Nationalism can be described as a political occurrence that can exist in several ways. Nationalism is continued by certain agents and is subject to many views. James Kellas described nationalism in international relations as an origin of crisis, an origin of resistance to the state system in existence, a resistance to international establishments, and an indicator of a countrys capability in regard to international affairs (43).
Nationalism has been variously interpreted to imply the creation and continuation of a state. Anthony Smith recognized five ways of using nationalism: the entire procedure of developing and preserving a nation; a source of sense of belonging and patriotism to the nation; symbolization to the nation; a political orientation of the nation, which includes cultural doctrines; a political and societal struggle for the achievement of national goals (181).
Nationalism could be considered a way of conduct or an ideology or both (Smith 4). In the sense of ideology, nationalism stands as a system of ideas normally requiring rights of self-governance. In this respect, nationalism declares the peculiarity of a certain nation and their right to rule themselves in their territory (Easman 28).
This classical description presumes that nationalism is based on the nation and the right of the nation to determine for itself in their homeland. However, the application of nationalism is mostly narrowed to the quest of nationhood where a particular nation moves to stand for a state that has chosen to be considered as politically disparate. This ideology has caused a movement for independence.
In another view, Walker Connor contends that nationalism is a matter of trueness and allegiance (42). In this regard, the ideology of nationalism is concerned with the faithfulness to the nation and how its several aspects of attributes and values can be preserved. Walker Connor supports the view of nationalism as a display of allegiance to the nation (42).
Hence, nationalism is not against a peoples loyalty to their state-nation. Small or large groups can be faithful to the laws of the state however be loyal to their premier identity source, which is their national or ethnic identity. This peculiarity is striking in countries having multinational states, as there is a distinction between the nation and the state.
Connor argues that nationalism is faithfulness and allegiance to the nation, whereas Easman contends that it is faithfulness and allegiance to the community. Hence, it can be seen that nationalism is a manifestation of what is termed ethnic solidarity . Ethnocentric attitudes as well as nationalist sentiments make up a vital aspect of nationalism. The way a nationalist behaves and its manner of consideration is strengthened and supported through mechanisms of socialization (Evans and Newnham 347).
A Brief Typology of Nationalism
In the analysis of the conditions in the presentation of nationalism, it can be seen that it basically explains certain aspects of nationalism. Even though it is generally accepted that research on nationalism is still far away from improving a desired typology or normative use. James Kellas gave three broad approaches that give a description of nationalism: state/official nationalism, ethnic nationalism, and civic/social nationalism (66).
Official nationalism is the states nationalism that covers all legal citizens, regardless of their ethnic origin and tradition (Kellas 67). This is the type of nationalism that is practiced by the citizens in the form of patriotism. There is a difference between official nationalism and other forms of nationalism in the sense that it is practiced by government authorities at the state level via internal policies.
Hence, nationalism is in this case, defined in regard to national interest. Therefore, state nationalism is based on patriotism to the nation and the intention of the citizens to affiliate the political status of the state with the nation. This makes the state a political entity that stands for the will of every citizen that also brings together their national allegiance and loyalty.
Ethnic nationalism represents the ideology and social movement of cultural groups that one of its priority goals is building a nation-state founded on their cultural heritage and other ethnic markers that reinforces a feeling of belonging to what the group consider a nation.
On another front, ethnic nationalism may be concentrated on sustaining the groups ethnic solidarity and look forward to the preservation of its culture via district, ethnical and political self-governance inside a certain state. In this regard, the movement for the continuation of a cultural identity is perceived as a manifestation of an ethnic nationalism.
According to James Kellas, civic or social nationalism is the nationalism of a state that is determined by cultural and social affiliations instead of shared descent (66). In contrast to ethnic nationalism, civic or social nationalism has to do with secondary community instead of a primary community (Thompson 49).
In the civic or social nationalism, foreigners can take part in the group by adopting their culture and adjusting to the society. This type of nationality is one that is gotten by immigrants. The cultural or national groups are required to wholly incorporate the new nation and also comply with the nations standards, after the acquisition of citizenship.
Works Cited
Connor, Walker. Etnonacionalismo. Madrid: Trama Editorial, 1998. Print.
Easman, Milton J. Ethnic Politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994. Print.
Evans, Graham, and Jeffrey Newnham. The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations. New York: Penguin Books Ltd., 1998. Print.
Kellas, James G. The Politics of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martins Press Inc., 1998. Print.
Smith, Anthony D. Structure and Persistence of Ethnic. Malden: Polity Press, 2003. Print.
Thompson, Richard H. Theories of Ethnicity. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1989. Print.
Numerous books on China have been written, which by and large portray China as an evil empire that is transforming from Communism into a Fascist state. Gries, through his book Chinas New Nationalism, claims to offer fresh insight into the Chinese conundrum. Gries states that his book gives a view on Chinas relations with the world based on the Chinese perspective, unlike other books on the subject, which portray a typically West-centric view of China. Gries argues that the two countries that matter the most to China are the US and Japan and that the evolving Chinese nationalism is in response to its interaction with these two nations. Gries covers his narrative in eight chapters with a catchy introduction titled Panda Huggers and Dragon Slayers.
In the introduction, Gries covers a wide range of issues associated with US-China relationships starting with a recount of the 2001 P3 collision incident. He gives examples on both sides of the political spectrum of Panda Huggers like Henry Kissinger who praises China and its benign intentions and Dragon Slayers such as Nancy Pelosi, who, despite being a Democrat, sided with the Republicans who were ready to drag China over hot coals for its alleged Human Rights violations. The Dragon slayers hold that Chinas reactive belligerence and newfound confidence in its global stature is reflected in its aggressive stance on any issue where Chinas national interests are in question. This confidence is reflected in the new flavor of nationalism which has a decidedly anti-America stance. According to this lobby, China has great pride in its civilization and its Confucius-based philosophy, and Sino-centrism. The authors original observation that understanding the diplomatic tendency to say the opposite of what is meant helps one interpret Chinas relationships with other nations (Gries 10) is one of the gems of new insight into the workings of the Chinese mindset. Gries develops his argument by dedicating a whole chapter to the concept of saving face. The author argues that the violent Chinese protests that erupted after the inadvertent bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 by US aircraft were spontaneous upwelling of nationalist fervor of the ordinary Chinese devoid of state manipulation. The subsequent actions of both the governments to resolve the issue were more of face saving measures, with the Chinese claiming that the bombings were intentionally carried out while the Americans are insisting that it was accidental. The author claims that this saving face formulation was more deep-seated in China, which has always felt that the historical injustices and exploitation suffered by China in the hands of the imperial powers had never been addressed satisfactorily by the West. China has always held an inimical view of Japan and has equated Japan with the western devils who carried out heinous crimes during the Second World War, including the rape of Nanking, for which till to date, the Japanese have not tendered an unconditional apology.
Chapter 2 concentrates on Chinese Identity and the West. The author outlines the historical shifts in Chinese attitudes towards America. He states that in the early 20th century, the Chinese had a more benign view of America, contrary to what the Americans had about China. This soured after the Korean War, and China began to view America as a big bully. The author makes use of social psychology metaphors such as Parent-Child complex, with China considering itself to be the Parent and America the 200- year old child, the Teacher-Student complex to explain the China-America relationship and the Sagacious Elder Brother Truant Younger Brother complex with China being the former and Japan being the latter to explain China-Japan relationship. According to the author, Chinas identity crisis revolves around status and the need to regain it. The author recounts that Samuel P Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations thesis pleased the Chinese nationalists, who embraced the image of China Huntington provided: They see us as a threat! Weve finally regained our great power status! (Gries 40)
In chapter 3, the author focuses on the Century of Humiliation, which was responsible for fuelling Chinese nationalism since independence. The century refers to the period of subjugation of China and its division into Spheres of Influence by the Colonial powers at the turn of the century. The Chinese Communist Party used the Humiliation thesis to great advantage to whip up nationalism and steer the country in the early years after independence.
An entire chapter is devoted to the Kissinger Complex to explain the effects of the famous period of ping pong diplomacy that was initiated by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger. The author argues that Chinese nationalists today suffer from the Kissinger complex that causes them to praise high-status foreigners who, like Kissinger, trumpet Chinas rise while downplaying its flaws (Gries 54).
In the next chapter, Victors or Victims?, Gries examines whether the Chinese nationalists attempt to view events in history as a victor as well as a victim is justified. According to him, the Chinese have claimed their war of resistance against the Japanese during the Second World War as a great victory as also being a victim of Japanese perfidy, especially over the issue of Senkaku islands dispute. Both rationales stir up nationalist emotions in China, and increasingly, the victimized paradigm is gaining currency with respect to China-Japan relations.
Chinas Apology Diplomacy is a fascinating chapter that traces the dynamics of using apologies for past crimes as powerful tools for diplomacy. The author theorizes that the success of an apology depends upon consensus between the affected parties. The Japan-Korea apology diplomacy worked because there was consensus on both sides as to the scope and worth of the apology tendered by Japan to South Korea but failed in the case of China-Japan because of lack of consensus. The author further opines that China and Japan are still at war albeit, a war of words in which both China and Japan are fighting over their status in the evolving Asian hierarchy. Gries uses a well-known social psychology theory known as intergroup attribution biases to explain Chinese apology diplomacy. According to the theory, members of an in-group favor their own selves over members of an out-group, and that explains Chinas action of labeling the 1999 inadvertent bombing of the Chinese embassy by US aircraft as a terrorist act.
In the chapter Popular Nationalism and the Fate of the Nation, the author concludes that Chinas new nationalism was slowly but surely emanating from the masses themselves. The fourth generation nationalists, all in their thirties free from the revolutionary baggage of the Mao era, had learned to think for themselves. The CCP no longer had absolute control over the state or the nature of nationalism. Coulmas review of Griess book also refers to this key point by stating that Chinese nationalism is borne by the people and their sentiments that in combination with electronic communications media are quite beyond the control of the government (para 4) .
In the last chapter, Chinese Nationalism and US-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century, the author urges the US, foreign policy experts, to understand the role of emotion in Chinas new nationalism, understand that the new nationalist movement now has a momentum of its own, of popular nationalists outside the state control and that the United States must stay away from polemics if they wish to harmonize their relationships with China. The author disagrees with Paul Kennedy and Samuel Huntingtons theses that the US and China are bound to collide, and that conflict was inevitable. The author believes that socio-psychological theories have shown that an inclusive in-group behavior does not necessarily translate into hostility towards an out group and that harmony is possible. The author further goes on to add that foreign policymakers must not view US-China relations as a zero-sum game like the Israeli-Palestine conflict.
Griess style of writing is eminently readable as he uses simple contemporary English shorn of intellectual verbosity. The book, with its graphic illustrations, very vividly brings out the new shades of Chinese nationalism. The book undoubtedly offers fresh insight into the Chinese psyche. However, by narrowing the scope to only the US and Japan, the author gives an impression that the contours of Chinas new nationalism are being affected primarily by these two countries, which is not necessarily true. Chinas engagement with ASEAN, Russia, the Shanghai Cooperation, India as also its cheque book diplomacy in Africa and the Middle East do in very large ways affect all aspects of its policies, external as well as internal, including nationalism. A mention of these other influences could have given the book a more holistic character. Nonetheless, Peter Hays Gries has contributed to a fresh look at new Chinese nationalism, a work that deserves close scrutiny by China watchers and foreign policy experts.
Works Cited
Coulmas, Florian. Chinas New Nationalism; A Force yet to be reckoned with. 2006. Japan Times online. Web.
Gries, Peter Hays. Chinas New Nationalism. Berkeley: The Regent of University of California, 2004.
Pan Asianism is a combination of ideas and movements that advocate for consolidation and collaboration of Asian nations to free themselves from the western influences. Pan Asianism resulted from a number of reasons. The Asian countries believed they could unite in combating European imperialism. European countries were believed to have political, economic and military influence and dominance in Asian countries.
Pan Asianism gained popularity in the early 20th century from the resistance of European foreign involvement in Asia. Europes political setup and theories were not a favorite and compatible to Asian countries beliefs and practices. Some of the political values from Europe were the human rights and freedom which greatly contradicted Chinese communism and the Indians individualism. Pan Asianism attractiveness was heightened by conflicting interest between the European states and the Asians states (Beasley, 211).
Pan Asianism is strongly related to Russo- Japaneses war of 1904-1905. The war was between Japan and Russia. It culminated from conflict of interest and revolted between Manchuria and Korea. Japan had adopted European ideologies and technologies by the late 19th century thereby becoming one of the industrialized imperials in Asia (Beasley, 181). Late in that century Japan had emerged victor in a war with China and acquired its territories including Port Arthur. Later, in order to quell the boxer rebellion in China, Russia occupied Manchuria where Port Arthur was located. The Russians later refused to vacate the area even after the deadline passed. Possession of Port Arthur did not auger well to Japan. Russia had absorbed some of the Asian states and was in great need of a frost free port. Port Arthur was the favorite since its port of Vladivostok could operate only during summer. Japan and Russia had interest in Korea and had managed to coexist. The refusal of Russia to vacate from Manchuria triggered Japan to get hostile. Russia had proposed to abandon Korea in exchange of Manchuria since they believed Japan could never have contemplated going to war with them. This was what triggered Japan to enter into war with Russia over Manchuria. Japan finally emerged victor. Pan Asianism was the sole fuel to this war as Japan wanted to expand its interest in Asia in opposition of the western states (Beasley, 196).
There were different versions of pan Asianism which ranged from political, cultural, economic and military aspects. Cultural independence was seen to be at stake since the Europeans had different cultures, TMa dMbunkai was a cultural version of pan Asianism. Asian countries had unity in using the Chinese characters. The Asian religions were similar and were far much unrelated to Christianity which was practiced by the western states. Politically, the western countries were colonizing the Asian countries. Pan Asianism strongly opposed this since it wanted to maintain its political independence. GenyMsha and Kokurykkai were the other version groups of pan Asianism (Espiritu, 163).
Pan Asianism was well demonstrated in Japan. Japan was the center where scholars and leaders of pan Asianism would meet and openly discuss their affairs. Various pan Asianism groups were founded in Japan under their influence. After Japan defeated china and Russia it joined the ranks of colonial powers. During world war I Japan was pushing for a movement that it named Asia for Asians, this demonstrates pan Asianism in Japan as the movement would kick out the colonizers. During 1930 to 1940 Japan had military expansion which were also expressed in official pan Asianism declarations New Order in East Asia and the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere ( Gi-Wook, 124).
Finally, pan Asianism can be attributed to having liberalized Asian people from European domination. It can also be likened to the great East Asia wars thus it can be called war to liberalize Asia. Pan Asianism has played an important role in intellectual discourse and development of East Asia.
Works Cited
Beasley W.G. Collected writings New Yolk: Routledge, 2001
Gi-Wook Shin. Ethnic nationalism in Korea: genealogy, politics, and legacy Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2006
Yen Le Espiritu. Asian American panethnicity: bridging institutions and identities Philadelphia:Temple University Press, 1992
According to Cox (213), nationalism can be defined as A sense of identity perceived by people who share a common language, territory, culture, tradition, and, sometimes, religion or race . In comparing patriotism with nationalism, nationalism looks to be more modern and offers an important connection among individuals than patriotism. In patriotism, there is only a restricted connection between people and in most cases, this occurs during the time of a calamity. Nationalism falls into two groups. The first category is the ethnic nationalism that considers a nation as an extended kinship group and puts much emphasis on the significance of a uniform high and low culture. The second category is Political Nationalism which considers the nation as a political group that is bound together by the same desires and governmental inclinations.
The rising of nationalism at the time when the period of the late 1700s was coming to a close is associated with the multiplication of the thought of well-liked independence. This desire underlies a great deal of contemporary democratic reasoning, even though national states are in most cases founded on esteem for suitable course and toleration of rivaling interests as in democratic systems. When nationalism moves from the sphere of individual identity and turns out to be a political force, it normally targets at becoming self-determined to bring about the national state where it is independent and dominates within its boundaries. In spite of coming up with a global economy and strong corporations operating in several nations, nationalism has maintained its status as among the strongest forces in global dealings.
Serbian History and Factors That Led to the Rise of Its Nationalism
According to Kalt (2), based on the history of Serbia, Kosovo was not just the center of worldly Serbian medieval state but was residence to the Serbian Orthodox Church as well. This church was a religious center for the Empire of Serbia that was established in later times during the climax of the power of Serbia in the mid-fourteenth century. The Turks fought Serbia in a determining war of Kosovo during the year 1389 and by the time the year 1455 set in, the Ottoman Empire had dominated Kosovo. Four years after that, the entire Territory of Northern Serbia had as well been taken over by the Ottoman Empire. The people of Serbia witnessed Kosovo, the supporter of their empire which had at one point been arrogantly dominated by Muslims and were then under full control of the Ottomans for almost four hundred years. The thought of the defeated war of Kosovo together with the sense of past grievance that accompanied it has from that time been lifted to mythic rank closely mingled with the national recognition of Serbia and up to the present is still significant in the history of Serbian.
The history of nationalist Serbia indicates that, while under the power of the Ottomans, most of the Serbian people went first to war with Hungary and later on in time, together with the Austrian people, fought in several wars with their similar foe, the Ottomans of Turkey. Nevertheless, whenever there was a restoration of peace, the defiant Serbian people time and again sought mercy to Turkish revenge. They paid a sufferers cost for fighting. Overwhelmed by warfare and worsening handling, the Serbian Orthodox Christians started to leave Kosovo during the 1500s and 1600s. Together with the War of Kosovo, the other injustice adorned on the Serbian consciousness was the Great Migration . This was the migration in which the Serbian people were forced to move out of Kosovo at once. It occurred in the year 1960 and involved the movement of the Serbian people in Austria. Kosovo experienced variation in population together with Metohija. The Serbian people encountered more trouble with the period that followed. The stay of the Albanian people together with the stay of the people of Serbia exposed them to even more troubles (Batakovic 8). After being for a short time under the power of Austria in the Great War that occurred from the year 1683 and 1699, one Patriarch of Serbia who was in fear of the revenge of Ottoman for the contribution of Serbia in the war took lead in moving 37000 families from Kosovo to Hungary. More migrations took place during the 1700s but still, the greater part of Kosovo remained Serbian, to independent Serb-controlled Belgrade.
The recurrence of hostility went on in the year 1766 at the time Ottoman leaders banned the Serbian Orthodox patriarchate of pec and started taxing all the people who were not Muslims. However, in the year 1815, there were uprisings of Serbia in a position to acquire some restricted independence from the Ottoman Empire. By the year 1871, with the exhibition of symptoms of falling of the Ottoman Empire, elated Serbia started to consider taking over once again Kosovo and the remaining old Serbia. The Serbian people had as well been forcing the Albanians out he Southern Serbia and by the time the 1800s came to a close, the migration of the Albanians to Kosovo which was said to have been enhanced by the Ottomans to make the Serbs lose ground, coupled with the moving out of the Serbians had transformed the image of Kosovo; Albanians had turned out to be the majority. With speed, the Albanians became doubtful of the building up Serbian menace and fright that the lands that they were living in would be shared among Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria, elated a rise Albanian nationalism.
The Ottoman weakness came to be known as it had never been known in the past times during the Russo-Turkish War that occurred from the year 1877 up to the year 1878. In the year 1878, Ottomans came to a consensus to make peace at the Berlin congress, with the Kosovska and Pristina Mitrovica cities under the power of Serbia and not within the jurisdiction of ottoman, but the rest of Kosovo was still under Ottoman power. After very many years of subjugation, the Serbian police that had been freshly empowered together with the troops were more than willing to pay back the favor to the Albanians, whom they had seen as being in association with the Ottomans. The cruel Serbian peoples treatment of the Albanian people hastened the establishment of the League of Prizren during the year 1878 and this was the representation of the rejection of the Berlin Congress and refusal of the Serbian rule. This league targeted to bring together the four vilayets that were occupied by the Albanian people into a single independent Albanian area. Other than their political superiority, the Serbian people still formed about 40 percent of the Kosovo population, and together with other Slav and Turks, they were in a position to offer opposition to the unification. The change in population component to greater part Albanian Muslim and the jurisdictional splitting up of Kosovo, as well as the existence of long term hostility and inter-ethnic conflict, served to make greater the nationalism of Serbia and Albania in Kosovo at the start of the 1900s.
While the power of the Ottoman went down, other powers realized this and the Eastern question concerning the uprightness of the empire of Ottoman was pronounced. Russia desired to occupy the Mediterranean. As a consequence, it pursued the Pan-Slavic foreign policy giving support to Serbia and Bulgaria. Britain was not in a position to accept such access and thus gave support to the empire of Ottoman but as this empire became weaker and weaker, Britain alternatively shifted its support to Greece as the other prospective safeguard against the extension of Russia. Anxiety came up in Austria-Hungary where the anarchy lost by the falling of the Ottoman Empire would put in too much threat to its ruling leaders and instill more confidence in Serbia. After many years of suppression, Serbia became more than willing to look for its own revenge against the Ottomans.
The low-profile war erupted during the year 1904 between groups from Bulgaria and Greece and the Ottomans in Macedonia. The Young Turk revolution came up in 1908. In this revolution, the disturbed provinces of Europe brought back parliament that had earlier on been put off in the year 1878 by the Sultan and in the time being uplifted hopes of having a parliament that could represent many ethnic groups (Anonymous: Young Turk Revolution, 1). These hopes were cleared away at the time more uncompromising nationalist elements took over the movements control. Following the chaos in the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary utilized the chance to take over the Ottoman province of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Serbia, as well as Montenegro, coveted this province of Bosnia-Herzegovina (Anonymous: Nationalism, 8). Bulgaria and Montenegro went the same way and announced themselves to be absolutely independent. Serbia seeking to take advantage as well, took interest in their former territories Kosovo being among them.
The changes in power that resulted from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the consequent freshly elated Balkan nations, at last, brought about the Balkan wars that occurred in the years 1912 and 1913. Towards the end of the year 1912, a greater part of Kosovo was under Serbia and the Balkan League which comprised Greece, Montenegro, and Bulgaria (Claudia & Corinne 4). At the same time, the Metohija (Kosovos western region), was under the Montenegro Kingdom. It was now the local Albanians that massively moved out while the Serbian people put in place plans to colonize Kosovo once again. The Serbian people were moving in to bring about a balance between the population of the Serbian people and the Albanian people. In the current times, the Albanian people still remember the cruel Serbian treatment at the time of recolonization. The First World War broke out in the year 1914 and in the year 1916, in what came to be known as The great Serbian Retreat , the Serbian army deserted Kosovo but pressed back into power by 1918 to establish the kingdom of Serbs, Slovenes, and Croats at the end of the First World War (Kalt 5).
According to Anonymous (Rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire 25), The Serbian national movement represents one of the first examples of successful national resistance against the Ottoman rule. According to this author, the Serbian national movement climaxed in two huge uprisings at the time when the nineteenth century was starting resulting in the nation getting liberated and in turn establishing the modern Serbian state. Among the major movements centers was the Belgrade Pashaluk and this turned out to be the heart of the national state of Serbia that had been established once again.
Several factors led to the rise of this state. On top of the total, the center of the nations identity was preserved in the form of the Serbian Orthodox Church that was maintained in one shape or the other independent all through the time of Ottoman occupation. After the Ottoman control had been established in Balkan Peninsula, the nation of Serbia stayed united basically by the churchs bonds. The church was the heart of the community and at the same time the communitys unshakable leader (Jelavich 144). The devotion to Orthodox Christianity is, at the present, still regarded to be a significant aspect of cultural self-determination. More so, Montenegros principality, which was at that time regarded to be a fundamental component of the overall body of the Serbia nation, never got absolute suppression from the Ottomans. These entities maintained the connections with the Medieval Kingdom of Serbia holding the initiative of national freedom alive.
The other factors originated from the political events within the region at the time of Ottoman rule, especially during the eighteenth and the seventeenth century. According to Anonymous (Rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire 27), At the turn of the nineteenth century the region of Belgrade Pashaluk had a relatively recent experience of Austrian rule, as a result of Treaty of Passarowitz. Even if Serbias northern territory was taken back to the rule of Ottoman basing on the Belgrade Treaty, this region experienced war in the course of the eighteenth century. Consequently, there was no establishment of complete feudal order within Belgrade Pashaluk by the Ottomans. Peasants that were free and having minute pieces of land comprised the major part of the population. More so, the potential leaders that had to emerge in time to come to deal in armed rebellions acquired much experience in military service having served in the irregular troops of Austria known as Freikorps. The closeness of the border of Austria gave a good chance of acquiring vital military material. The leaders in the nation of Siberia had a chance of relying on the support of the Serbian people who were staying and having a prosperous life in the Austrian empire in terms of finances and logistics.
Another factor that is also connected to the rising of Serbian nationalism is the epic culture such as epic poetry. The Serbs narrated the deeds of heroism and military merits that were followed by the Serbian people and played a major role in strengthening the military tradition of the Serbs. This poetry along with the Church of Serbia and the faith of the Serbian people were the bases on which the nationalism awareness was build (Pappas 29).
The instant reason for the onset of the First Serbian Uprising was the poor management of the region by traitor Janissary troops that were able to take power in Belgrade. Nevertheless, through the motivation of the original success, the rebellion intensified with speed to a complete war of liberating the nation with a well-defined goal of spreading armed effort to other Ottoman areas occupied by the Serbian people. However, even if this struggle did not succeed in the end, the First Siberian Uprising served as an avenue to the Second Serbian Uprising that occurred in the year 1815 that was ultimately successful.
The Serbia nation that was brought back to life would in the end turn out to be a center of rebellion to Ottomans, offering active support to freedom movements in the adjacent Christian lands which consisted of Bulgaria, Macedonia and Bosnia. This nation would continue to engage in a sequence of wars that turned out to be successful against the empire of Ottoman and the climax being the result of the First Balkan War that occurred in the year 1912.
Conclusion
In summary, the main factors that led to the rise of Serbian nationalism included autonomy, the church, migration and emigration, the epic culture and armed confrontation and military service.
The issue of military service and armed confrontation gave way for the expression of the military strength and ability of the Serbian people and this gave them the capability to uphold a measure of civil freedom, privileges, and autonomy from the empires that subjugated them.
The issue of autonomy involved those conditions which instilled in the Serbian people a mind the possibility of acquiring self-government regardless of how worse the situation could turn out to be. The kinds of autonomy that varied from one area to the other lessened the impact of foreign control.
The issue of migration and emigration enabled the Serbian people to refuge from war and its outcomes. It also offered fresh opportunities for military service, land to cultivate, and entry into other fields of opportunity such as trade.
The epic culture such as the epic poetry and the church helped in retaining the identity in terms of history and religion in the epoch that followed Kosovo. The church played a role in instilling in people the faith of national belonging that was independent and of its own kind not just from the Ottoman Islam and the Habsburgs Catholicism but from the Orthodoxy that was followed by the Bulgarians, the people of Greece among other Christians. The epic poetry maintained a sense of history among the Serbian people in an epoch during which literacy and the ability to keep records that were written could not be easily found. For instance, according to Etty (4), the Serbian people were inspired by poetry; idealizing the Orthodox peasant lifestyle and glorifying the Battle of Kosovo and bolstered by Russian assistance, they were able to attain freedom from Turkey in the year 1815.
These factors that contributed to the rise of Serbian nationalism were very closely related. Each factor was influenced by the other. For instance, military service and armed resistance aided in the establishment of self-governing institutions and also influence migration and emigration.
The assigned papers delve into the concept of proto-nationalism, its roots, and its role in the modern world. Thus, the first reading states that the idea of national patriotism arises from the fact that there are particular groups of human beings who recognize themselves as members of these formations. For this reason, their interests are focused on the protection of these groups interests. This vision is close to the idea of proto-nationalism that emerge under the impact of feelings of the collective belonging which already existed in individuals mentalities. There are supra-local forms of identification that disregard the importance of particular areas and political bonds of certain entities that are linked to certain institutions.
Main body
The concept of proto-nationalism goes beyond traditional meanings of nationalism as it unites people from various states across the world in a particular formation characterized by similar ideas and mentalities. The language also plays a critical role in the appearance of proto-national groups as it helps to define individuals and differentiate them from the rest of the nationalities. In such a way, this sort of nationalism becomes a potent force that can be utilized with the primary aim to achieve a certain goal or promote a particular idea across the globe.
The role of proto-nationalism in the formation of nationalities can be evidenced using the second reading. For instance, the rise of Korea can be considered a history of one nation as since the first stages of its development it has been a single race. In such a way, mainly under the impact of proto-nationalist ideas, people living in the area managed to save the vision of a unified state and the vision of the Korean nation as a force impacting the evolution of the region. In such a way, the discussed concept became a basis for the emergence and formation of nationhood with its culture, mentality, and identity.
Conclusion
The reading also touches upon the topic of language and the role it plays in the evolution of proto-nationalism and the promotion of its ideas across the globe. It becomes an important component of ethnicities and cultures; however, it also undergoes the impact of local dialects and other language forms which makes it difficult to consider it to be the most important factors that precondition the emergence of proto-national ideas and their becoming central forces cultivating the rise of ethnicities and nations in various parts of the globe.
Question
What is the role of proto-nationalism in international policy and global intercourse?
The given question helps to acquire an improved understanding of the role proto-nationalism plays in the coherent society. At the same time, answering it, an individual will be able to investigate the main peculiarities of the modern international policy and understand how nationalism preconditions the emergence of various tendencies in policy and decision making.
Works Cited
Duncan, John. Proto-Nationalism in Premodern Korea. Perspectives on Korea, edited by Sang-Oak Lee and Duk-Soo Park, Wild Peony, 1998, pp. 199-221.
Hobsbawm, Eric. Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. 2nd ed., Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Whether the nation state is of any more importance as compared to supranational organisations remains an intriguing question. Ralston Saul, the author of The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World, as well as Ronkainen Czinkota, Sutton-Brady, and Beal, the authors of International Marketing: Asia Pacific Edition come in handy to provide a clear-cut distinction between the two in terms of their importance. Examples of nation states include Japan, Portugal, and Iceland.
On the other hand, supranational organisations involve all the Non-Governmental Organisations, Inter-Governmental Organisations characterised by treaties signed by each member state, collective decision making, and a committee body elected by each member state (Demirpolat, 2009, p.98).
Examples of such organisations are the United Nations, World Bank, Common Wealth, African Union, European Union, and World Health Organisation amongst others. They, too, have their own pros and cons. Though the paper so far is silent in terms of the pertinence of the two, it argues out that the nation state is not as important as supranational organisations.
Why not go for the Nation State
Loose of sovereignty
Sovereignty is the quality of having supreme independent authority over a geographic area such as a territory (Alenikoff, 2004, p.1997). It is the power of a state to rule and make laws. Arguing against the nation state, Saul criticises the sovereign states like the US referring them to as confused empires&suffering from negative nationalism (2005, Chap. 25). The world is constantly changing daily. New forms of technology are being introduced each day in the markets.
This is posing a very great challenge to the nation state, as it has to change constantly with the other people outside its territory. This forces the nation states to join other states to form supranational organisations in order to conduct trade with them. In agreement with Saul, Mukherjee shows the importance of unity among the UN member states.
According to Mukherjee, all the 191 nations who are members of the United Nations had agreed &to work together towards the achievement of a set of health and development goals by 2015 (Mukheerjee, 2010, p.593: Alenikoff, 2004, p.1997). They also agreed to work together to fight the challenges faced in the individual states
Internal friction
A nation state can have two different communities in a territory as it is in Rwanda in Africa where there is Hutu and Tutsis communities. In relation to this, Saul relates the nation state to an Oligarchic giant that squeezes out the less competent or wealthy countries from having an equal role on the world stage (2005, Chap. 26). Some countries have different religious groups with different beliefs and practices (Chatfield, 1989, p.314).
According to Hepburn and McLoughlin, religious or ethno-national cleavage in Northern Ireland that has resulted in violent inter- ethnic conflicts (2011, p.384). Since such groups usually have different number of people, there are minority and majority groups. Majority groups often marginalise the minority culture groups, a situation known as internal friction that Saul addresses as squeezing.
This can cause conflicts among the people, which can result into internal war. A good example is the genocide that occurred in Rwanda in 1991 leaving over half million people dead. According to the UN reports, the genocide in Rwanda happened when the Hutu started slaughtering the minority Tutsis leaving about 800,000 people dead.
Difficult in migration
In the nation state, the issue of globalism, as Saul says, &has indeed failed thereby failing people as well (2005, Chap.26). People in these states do not bother to follow them. Saul addresses this as lack of democracy in the nation state. He says this has Weakened the nation-state through the idea of inevitable international forces (Saul, 2005, Cha. 27). This in turn raises the number of illegal migrations, which in turn increases crimes like robbery, rape and drug abuse.
According to the article by Lomsky-Feder, global orientation is a process aiming at reducing migration costs and removing barriers among the states of the world (Lomsky, 2011, p. 593). He further argues that this can only be achieved through international unity. In other countries, to acquire migration documents is very expensive and many people in such countries cannot afford. Migration is discouraged barring people from moving freely from one country to another (Chatfield, 1989, p.314).
Conflicts with the opposing groups
Nation states tend to get opposing challenges from the supranational organisations. Not all countries may have all the resources required by a state to live independently. Saul comes with the subject of Public good (2005, Cha. 25) as a key goal that the nation state do not uphold. Others need advice and other financial materials. Hence, they have to collaborate with other countries. This forces this state to join international organisations in order to do business and trade with other countries.
Lomsky asserts that global citizen competes with more traditional prototype of the national citizen, which is primarily identified with the nation state system, but the global citizen is winning (Lomsky, 2011, p.593). All the nation states are currently getting opposing conflicts from supranational organisations, and it may cause their distinction soon. Nationalism is currently being replaced by supranational organisations!
Soon and soon, each country will have to join the other countries in globalisation. Finally, the whole world will be like one small village maybe with one president. This, as Saul predicts, is the Free-trade paradise where the inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth (2005, Chap.28).
Vilification of globalism
Those for the idea of globalism have declared nation states as heading toward irrelevance: that economics, not politics or arms, would determine the course of human events; that growth in international trade would foster prosperous markets that would, in turn abolish poverty and change dictatorships into democracies (Saul, 2005, Chap. 29).
The world is currently changing. Every person living today will have no choice but to change with it. When one goes to Rome, he/she should behave like Romans. Currently new scientific methods and machines are being invented. Human beings have to adopt those methods for better living conditions. Burgess argues in his journal that European countries are currently accepting changes from nationalism to supranational organisational systems.
This has resulted to the creation of European Union (Burgess, 2011, p.9). He also argues that people must therefore abandon the forms of the past and enter the path of transformation, both by creating common basic economic conditions and by setting up new authorities accepted by the sovereign nations (Burgess, 2011, p.14).
Concurring with Saul, he argues that Europe should rediscover the leading role she used to play in the world, which she lost due to division of its states. Globalism and change go together. Globalism is like a policy that places the interests of the entire world above those of individual nations. Nationalism, Saul says, tends to vilify globalism hence making it infamous (2005, Chap. 25). It tends to malign the idea of globalisation.
Increased corruption cases
In the countries, which practice the nation state systems, there is a large number of corruption cases. In fact, Saul criticises the nation states based on their rampant cases of corruption involving money. You can always tell youre in deep trouble when people start thinking moneys real (Saul, 2005, Chap. 23: Bekus, 2010, p.389).
This is the trouble faced by nation states. Having in mind that supranational organisations help to fight corruption, these countries lack pressures from such organisation as the United Nations, which help their members to fight corruption. Wilding argues that, presently, there is increased sense of the global nature of many problems, which can only be dealt by interacting with other states (2009, p.736). He also says that these problems cannot be solved by one nation.
Rather, they require action at higher, transnational or even global level. Problems as increased corruption cases have a negative impact on the lives of their citizens. The minorities live in very poor living conditions while government officials live like kings. Alexander asserts that leaders in nation states have raised the corruption rates while seeking for national dependency (2010, p.868).
Why supranational organisations are Important
Economic Importance
Czinkota et al, the authors of International Marketing: Asia Pacific Edition, second Edition come in handy in favor of supranational organisations: the stance of the paper. Nations, which have joined hands with other nations to form supranational organisations, get economic benefits. These benefits include trade conducted by the member countries that Czinkota et al (2011, p.23) refers to as international marketing.
Supranational organisations are international organisations formed by a conjunction of several states. The member countries form intergovernmental organisations, which set rules and regulations by which the trade within these countries should be carried. The cost of the importation of goods is reduced and this in turn boosts the trade between these countries. The international trade has reduced poverty in the member states.
Economic growth is the only result, as Czinkota et al points out based on the increase in the amount of goods and services which are produced by a country, a state, a nation or any economy (2011, p.28). The free trade pact policy in supranational organisations such the UN, the EU and the AU has boosted trade in its members.
Development of member states
Supranational organisations enhance international relations between their member states. In fact, Czinkota et al focuses on Australian and New Zealand firms looking outwards, principally but not exclusively towards the AsiaPacific region, as this is the major focus of their international business activities (2011, p.45). Development can be in many forms. It can be inform of international relations or the physical developments.
Development is a significant event or occurrence that causes change, growth or advancement. It is evolution, progress or expansion in a country or the whole world. Physical development includes urban settings, infrastructure and technology while international relations include intergovernmental friendships or any other relations between two or more states (Hill, 2003, p.56). They also advance common interests of the member countries as well as the common good for the humanity.
They provide financial, technical and humanitarian assistance to the member countries (Czinkota et al, 2011, p.65). This in turn increases the rate of development in such countries. Countries borrow ideas from each other. Ideas of urban planning are passed from one country to another. This is why most urban cities in the world are identical.
These organisations cause development of infrastructure in their member countries. Infrastructure helps determine the success of manufacturing and agricultural activities. Investments in water, sanitation, energy, housing and transport (Jan, 2003, p.26), which are parts of infrastructure also improve lives and help to reduce poverty. Information and communication technology that is highly employed in supranational organisations, promote growth; improve delivery of health and other services.
In line with this claim, European institutions, networks and lobbying organisations have provided an opportunity structure for sub-state actors, and European integration has opened up new possibilities to pursue territorial interests that were once closed by the expansion of the nation state (Hepburn, & McLoughlin, 2011, p.385). They also expand the reach of education and support social and cultural advances.
Interaction and intermarriages
Supranational organisations make interaction possible among the people of their member states. This in turn causes intermarriages across the states.
Hence, people live in harmony. Intermarriages improve unity and togetherness of these people and probability of war and conflict eruption is reduced to a very low level (Culcasi, 2011, p.302). Intermarriages also make the chances of war and chaos among the people minimal. This also improves trade among the people thus favoring the continuity of supranational organisations, as opposed to the nation state.
Free movement across the states
Supranational organisations usually encourage the movement of people from one country to another. Migration becomes possible. A person is authorised to carry business in any country if it is a member of a certain organisation. Somek asserts that free movement within the EU states is likely to enhance trade thus increasing the living conditions of Europeans (2010, p.322). He also argues that the World can achieve homogeneity by joining one supranational organisation (p.329).
The cost of acquiring documents such as visas or passports is lowered encouraging migration and trade. In organisations like the EU, all people in these states have the right to travel, work, study, and live in any member countries of the organisation. People have the opportunity to vote in the member state where they live and stand as candidates in both local and international elections.
Employment opportunities
Job opportunities have been one of the greatest challenges faced by the whole world today. Supranational organisations usually play a great role in the creation of job opportunities. The presence of these organisations should be encouraged to counterfeit these challenges.
How do they create job opportunities? This is a question, which many people have repeatedly asked themselves. Free trade pacts between these countries increase the trade conducted within the organisations (Czinkota et al, 2011, p.65). This creates many job opportunities. Workers are needed to deal with transportation of goods from one place to another, from one market to another. People are needed to administer services to customers.
Due to developments in infrastructure, job opportunities are created, as a people are needed in construction of roads and rails Wilding, 2009, p.59). These supranational organisations also need workers for them to function properly. They need clerks, secretaries, financial advisers, directors, and administrators for them to be efficient.
Large markets
Supranational organisations are usually international organisations. The presence of many states in these organisations provides a very large market to trade of their goods and services (Czinkota et al, 2011, p.75). These markets in turn increase trade in the member states increasing the economy of the respective country.
The price in the international market is common as multi-national political communities decide it. World Trade Organisation has helped to reduce tariffs on manufactured goods, elimination of non-tariff barriers to international trade besides acting as arbitrator in case of trade disputes between member states.
Enhancement of safety and peace
International organisations have played a great role in ensuring safety in most parts of this world. For example, the EU countries have worked together to make the world a safer place by handling such common problems such as safety of nuclear energy, long-term employment, development of rural areas and integration of young people into working life (Lomsky-Feder, 2011, p.56).
The United Nations has played a major role in enhancing worlds safety by; one, stopping the Iran and Iraqs war in 1988, secondly by stopping the India and Pakistans conflicts and also by providing humanitarian assistance in member countries when in need. The United Nations also ended the civil wars in Mozambique, Namibia, Cambodia, and Haiti.
Financial support
International organisations have always provided financial support to their member states. Organisations like Red Cross, World Bank, WHO, and the UN have been giving loans to their members especially the developing countries (Johansson, & Glow, 2009, p.38). For example, the World Bank gave 8.1 billion US dollars to developing African countries to help in their development of their infrastructure.
World Bank has also helped the third world countries to build infrastructures, educational institutions, provision of water, electricity services, protection of environment, and fight corruption and deadly diseases like HIV Aids (Czinkota et al, 2011, p.84). Farmers of these countries get support to make structural changes in agricultural and food industries hence coping with competitive pressures in international markets.
The World Bank has helped many developing countries in the purchase of agricultural machineries and chemicals especially in Africa. This increases agricultural production and thus increased living conditions. It has also helped in the purchase of mining machineries, which are very expensive.
This gives the poor countries the opportunity to explore their potentials and hence industrial development (Surzhko, 2010, p.79). Supranational organisations have a crucial role to play when it comes to ensuring smooth functioning of global monetary systems, as well as putting in place mechanisms for peaceful dispute resolution. They harmonise industrial standards in different countries
Conclusion
Migration experienced in supranational organisations can result to surplus unskilled labor in these countries due to heightened immigration, which in turn results to a push down of wages and an increase of crime rates.
The demerits posed by nation states to its citizens, as revealed by Czinkota et al and Saul prove that it should be discouraged. On the other hand, supranational organisations are more advantageous as compared to nation states and thus more important. They should be encouraged and every country should join for the best of their citizens.
Reference List
Alenikoff, T. (2004). Thinking outside sovereignty box: transnational law and the US Constitution. Texas Law Review, 82(7), 1989-2016.
Alexander, M. (2010). Typologies and phases in nationalism studies: hyrochs A-B-C schema as s basis for comparative terminology. Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand.
Bekus, N. (2010). Nationalism and Socialism: phase D in the Belarusian nation building. Nationalist Journal, 38(6), 385-396.
Burgess, M. (2011). Entering the path of transformation in Europe. The Federal Legacy of the Schuman Declaration, 29(2), 4-18.
Chatfield, C. (1989). Alternatives to Anarchy: American Supra Nationalism Since WWII. Journal of American History, 76(1), 314.
Culcasi, K. (2011). Cartographies of Supranationalism: Creating and silencing territories in the Arab Homeland. Political Geography, 30(8), 217-428.
Czinkota, M., Ronkainen, I., Sutton-Brady, C., & Beal, T. (2011). International Marketing: Asia Pacific Edition. Australia: Cengage.
Demirpolat, A. (2009). The changing aspects of Arab Nationalism. London: Routlege.
Hepburn, E & McLoughlin, P. (2011). Celtic Nationalism and Supranationalism. British Journal of politics and international relations, 13(3), 383-399.
Hill, P. (2003). Technological achievement and human development program: A view From the UN development program. New York: Word Press.
Jan, E. (2010). Is nationalism left or right? Critical junctures in Quebelois Nationalism, 7(3), 23-38.
Johansson, K., & Glow, H. (2009). Honor bound in Australia: From defensive Nationalism to critical Nationalism. London: Longman Publishers.
Lomsky-Feder, E. (2011). Competing models of Nationalism: An analysis of memorial ceremonies in schools. West Virginia: WVA.
Mukherjee, S., & Barry, D. (2010). Structural Violence: A barrier to achieving millennium development goals for women, journal of womens health. 20(4), 593-602.
Saul, J. (2005). The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World. Penguin Viking, Camberwell.
Somek, A. (2010). The argument from transnational effects 1: Representing outsiders Through freedom of movement. New York: Word Press.
Surzhko, H. (2010). Liberal nationalism, nationalist liberation and democracy: The Cases of post-soviet Estonia and Ukraine. London: Routlege.
Wilding, P. (2009). Social policy: Now and Then. A social policy and administration Journal, 43(70), 736-749.
Bournes essay titled the Jew and Transnational America is a remarkable piece of work in the early twentieth century. It considers the then conceived problem of diversity in America and the authors attempt to weed out a possible solution. Bourne thus manages to compare the issue of Americanism with Zionism as a possible source of inspiration to solve Americas woes.
The author in his essay presents the situation in America which is comprised of diverse peoples migrating from Europe and those who can claim to have been a part of the formation of the country. The trends of nationalism as Bourne points out are the melting pot approach, which is aimed at the creation of one big homogenous collective, and the cooperation of cultures approach which is more in the tune of accepting cultural differences and forming a nationalism-based on this diversity.
Bourne appears to be against assimilation which he perceives to be beneficial only to the ruling class. He considers it a path akin to that taken by France and some of the other nations in Europe now embroiled in war and proposes acceptance of the diverse cultures present in America. This he further strengthens with his look at Zionism and the Jewish transnational. The author admires the flexibility of the Jew and claims that since the dual allegiances that hoped to be formed in a homeland in Palestine are workable, it should be a path taken by America towards solidifying its democratic principles. It can be said however that he ignores to a great extent the religious impetus behind the ideology of Zionism and the historical perspective of the Jews who as a nation claim to have a specific status. The motivation for collectiveness and some of the thoughts behind the ease with which Jews are able to follow this may not be applicable to America. Furthermore, it can be claimed that a one-sided view of the European nations is presented by Bourne, not all of which followed the trend of assimilation that is being rued by the author. This was further evidenced by the happenings after the war.
Beyond the Nation or Within?
Chatterjees article Beyond the Nation or Within? is an interesting analysis of the nature of civil society and its relation to political society and the currents that follow regarding it. The author begins the article with an exposition of Arjun Appadurais concept of looking beyond the nation for the trends to be followed by civil society and questions whether in actuality, it needs to look more deeply into itself.
The author advances his thesis by commenting upon two primary reasons why the nation-state system needs to be brought forth more clearly. The first one of these is that the new transnational character being taken by society is not clearly elucidated by the existing definitions surrounding the concept of nation-state. This Chaterjee supports the argument that awareness of cultural identity and political realization that does not show territorial characteristics has been on the rise. Furthermore, the trend seen with regards to assimilation seems to have been failing and collective social movements have taken on more of a non-territorial nature as well.
The second reason at the core of the authors argument relates to the ability of the state to take care of the people has been denied not only by tangible failures but by a loss of credibility as well. This is espoused with the notion that considerable transnational activity in the following times has involved non-state actors under the banner of modernizing civil-social movements. These actions are from a collection that derives its claims from the assumption of a universal civil society that is not territorial in nature.
The myth of the Civic Nation
This article by Yack, The myth of the Civic Nation goes into the depth of the search by Western scholars of unadulterated civic nationalism and finds its lacking. He begins by discussing the characterization of nations as has been frequently done based on political and other symbols where cultural inheritance can be said to center on language and a few other combining factors. However, he then expounds upon the combined inheritance of certain experiences and others related to the colonial era which in many cases forms an integral part of identity.
This assimilation Yack argues has been taken to be important in the case of America which consists of a diverse blend of people trying to form a collective. Efforts have been made to extend this by claiming common principles and attempting further to draw out distinctions. The author believes this to be a wrong trend since political reality does not support this view. He borrows on the history of the Greeks, from where some of the most fundamental principles have been drawn, and asks why they failed to form nation-states and enjoyed prosperity as city-states. The acceptance of diverse origins he argues does not lead to conflict but further development. Political community after all is a voluntary association by the principles of liberal Enlightenment. A nation is not made via a collective but by voluntary consent and rich background of diverse cultural values that are not suppressed. If this is not followed, particularly in the case of America, the forces of nationalistic passion can be flamed and lead to annihilation of the synthetic collective being created.
Works Cited
Bourne, Randolph. War and the Intellectuals. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1916.
Chatterjee, Partha. Beyond the Nation? Or within?. Social Text 56(1998): 57-69.
Yack, Bernard. The Myth of the Civic Nation. Social Research 10, 2(1996):
Irish literature entails oral and published literature of the inhabitants of Ireland, which is geographically part of the UK. In current history, the concept of Irish writing has been expanded to include works by Irish authors residing outside of Ireland, as well as works by artists of Irish heritage whose writing represents the Irish emigrant perspective. The Irish and English dialects are used to write Irish literature. Irish, often known as Gaelic, is Irelands native language. Plenty has been published about the surge in Irish literature, fueled by a seemingly never-ending influx of fresh viewpoints: not a scattering of brilliance picking up steam, but waves upon ripples of writers, many of whom are unfamiliar. Irish literary was so widespread that it contains the most extensive collection of medieval manuscripts, not just in Celtic but also non-Celtic languages. As opposed to the scraps of narratives known in the French and German dialects, there are numerous ancient Irish stories accessible since the year 1000.
Ancient Irish artistic manuscripts provide a fascinating glimpse into the internal dynamics of ancient Irish civilization, as well as their views on monarchy, fate, and love. They also contributed significantly to the Celtic resurgence in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, notably by expressing a distinct Irish and Celtic culture. On the other hand, the remaining Irish writing is diverse and rich. This papers focus is to discuss how Irish writers only pay attention to defining Irishness rather than pursuing it.
One of the fundamental causes for forming a comprehensive and intricate literary structure in medieval Ireland was the requirement for praising literature and, inversely, criticism. They were not, however, the only types of early Irish literature. Powerful Irish benefactors frequently sponsored additional literary amusement for their supporters, resulting in several works that are still considered significant today. The literature of Ireland as a whole has a unique taste. It has many characteristics that are foreign to todays audience and may take some time to grow accustomed to. For example, plots were not as important in ancient Irish writing as in contemporary fiction. Several literary critics argue that the subject of these works was secondary. Philosophical ramblings were used in these narratives to lead to additional crucial data included within the descriptions (Friel et al., 119). The collection of names, genealogical tangents, and place-name legends could be included. These exclamations were crucial when family links were vitally essential in determining ones social rank, and there were zero locations. Thus every area had to be described narratively so that these layouts might function as maps.
Before devastation, much of 19th-century Irish writing was created to educate or entertain audiences outside of Ireland who were fascinated by local culture. Following the drought, the majority of Irish literature centered on the territory. By the late nineteenth century, however, the Irish had stopped believing in governmental remedies to Irelands difficulties and had alternatively resorted to cultural independence. The Gaelic League was created in 1893 by Eoin MacNeill and Douglas Hyde to reestablish Irish as the nations official dialect; it ultimately became the motivating factor behind the declaration of Irish nationality, which most writers embraced. In the last part of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century, the quest for Irelands vanished Gaelic culture was heralded in an Irish Renaissance era. Lady Isabella Augusta Gregory, John Millington Synge, and William Butler Yeats, all artists, were crucial figures in the Irish Renaissance. It aimed to look for new Irish literary motivation in the geography and mythology of Ireland (Friel et al., 119). The 1840s drought electrified and splintered the Young Ireland organization. James Fintan Lalor and John Mitchel were two authors who took part in the debate about Irelands future and Britains activities during the crisis. Mitchel became the publisher of The Republic in 1845, but within the next three years, he grew progressively disenchanted with the notion of legislative and constitutional reform in Ireland.
Disaffection with Irish culture could also be observed in the writings of James Joyce, one of the twentieth centurys most prominent novelists. The Catholic Church and British governmental power overshadowed Joyces upbringing in Dublin, which he saw as a hub of immobility. Nevertheless, he did not embrace the patriotic organizations because he believed the Irish Renaissance authors underappreciated him. He also portrays those enslaved by their families, jobs, Irish Catholic religion, and a lack of courage that stops people from trying to escape. Joyce resided as an exile outside of Ireland from 1904 till his demise in 1941. From the 1920s to the 1940s, Irish-language writing strove to depict and document the vanishing culture of the Irish people. Seamus Heaney was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1995 and headed a group of innovative writers in the 1970s (OConnor 162). This group of writers is interested in Irish identity and history, gendered issues, and the link between writer and society. Heaneys writings are frequently brief and accentuated by the passion for his language, and they are based in the rural Northern Ireland environs of his upbringing. The timidity of the individuals he portrays contrasts strikingly with his forceful remarks. Irish writers have been inspired by recent Irish heritage to explore individual and societal issues (OMahoney 209). As the twentieth century finally ended, the perspectives heard in Irish writing became more urban and diverse, featuring women, kids, homosexuals, the jobless, and exiles. Roddy Doyles Barrytown Trilogy of humorous urban books is based in a fictionalized north Dublin city wherein clever, raunchy, and biting dialogue is frequently the only remedy to dreariness and sorrow.
On the other hand, Irish writing still hasnt backed away from expressionism, and neither have its audiences. There is a much more lax attitude toward genre, less divided post-processing of prissy and mainstream writers, and less enforcement of the lines between literature, nonfiction, and other creative works. Furthermore, some Irish authors, like Thackeray, employ Irish characters to create a band with various shared characteristics. The most prevalent include bellicosity, pompousness about ancestry and homeland, assertions of genealogy from Irish monarchs, accent language, inclination to falsify facts, passion for drinking, and self-delusion. When comparing his imaginary characters to Thackerays findings in his Irish Sketch Book, it becomes clear that the writer magnifies Irishmens oddities for literary motives. The depiction of Irish protagonists in his works of literature stems partly from a literature cliché primarily attributed to 19th-century Irish novelists like Charles Lever (Kerrane & Kevin 115). Their encounters with Irish associates also aided in the development of his characters. His collaborations with Irish artists and his close connections with his family are particularly noteworthy.
Furthermore, two expatriate Irish authors significantly impacted British civilization as the nineteenth century progressed. Both playwrights and propagandists, George Bernard Shaw and Oscar Wilde fulfilled the role of the active social commentators with tenacity and daring throughout their careers, rendering themselves controversial in England with their condemnation of World War I and protests against the killings of the perpetrators of the Easter Uprising (OMahoney 211). Swifts genuine brilliance did not emerge until he switched to writing humor, despite writing verse at a young age. His best work, Gullivers Travels, cemented his legacy in classical literature. His surreptitiously authored comedy A Tale of a Tub is a parody of faith and education. Swift is portrayed as a marvel of sardonic humor in the novel. Swifts sarcastic conflict raises issues about the writers perspective on humanity. Lemuel Gulliver embarks on a journey in the narratives four books and finds himself in an alien world. Gulliver is a large captive of the six-inch-high Lilliputians, whom he defends from attack by the nearby Blefuscu in the first book. When he is accused of mutiny, he flees.
Irish authors are best known for their achievements in literature and theatre, but they also assisted the growth of English fiction dating to the seventeenth century. During the 19th and 20th centuries, Irish novelists played an essential part in enhancing English literature. Only a tiny percentage of 18th-century Irish writing is set in Ireland. Irish literature, on the other hand, focuses on comedy, a perception of the bizarre and imagination, the relevance of narrative, and the role of the narrator, all of which classify the structures of Irishness. In conclusion, the modern Irish playwright is distinguished by a style and a frame of thought, not by location, as numerous people in the current wave who reside and operate beyond Ireland indicate.
Work cited
Friel, Brian, and Christopher Murray. Making a Reply to the Criticism of Translations by JH Andrews. Brian Friel: Essays, Diaries, Interviews, 19641999 (1999): 119.
Kerrane, Kevin. The Structural Elegance of Conor McPhersons The Weir. New Hibernia Review, vol. 10, no. 4, 2006, pp. 105-121.
OConnor, Peter. A Bibliography of Irish Studies in Japan, 1984-2003. Journal of Irish Studies, vol. 8, 2003, pp. 150-189.
OMahoney, Sarah. Mothers of the nation: the effect of nationalist ideology on womens reproductive rights in Ireland and Iran. 2009. Master of Laws thesis
Made in China 2025 consists of a ten-year-long plan that aims to improve the manufacturing foundation of China, which is primarily led by the government. The plan focuses on the high-tech industry and more specific assets such as improved information technology, energy vehicles, robotics, telecommunications, and AI (McBride & Chatzky, 2019). The main goal of the plan is to reduce Chinas dependency on international producers of high-tech items by increasing local production. This is especially relevant for objects such as semiconductors, a market that is dominated by China as a buyer but underserved as a supplier. The Made in China 2025 plan is seen as both a threat to global competition and a form of economic nationalism by the U.S.
Certain nations, such as the U.S., find that such an expansion by China can be a form of economic nationalism and even a breach of safety. Chinese state-led investments can be found among U.S. firms with a focus on high-tech concepts. The interests lie in technologies, such as facial recognition, 3D printing, or autonomous vehicles, which have both military and civilian uses. The high-tech industrial policy is a form of economic nationalism because it has elements of mercantilism since technology is a source of power, which has to be preserved through restrictive trade practices (Balaam & Dillman, 2018). From an economic standpoint, the policy is a threat due to its ambition to become the dominant supplier of many major chains. Critics of the policy even find the plan to be more motivated by political priorities than economic considerations. It is not entirely clear whether Made in China 2025 serves as a zero-sum approach to a nationalistic economic influence. However, in the case that China extends its production capabilities in every high-tech field, it may function to diminish global competition.
In conclusion, while the Made in China 2025 plan focuses on creating independence for China, its ambition to become the dominant supplier of many major chains in the high-tech industry has raised concerns among some nations. The plan has elements of mercantilism and is seen as motivated by political priorities rather than economic considerations. Its implementation may result in markets becoming saturated with Chinese suppliers, diminishing global competition, but this is not explicitly outlined in the policy.
References
Balaam, D. N., & Dillman, B. (2018). Introduction to international political economy (7th ed.). Routledge.
In his article entitled When and Why Nationalism Beats Globalism, Jonathan Haidt explains why right-wing populism is increasingly gaining popularity in Western democracies. The article starts with the author citing the rise of Donald Trump in the US and the assortment of right-wing parties in Europe following the June 23 Brexit vote. Haidt compares these developments to the Zika virus of politics, which sets the stage for his argument that nationalism is surpassing globalism in major Western democracies. In essence, Haidt refers to how populist movements are becoming more critical about immigration in the developed world, which is a culmination of globalization, to demonstrate how nationalism is beating globalism.
The structure of Haidts article cannot be overemphasized, as it enables readers to follow through the developing argument. The article starts with a detailed abstract which gives a general overview of how the author develops his argument in the subsequent four chapters. Each of the four chapters is used to advance a particular idea culminating in a progressive build-up of the overall argument. Haidt refers to and cites the works of other scholars, mainly presented in block quotes, to support his argument, making the article authoritative and credible.
In overview, Haidts article shows how globalization has been a disadvantage to some people, especially the working class in Western societies. He asserts that globalization has led to economic prosperity throughout the world, although the working class in the developed countries has been deprived. Apparently, globalization has seen many low-skilled but well-paying jobs shipped overseas or given to immigrants for lesser pay. The culminating effect has been rising resentment and hostility towards immigrants. Therefore, populist groups are increasingly advocating for nationalism to curtail the undesirable effects of globalization.
To sum up, Haidt uses this comparative analysis approach with support from external sites to explain why nationalism is taking over globalization in Western democracies. As a psychologist, Haidt presents clear evidence in favor of his position and illustrates it by thorough analysis. Although the author cannot give the answers to the questions posed at the end of the article, he manages to make his audience think deeply and reflect on the issue.
Work Cited
Haidt, Jonathan. When and Why Nationalism Beats Globalism. The American Interest, vol. 12, no. 1, 2016, Web.