nationalist government group people into three racial categories and developed rights and restrictions for each.

The few white people controlled the large number of people. The racial segregation was referred to as apartheid. The white minority people in South Africa lived a high standard of life while the black majority people were living in poor condition. In 1961the country became a republic and left the commonwealth. Queen Elizabeth was no longer the head of state, and the last governor general was elected as the president.

The government continued embracing apartheid despite a lot of opposition from people within and outside the country. Some western countries and organizations started boycotting, doing business with South Africa. The government oppressed the apartheid resistance movements and violence became wide spread in South Africa.

The national party government lifted the ban on the African national congress and other political movements in 1991. In 1994, South Africa held its first general election, which Africa National Congress won by a big margin. South Africa rejoined the common wealth in the same year.

Nationalism is a political ideology which means, the identification of a group of people with apolitical entity described in national terms. Nationalism creates national identity. It is a notion that one country is superior to all other states. It can also be described as the return to a national past and sometimes forcing foreigners out of the country. It involves the establishment of an independent sate as a home for an ethnic community.

National flags and national anthems symbolize the identity of a nation. It is related to the modern state and the push for sovereignty. It has become the most influential political and social factors in history. The nationalist state is an institution for bringing democracy and development, although it also hinders achievement of these goals. This is evident as it gives the political leaders an opportunity to manipulate the people of a certain nation.

In South Africa, nationalism started in the 19th century due to the impact of Christian missions and the enactment of a non racial constitution in Cape Town. Mission educated Africans enhance significant influence within Cape politics. By the end of the century, a new African elite group had emerged which was committed to non racial ideologies.

In 20th century, several ideas were developed including a radical expectation that Africans would have to establish their own political power for the reform of society. South Africa experienced the development of moderate African nationalism concerned with non-radical ideas. The development of Cape constitution was intended to improve the social conditions of Africans.

African elites began to emerge such as teachers, ministers of religion, farmers, clerks and editors. Political leaders in South Africa relied on the ideals of the Cape constitution. Today South Africa is an independent state this implies that it is a nationalist state . Nationalism has led to democracy in South Africa. On the hand, it is common that the economic growth rate after 15 years of democracy has led to problems of poverty and Un- employment.

This has resulted to military protests, violent action by both protesters and the police. The government of South Africa believes that the effective state institutions are a central characteristic; this has caused ineffectiveness within South Africa. Nationalism has also led to bureaucracy within the government hospitals and provincial health departments; this is a hindrance to the development of medical facilities. It is a western route to development.

In South Africa, it has led to development of modern infrastructures and other facilities. On the other hand, it asserts the identity of a national culture. Hence nationalism is seen to reject and accept the dominance of western culture. It has led to the establishment of advanced technology in South Africa. On the other hand, the modern technology is demanding. Nationalism in South Africa has led to the formation of a black class, which is a, central policy, and it is a form of racial segregation.

On the other hand, it is a strategy for breaking the domination of whites in South Africa. Employment equity legislation in South Africa encourages the employment of black Africans; this helps the state to use its resources to form black business class. On the hand, failure to involve the whites in the employment program hinders development and democracy. The shortage of skills causes opportunities for upward mobility within the bureaucracy. The upward mobility leads to high turn over among the employees.

The affirmative action in South African public service helps in leaving vacant positions, which there are no suitably qualified blacks, rather than employing qualified white candidates. This idea of nationalism has led to poor performance in the public service which hinders development in South Africa.

Corruption is also very rampant in the government institutions, in South Africa. In post apartheid bureaucracy, incompetent workers are employed on the basis of race. For instance, a female white applied for a job in Chris Hani Baragwaneth Hospital and her appointment was highly rejected by black managers on racial grounds.

It is difficult to find white doctors or nurses willing to work in rural hospitals . This has led to poor health conditions in these hospitals, causing deaths of several patients. Nationalism and skepticism towards the western scientific knowledge has created problems in African countries.

In South Africa, it led to the breakdown of relationship between South African government and the AIDS lobby group. The government of South Africa organized a play sarafina 2 to make people aware of HIV/AIDS; this play was marred with a lot of racist stereotyping. It results to criticism from AIDS activists and opposition parties.

The government leaders became upset and were defensive. This led to disagreement between government leaders such as Health minister Nkosazana Zuma and AIDS activists. This case demonstrated assertiveness in nationalism and dismissing western science. In South Africa, African sovereignty is associated with culture of extreme difference towards political leadership and authority.

For example, when a minister is visiting a hospital, there is a lot of effort to make it presentable; nurses are deployed to ensure that the hospital is in excellent condition. This portrays a different picture from the real situation, which is a problem of nationalism. The National party government was the driving force of Afrikaner nationalization in South Africa; this has been described by similar contradictions to African nationalism, which replaced it.

Many organizations in South Africa have suffered a decline in terms of quality performance. Many public institutions suffer from the problem of under budgeting; this involves understaffing, and increase work loads as well as shortage of equipments and constant system breakdowns. At the end of the financial year, head office officials put pressure on the managers to reduce costs. This leads to wastage of highly paid specialists and expensive equipments are left idle.

Nationalism is a tool of development which requires political will, and determination on the party of the countries political elite. In South Africa’s case, most of the political leaders are selfish, and they manipulate the poor majority. This has put South Africa’s democracy in danger. Since the end of apartheid politics, South Africa has been dominated by African National Congress. The main opposition party to ANC is the Democratic Alliance .

Since independence, the country has had several protests. This is mostly organized by the growing shanty towns in South Africa. The protests are as a result of poor quality leadership. Today, South Africa has a mixed economy which comprises of high poverty rate and low Gross Domestic Product. It has a high rate of unemployment, and it is ranked among top 10 countries in the world with the highest income inequality. The rate of unemployment has worsened since independence, which has hindered the development in South Africa.

The government of South Africa has developed black economic empowerment policies as a tool of nationalism. These policies have received critics from the Development Bank of Southern Africa, as it leads to broad economic disparities. Affirmative action policies have led to increase in black economic development and an establishment of the black middle class . Nationalism has led to state ownership by the political class, which put high barriers to entry in many areas.

The barriers have led to reduction in the development of international trade. It has also led to the establishment of restrictive labor laws, which has significantly contributed to unemployment problems. About 47 percent of South Africans lives below the poverty line . The country has a very wide income gap between the richest citizens and the poorest. It has also a wide gap between per capita GNP and its human development index. These differences hinder the improvement of democracy and economic development in South Africa.

Nationalism has also caused income inequality problem, which is greatly influenced by the country’s apartheid legacy. The differences in income among the people of South Africa are identified along racial lines. Nationalism is directly related to racism and fascism. It is an invention by the political class to win the loyalty of the working class. Nationalist state hinders development in many Southern Africa countries.

Today there is evidence in improving the problems of nationalism in southern African countries. For instance, countries in Southern Africa are currently enhancing political and economic transition. This will lead to improvement of democracy, and enhancement of economic development. South Africa has established democratic constitutions, and respect to the rule of law since acquiring independence in 1994.

Currently Botswana has been categorized as one of the advanced countries in Africa as far as democracy is concerned. Zambia and Malawi made political transition in 1990s from a single part rule to multiparty political system.

Mozambique has made a political transition from three decades of war, which has resulted to a period of reconstruction and economic development. In Angola, the death of the rebel leader Jonas Savimbi in 2002, led to an end to decades of war. This has resulted to economic and political transition in this country. In South Africa per capita gross domestic products has increased since 2002 .

South Africa has also adopted neoliberal economic reform this is known as structural adjustment programs (SAPs). These programs were developed by the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, to enhance economic transformation. The establishment of Southern African Development Community (SADC) has led to economic development of southern African countries.

This is due to improvement of regional trade relations and regional cooperation in areas such as, politics, transport and health. South Africa has the largest economy in Africa; this has helped the country in negotiating international accords to benefit from international trade. Namibia and South Africa are closely related, and this has helped in the improvement of social cultural set up and economic development in these countries.

HIV/AIDS, epidemic is the most significant threat facing southern Africa region. The rapid spread of this epidemic in the region has hindered development progress. It also threatens political stability; however, the governments of these countries are focusing on strategies, to reduce the rapid spread.

In contemporary Southern Africa, women have been involved in political activities, to enhance political development. Southern Africa countries have the highest number of women representatives in national politics in the world. South Africa has developed international relations and political linkages which have led to economic development.

Conclusion

Nationalism is a belief that people belong together because they were born in the same country. It came about in the recent centuries, and it has led to wars. It leads to exploitation of majority poor people by minority national elite. It violates the rights of the minority people. It solidifies the sovereignty of the political class over working and poor people. It originated from Europe and was brought to Africa through colonization.

In Africa, the rich people in the cities started nationalist’s movements. In southern Africa state nationalism is seen as an institution of achieving democracy and economic development. Nationalism is a paradox as it also hinders the achievement of these goals. In South Africa, the black nationalists’ ideology tends to segregate the whites hence negative impacts on economic development.

African political leaders have betrayed people through persuading them with nationalist sentiments to fight and die for their country. Finally, although nationalism in southern Africa state has hindered development, it has also improved democracy in these countries. Southern Africa state is the most dynamic and has the largest economy in the African continent.

Works Cited

Benson, Mary. South Africa:the struggle for a birth right. Pretoria: Funk & Wagnalls, 2002. Print.

Gerhart, Gail. Black politics in South Africa. California: University of California Press, 2006. Print.

Lodge, Tom. Black politics in South Africa. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 2008. Print.

Welsh, Peter. The rise of African nationalism in South Africa. London: C.Hurst & Co.Publishers, 2000. Print.

Admittedly, there is quite a specific division between people. Even the modern globalized world is still divided into insiders and outsiders. Some researchers claim that ethnic nationalism is one of the major reasons for conflicts. For instance, Huntington (1993) and Leiken (2005) point out that ethnic nationalism has led to international conflicts in many cases.

However, Mueller (2000) argues that international conflicts as well as any other conflicts have little to do with ethnic nationalism as these conflicts are usually based on economic issues. It is necessary to note that the history of numerous conflicts can be a good confirmation of Mueller’s (2000) ideas.

Notably, many conflicts are associated with ethnic nationalism. For instance, Huntington (1993) stresses that the world is divided into civilizations.

According to the researcher, the civilizations are groups of people united by religious and/or cultural beliefs. The researcher points out that future conflicts will occur “along the cultural fault lines separating these civilizations from one another” (Huntington 1993, 25). The researcher also notes that the conflicts are inevitable in the contemporary globalized world as people witness the differences between the cultures.

Leiken (2005) also states that Western society is threatened by other groups (e.g. Muslims). The researcher provides parallels between future conflicts and existing conflicts based on ethnic nationalism. The author focuses on the case of van Gogh slaying. The researcher notes that the Muslim, Mohammed Bouyeri, killed the famous Dutch (Leiken, 2005).

The researcher mentions that many Muslim immigrants in the Western world can be a potential threat. Of course, Leiken (2005) also mentions 9/11 attacks which are also regarded as purely ethnic-based.

However, it is necessary to take a closer look at the very nature of conflicts. Mueller (2000) argues that it is impossible to assume that the entire nation can attack another nation. The researcher emphasizes that any conflict is initiated by a small group of people who pursue specific non-ethnic-based goals (Mueller 2000, 42). Mueller (2000) suggests that various groups of people employ some ethnic and cultural differences to justify some kind of violence.

It is possible to find illustration of this assumption. Mueller (2000) focuses on the conflicts in Rwanda and former Yugoslavia. The researcher provides facts that confirm that the conflicts were stirred up by small groups who wanted to gain power.

The researcher also states that these conflicts often lead to enrichment of some groups. At that, the researcher stresses that these groups recruit “common, opportunistic, sadistic, and often distinctly nonideological marauders” (Mueller 2000, 43). Of course, these groups cannot be regarded as representatives of the entire nations.

On balance, it is possible to note that many people think that numerous conflicts are based on ethnic nationalism. Some researchers try to prove that some ethnic groups should be regarded as some kind of threats to other groups. However, it is hardly likely that ethnic nationalism is the basis for the international conflicts. In the majority of cases, international conflicts have been stirred up by small groups which pursued specific (political or more likely economic) goals.

Therefore, now people should not focus on such notions as civilizations clashes. Resources have been the only basis for conflicts. Therefore, people should ignore those who try to stir up some conflicts. It is important to remember that the majority of people want to live in peace, but only a small group of people can benefit from violence and international conflicts. People cannot let these groups benefit at the expense of innocent people’s lives.

Reference List

Huntington, Samuel P. 1993. The clash of civilizations? Foreign Affairs 72, no.3: 22-49.

Leiken, Robert S. 2005. “Europe’s angry Muslims.” Foreign Affairs, July/August. Web.

Mueller, John. 2000. The banality of “ethnic war”. International Security 25, no.1: 42-70.