The aim of the paper is to understand the reasons – domestic and international – that may have attributed to the rise of MB in Egypt even when the party did not garner support from neighboring Islamic states like Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain.
The paper will delineate the reason why these Islamic states felt threatened with the rise of MB in Egypt. Further, understanding which international country has extended support to MB and why. Finally, the main aim of the paper will be to understand if MB will succeed as a political party in Egypt.
Literature Review
MB was formed in March 1928, a brainchild of an Egyptian schoolteacher and father of political Islam, Hassan al Banna (Ehrenfeld 71). It was a religious, political organization, which stressed on the return to the precepts of the Quran and denouncing secularism in Islamic nations. The slogan of the organization was “Islam is the solution” (Ehrenfeld 71). The growth of the organization as rapid as they spread their wings in the nations’ education, military, and political system.
The organization started operating in Egypt in the late 1980s after they publicly denounced the use of violence. Many members of the organization had been elected as members of the Egyptian Parliament, and in the 2005 Egyptian elections, candidates from MB won one-fifth of the seats in the Parliament.
However, in 2006-07, the Egyptian government started making amendments in the constitution, banning all religious-based political parties in the country. In 2010 elections, the organization won no seats in the Parliament, and they participated actively in the 2011 protests to overthrow President Mubarak.
US foreign policy towards MB has changed drastically under President Obama (Cohen). This was an unlikely US policy, which had consistently supported Hosni Mubarak, who relentlessly campaigned against MB. Some believe that this was a good strategy undertaken by the US politicians to communicate more openly and peaceably with the Islamist parties in the Middle East.
While others believe that US policy has been passive in handling Islamist countries, and they should have taken sterner economic control over these nations (Cohen). Some even believe that the conditions in Egypt may worsen and it can turn into the next Iran (Akhtarkhavari).
Some scholars believe that the Islamist movement had gained momentum in the Arab world (Abed-Kotob 321). The parties, which are more radically Islamist, insist on a more revolutionary change within the masses and the political system of the country. However, groups, which are moderate, tend to follow a more gradual step towards change. MB is such kind of a moderate Islamic group (Abed-Kotob 329).
Another study aimed to understand the Islamic party’s compatibility with liberal democratic parties, used a case study of MB in Egypt and Sudan. Their study demonstrated that MB is potentially a hopeful option for Egypt (Zahid and Medley, 701).
Though MB has gained US support, it has gained no backing from neighboring Islamic nations like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain. The reason may be due to the belief that MB radicalizes Muslims in the Middle East and Europe (Leiken and Brooke 110). The aim of the Brotherhood is to preach the message of non-violence to youths, but they denounce radical jihad (Scott 132).
The other Islamic countries like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain, who have closer ties with the western world believe that the rise of the Brotherhood in the Middle East, and especially in Egypt can be dangerous. The reason is two-fold – first, Egypt’s strategic position and influent over middle eastern trade and politics and second, the Brotherhood’s closeness with Iran.
Egypt holds an important position in the Middle East historically for it controls the Suez Canal, which is the channel through which 7.5 percent of the global trade is conducted (Ehrenfeld 79). In a 2011 interview of a senior MB leader, Muhammad Ghanem in an Iranian television stated that they would close down the Suez Canal as soon as they have the power to do so.
This statement had an immediate impact on world trade, and oil prices immediately increased. Further, he even mentioned that Egypt should declare war against Israel did not gain applaud from neighboring nations (Ehrenfeld 80).
Some researchers believe that the Brotherhood is one of the largest opposition parties in Egypt has a unique position to help in transitioning the political system in Egypt (Wickham 206).
Though many have questioned MB’s role in creating an environment of pluralism and democracy, some are positive of their success. The areas where the key differences in the argument arise are related to the group’s aim and ideology, support from the masses, and most importantly the ghost of their past radical history haunts their present status.
Statement of significance
With the current political upheaval in Egypt with the ouster of President Mubarak in 2011, gaining control over the political machinery in the country soon after, and ultimate fall from grace of the democratic forces has demonstrated a plethora of tension and drama in the political scenario of the country. In 2014, Saudi Arabia, which had earlier, supported, and sheltered Brotherhood members, has labeled the party as a terrorist organization (Kirkpatrick).
However, under President Obama, the United States had changed its foreign policy to extend support to the MB. This is an oxymoronic situation wherein an Islam state has taken away support from an Islamic organization branding it a terrorist organization while the United States, which has been suspicious of Islamic bodies since 9/11 has extended support to MB. This essay will shed some light on nature and reason for contradiction.
Research Question
Why has MB been successful in establishing a political party in Egypt?
The primary research question, mentioned above, delineates why MB was successful in establishing the political party in Egypt even after they faced tremendous pressure and backlash from the Mubarak government. The secondary questions that the essay will answer are what are –
what are the reasons that have led to the MB losing support from neighboring Islamic countries, and
why the US has extended its support to the party?
Hypothesis
The hypothesis that the paper takes is that the Brotherhood has transformed into a moderate Islamist organization that strives for change in Islamic society and political system. I hypothesize the Muslim Brotherhood will succeed in establishing a political party in Egypt.
Research Design and Data
The sources I will use for the research are mostly secondary sources from various news articles and editorials in newspapers, political magazines, and academic journals. The primary source for the research will be interviewed.
The paper will first produce an extensive understanding of the historical background of MB and the recent developments in the political stage in Egypt. The source for this part will mostly be academic journals, books, and news articles. The next part will be a detailed analysis of the personal interviews and the articles to analyze the possibility of success of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.
Works Cited
Abed-Kotob, Sana. “The Accommodationists Speak:Goals and Strategies of the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 27.3 (1995): 321-339. Print.
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) is a political association that has continuously sought for an independent Islamic state from the Philippines government. The organization emerged in the late 1960s during the height of Philippines’ Muslim civil unrest (East 2006, p.6). The tension between Philippines’ Muslims and Christians in Mindanao has existed for centuries. In 1968, it reached its heights during the “Jabidah” massacre (East 2006, p.8). Since then, talks have been ongoing between the MNLF leaders and Philippines leaders to negotiate stipulations and lawful frameworks towards the formation of MNLF nation.
Critics argue that the MNLF state would not function effectively once declared an independent state (East 2006, p.10). However, a close analysis on the MNLF structure reveals otherwise. The MNLF political structure is organized into three factions. These are the Misuari, Alvarez, and Islamic command council. In addition, there are other executive committees under the mandate of the mayor of Cotabato city (East 2006, p.10). Another core wing of the MNLF is their armed forces. Under the leadership of Dr. Nur Misuari, MNLF associates believe that their state will succeed independently upon the adoption of appropriate policies and strategies (East 2006, p.8).
In their future, the movement aims at fostering nationalist objectives across Mindanao. Analysts anticipate that once the state has attained its independence, the guerilla warfare employed by its members will definitely decline (East 2006, p.11). The fact that MNLF’s past practices indicate they can peacefully coexist substantiates this consideration. Upon the MNLF’s independence, peace and order will eventually rein enhancing economic activities. The MNLF has been significantly depending on mineral and businesses tax and other extortions as their source of revenue. In this regard, analysts anticipate that with well-organized and transparent structures and policies, the MNLF government will in future be able to effectively manage and increase revenues from their region (Engeland & Rudolph 2008, p. 45). This will not only facilitate the state’s economic growth, but will also allow the development of infrastructure in the region. In the peace accord signed between the Philippines and the state, the two parties agreed to share equally their resources (Engeland & Rudolph 2008, p. 40). In this regard, the young state will be able to manage its various undertakings using the shared resources.
Since the MNLF is a political movement, it is expected that their grievances will be tackled by addressing their political issues (Engeland & Rudolph 2008, p. 45). Thus, there is no better way of solving their grievances than self-independent. The Philippines government proved this concept through their amnesty programs reintegrating the rebels back into the society. With a similar approach, MNLF officials will reintegrate their rebels and form a formal army to defend their state. Since the inception of the group, their Muslim allies have continuously supported them in provision of military arms (Engeland & Rudolph 2008, p. 45). Analysts believe that the MNLF members are already in possession of adequate guns enabling them to defend themselves. However, critics argue that the MNLF insurgences are poorly equipped with modern firearms for defense something the group leader denies.
According to the MNLF leader, Dr. Nur Misuari, MNLF envisions future policies and strategies tolerant to all civilians (Buendia 2007, p.11). Thus, they aim to form a unified state with that promotes fairness and peace. The leader is determined that with their independence, the state will implement policies mandating their government to be entirely accountable to the civilians. Similarly, the leader asserts that the state will allow media independence. Through this open society ideologies, the state hopes to eliminate the current officials and politicians deemed to be corrupt (Buendia 2007, p.11).
References
Bob, E. 2006. Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF): A Profile of Determination | QUT ePrints. QUT ePrints. Web.
Buendia, R. G. 2007. THE POLITICS OF ETHNICITY AND MORO SECESSIONISM IN THE PHILIPPINES. Asia Research Centre. Web.
Engeland, A. v., & Rudolph, R. M, 2008. From terrorism to politics. Ashgate: Aldershot, England.
The Muslim Brotherhood is a group whose ideologies are deeply rooted in the teachings of Islam. The group was founded in Egypt in the year 1928 shortly after the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire (Wickham 54). The founder, Hassan al-Banna, had a different view regarding the organization’s purpose from the one that the group embraces today. The group has been linked with several instances of Islamic terrorism, violence, jihad, and liberation wars in numerous countries. For instance, in 2002, the group was linked with a suicide bombing in Grozny that led to the demise of five people. After its founding, the group’s motto was “Believers are but Brothers” (Wickham 58). However, as the group expanded and spread, the motto morphed into a slogan that encompassed the groups’ objectives and belief system. The group aims to establish a theocracy in Muslim countries by sponsoring terrorism and opposing any efforts to encourage religious tolerance in Muslim states.
Ideologies and beliefs
The group’s beliefs are based on the founder’s ideologies. He believed that it is the responsibility of Islam to control all states by implementing its laws. The founder wanted the group to take over the governance of the entire world. The group acts based on the founder’s beliefs. As a result, it opposes any Islamic nation that does not impose Islamic law on its people. One of the most prominent acts of the group is its opposition to Western influences on Islamic nations (Wickham 57). Also, it opposes extreme Sufism through violence and terrorism. Members participate in bonding activities such as prayers, social meetings, and sporting activities. The group’s motto is the foundation on which its beliefs, ideologies, and activities are expressed. For instance, jihad and terrorism are based on the belief that dying for the sake of Allah is the group’s highest responsibility and hope. Jihad is a core belief and goal of the group that aims to liberate Islamic states from Western influence and extreme Sufism. The group has spread to several countries in the Middle East, where it is considered as the source of Islamic terrorism.
For instance, it has deep roots in the United Arab Emirates. According to Dr. Ahmad al-Rabi, all cases of religious terrorism experienced in the UAE originate from the ideologies of the Muslim Brotherhood (Ibrahim par. 4). This statement is true, considering that the group was responsible for the rapid growth of al-Qaida. After the United States killed Osama bin Laden, the group condemned the act and waged several attacks in revenge. Another aim of the group is to take back Palestine from the control of the Israelis who seized from Muslims. The group’s leader has spoken in many instances and urged all Muslims to fight toward liberating Jerusalem from the occupation of Israelis (Ibrahim par. 6). According to a 1997 study commissioned by the Harvard International Review, the Muslim Brotherhood’s goals include the introduction of Sharia law in all Islamic states and the liberation of Islamic states from western imperialism (Wickham 64).
Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE
The Muslim Brotherhood is represented in the UAE by an Islamist group known as Al Islah (Shehab par. 2). The group’s presence in the UAE dates back to the 1960s when its members from Egypt fled into the region for refuge from the tyrannical rule of Gamal Abdul Nasser. The group was officially launched in 1974 after the approval of Dubai’s ruler. In several instances, Al Islah has participated in activities similar to those of the Muslim Brotherhood (Jones and Cullinanne par. 8). The group has shown its power by attacking the UAE for religious tolerance in the region (Shehab par. 4). The group aims to seize power and establish a religious government that will rule the region based on Islamic law. Also, the group has been in the frontline in the fight against women’s rights. They have presented several claims that support the limitation of women’s rights and several social issues that go against Islamic precepts. The group’s efforts have been thwarted by the present UAE government that opposes its activities and brands it as a terrorist group (Ibrahim par. 8). The UAE is a strategic target for the group because of its economic stability and the presence of Islam as the dominant religion.
Al Islah is a threat to the stability of the UAE concerning security and the economy. The group has been accused of recruiting young Emiratis and retired army officers in efforts to create a military faction that will eventually take power from the UAE government (Jones and Cullinanne par. 7). However, the group’s members have denied these allegations and claimed that they are furnished against them to serve as a gateway to destroy them. In 2013, reports surfaced that the group was collaborating with members of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to destabilize the UAE (Boghardt par. 3). After investigations into the allegations, 11 Egyptian expatriates were arrested and charged with trying to overthrow the UAE government. A trial involving 94 individuals linked to the group gave hints about the group’s determination to destabilize the region. The verdict of the trial led to the issuance of jail sentences to 56 suspects (Boghardt par. 6). Twenty-six were acquitted, and others sentenced to 15 years in prison for involvement in illegal activities aimed at destabilizing the government (Boghardt par. 7).
The Muslim Brotherhood has been branded a terrorist group in the UAE, and it is under the strict watch of the government for illegal activities. In January 2014, an Abu Dhabi court sentenced 20 Egyptians and 10 UAE citizens to imprisonment for participating in activities that were intended to compromise the country’s security. Today, the group is a threat to the stability of the UAE, especially after the events of the Arab uprisings. The Arab spring that took place in Egypt strengthened the group and furthered its ideologies of establishing religious governments in Islamic states. The UAE is concerned that Al Islah has the same motives that the Muslim Brotherhood has (Jones and Cullinanne par. 9). The trial revealed the government’s commitment to fight and eliminate the group’s influence in the UAE.
Conclusion
The Muslim Brotherhood was founded in Egypt in the year 1028 but later spread to other African countries and parts of the Middle East. The group is famous for its stringent ideologies that promote jihad, terrorism, and violence. Members believe that it is their responsibility to die for Allah. The group has been largely efficacious in implementing and spreading its ideologies. For an instant, the Arab Spring that occurred in Egypt was spearheaded by the group. The two main goals of the group include the introduction of Sharia law in all Islamic states and the liberation of Islamic states from foreign imperialism. The Muslim Brotherhood is present in the UAE through al Islah, one of its affiliate groups the group has threatened to destabilize the UAE government for allowing religious tolerance in the region. The trial of 94 members of the group was proof enough that the government was not ready to let the group’s influence spread and take root in the region.
Geographic Information System (GIS) can be used in Melbourne as a powerful tool for accessing hidden locations (Carter and Rinner 351). TSF includes locations such as Halal butcheries, Islamic schools, Islamic hospitals, mosques and so on. By applying GIS in the most appropriate manner, an Islamic visitor in Melbourne city can reduce both the time taken and distance covered to access a service or facility (Eastman 29).
The GIS methodology that can be used to access Islamic services in Melbourne requires two broad procedures (Amiri et al 640). First, a network of accessible streets should be identified. The streets should be those linking Islamic facilities like schools, hospitals, butcheries and mosques. Second, using demographic characteristics of this city, the transit market potential should be estimated. This objective can be attained using a GIS program that has the potential to visualize and analyze the existing demographic data (Yin 2925).
In order to demonstrate the methodology in the most appropriate manner, a case study should be used. For instance, a portion of a network route within the targeted areas in Melbourne is given proper analysis. In addition, an estimation of Transit Potential’s index is conducted. TFS’s (mosques, halal butcheries and so on) can then be located using index values. Since this process requires articulate management of the available information, a GIS tool like Arc View can be of great help. Planning and travel patterns are also instrumental irrespective of the GIS tool used. For example, means of transport being used in Melbourne is important when locating places.
Spatial population distribution of Melbourne
Australia’s population and in particular Melbourne city is highly diverse in terms of spatial distribution. Figures derived from the 2011 population census reveal that 25 percent of the entire Melbourne’s population was born abroad (Sui and DeLyser 116). Ancestry diversity in Melbourne is also another crucial area when discussing spatial distribution.
To begin with, Melbourne is among the largest Australian cities. Its population profile is multicultural and diverse. By 2025, Melbourne’s population is expected to pass beyond the 5 million mark. It currently has a population of slightly above 4 million. A total of 116 religious faiths are practiced in Melbourne, Islam being one of them. The Asian population is the second largest group in Melbourne. About 100,000 Muslims reside in Melbourne city.
Ethical mix of Melbourne is also evident. The degree of ethical segregation in Melbourne is crucial in this discussion. In addition, it is vital to note that Islamic facilities in Melbourne have been largely overshadowed by other physical developments bearing in mind that Islam is not dominant religion in this city. Gaining access to crucial services within Melbourne city is a challenge that many residents face on a daily basis (Blaschke 186).
Figures provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics indicate the following: Italians (5.5 percent), Scottish ((5.7 percent), Irish (6.9 percent), Australian (20.7 percent) and English (21.1 percent). These are the dominant Melbourne’s ancestries. The population profile of Melbourne shows that all the ancestral groups are evenly spread inside and within the outskirts of the city.
The spatial distribution has been summarized in the chart below:
The spatial distribution.
Works Cited
Amiri, Naeim, et al. “Analysis of the Spatial-local Distribution of the Sport Complexes using GIS System.” Scientific Journal of Pure and Applied Sciences 3.7 (2014): 636-644. Print.
Blaschke, Thomas. “Geographic Object-Based Image Analysis–Towards a New Paradigm.” ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing 87 (2014): 180-191.Print.
Carter, Brad, and Claus Rinner. “Locally Weighted Linear Combination in a Vector Geographic Information System.” Journal of Geographical Systems 16.3 (2014): 343-361. Print.
Eastman, Ronald. IDRISI Kilimanjaro: Guide to GIS and Image Processing. Worcester: Clark Labs, Clark University, 2003. Print.
Sui, Daniel, and Dydia DeLyser. “Crossing the Qualitative-Quantitative Chasm I Hybrid Geographies, the Spatial Turn, and Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI).” Progress in Human Geography 36.1 (2012): 111-124. Print.
Yin, Li. “Neighbourhood for Playing: Using GPS, GIS and Accelerometry to Delineate Areas within which Youth are Physically Active.” Urban studies 50.14 (2013): 2922-2939.Print.
This is a critical review of the book ‘Standing Alone in Mecca’ by Asra Nomani. The author is a professional journalist and a self professed “modern Muslim woman.” The book, ‘Standing Alone in Mecca’ is a record of her personal experience in the course of a journey whereby she explores her religion and its tenets.
The book focuses on the role of the Muslim woman, the rights that are accorded to her by the Muslim religion as well as the place of the Muslim woman in this century as she travels to make Hajj. The author has starred in a movie which shares the same sentiment with the book which is being discussed in this study, ‘The Mosque in Morgantown’.
The book is centred on themes such as redemption, courage, self determination and intolerance through the various Muslim women that she meets along the way who are in some of form of predicament with their faith due to their actions.
The book also focuses on various rights and freedoms that Islam women were able to enjoy in the past but which are no longer available today which is the reason the religion is perceived to be conservative today. In the course of the book, politics, culture and spirituality are also explored. The book ends with an ‘Islamic Bill Of Rights for Women in the Bedroom’ and an ‘Islamic Bill Of Rights for Women in Mosques’.
To begin with, the book seems to lack in depth research concerning the issues which the author confronts in the course of the book. This is in spite of the fact that the author wants to be a credible source or part of a revolution for more rights for Muslim women in this century. The book lacks relevant citations where the author has heavily borrowed ideas from sources such as the Quran or the numerous hadith.
Lack of these dissuades readers from referring to these sources and making judgement on their own which would enable them to agree or disagree with the ideas and theories which the author is proposing. Her ignorance in basic facts of the matter that she writes about is visible when she refers to Allahabad as the city of Allah.
The second shortcoming of the book is that it is written from the viewpoint of one who has been socialized as an American. This may be authors attempt to identify with her target audience who are the American people but this alienates the people that would have benefit most from the book; Muslims in other countries especially in the Middle East countries where Muslim women are seen to be oppressed.
This fact is especially apparent in the section that is sub titled ‘An American Woman’s Struggle for the Soul of Islam’ and it only makes her target audience to be alienated from her ideas. Her attempt to alienate herself from the Muslim world and identify with the United States of America is further displayed by her ignorance of where Saudi Arabia is located.
This is in spite of the fact that she also wants to convince the reader that she has been brought up a Muslim and is knowledgeable of all the aspects of her religion having been taught how to say her prayers by her mother and spending a lot of her childhood in mosques.
The ‘Islamic Bill Of Rights for Women in the Bedroom’ and the ‘Islamic Bill Of Rights for Women in Mosques’, which have been mentioned in the Appendix A of the book are bound to be controversial; for practicing Muslims as they are devoid of references to authorities in Islam such as history, the Quran, and hadiths as they currently seem to be heavily borrowed from the American social and cultural practices.
The book also contains a lot of repetition especially of the fact that Muslim women were free to pray together during Prophet Mohammed’s time. She also continually expresses her pleasant surprise at the fact that during her Hajj, men and women mingled freely, and that men and women in Saudi Arabia were able to do so in their day to day lives.
This is in contrast to the situation elsewhere in the world whereby women cannot mingle with me even in the course of prayers and have been forced to pray in lesser rooms or within their houses. The fact that she has a child that was born out of wedlock is also repeated too many times in the book and that this may have meant death for her if she lived in Saudi Arabia.
Her argument for equal rights for the Muslim faithful are mostly grounded on the earlier stages of the development of the religion. She does not tackle aptly the issues that led to the practice of Islam to be what it is today for example the donning of the hijab.
She fails to identify the fact that Islam is rather a rigid religion and considers itself above any other religion to the extent of prescribing punishment for people that convert from Islam to other religions, the apostates.
Her attempts to present the religion as kind, gentle, and forgiving are therefore out of place not only in this book, but in any other book that seeks to discuss the religion objectively. Islam is a religion that demands nothing but total submission of its followers; it is therefore inconceivable how one can be submissive and yet question.
The author comes out in strong opposition to the rules and laws that have come about in Islam for example those by the Wahhabi. This is a version of Islam that is relatively more conservative in relation to other Islamic sects. Its origins are the interpretations of Abdul-Al-Wahhab of the Quran and the doctrine of Tawhid.
Wahhabism has come under a lot of criticism and condemnation even from the other Muslim sects. The Wahhabi is of the opinion that since the prophet did not shave his beard, the Muslim men should also not shave their beards and that unmarried women may be killed for having sex or children.
This dislike is portrayed when she is in Saudi Arabia. Asra also questions the fact that women are required to go to Mecca with their spouses. Being unmarried and with a child, she is the type of person who is not only allowed to travel to Mecca, but she is also liable to punishment. According to the author, she found this interesting, but not compulsory.
Her argument in this case may be insufficient as she has based it on a person whim instead of the reality of the world within which we are living in today. The world has become a global village and it is not always guaranteed that a Muslim woman will meet and marry a Muslim man. Some women have also decided to not marry.
In the face of such new situations, some women may never have companions with whom to go with for the Hajj. Therefore, Islam should make exceptions and accommodate women regardless of their marital status. In this regard however, the author is right to say that religion has been used to put up walls which deny women their rights and freedoms which are in the universal declaration of human rights.
The author has also attacked extremism and intolerance to other religions and not just by the Muslims. She is disgusted that Muslims and non Muslims, while at Mecca, cannot go to the same places; there are places that are clearly marked “Non Muslims This Way.” In addition to this, she realizes that her friend’s husband, who is a Jew, is unreasonably proud of this fact which passes him off as intolerant of other religions.
She is also disgusted by the idea that women should be restricted indoors and that Jews are animals. However, this man is later killed by Islam extremists who do not also sit well with the author. It is easy for people in today’s world to associate with religious extremism especially that of the Muslims. It is a problem in society that has resulted in oppression of people, loss of life and conflict in almost all countries of the world.
The author also challenges the misogynist that is found within the Muslim religion. This she does by exploring aspects such as the wearing of the hijab, the fact that women are not allowed to lead prayers or to mingle with men while in the Mosques, and even the fact that some women are only allowed to pray in their houses.
In spite of the fact that the author may not have offered a convincing argument concerning the origins of these practices nor the reasons why these practices should be abolished, they are well known facts all over the world. Muslim women do not enjoy the same rights as the rest of the women in the world as far as worship, dressing and association is concerned.
Over the years, these oppressive rules seem to increase and spread to new regions on earth most notably in England where there is a group that claims to represent the Muslims in the country and thus claims to have the authority to institute religious rules.
The sexuality of Muslim woman is unacknowledged or totally ignored. Sex out of wedlock and having children out of wedlock is severely punished, most often by death. Interestingly, while the women that are involved in pre marital sex are punished, men go scot free.
In spite of the fact that this book has various anomalies and weaknesses with regards to its writing, it is a good attempt to bring to the fore the lives of Muslim women and suggest that there are alternatives to practice of the religion without unnecessarily interfering with people’s lives; both Muslims and non Muslims.
However, the author fails to offer alternatives given that most of the times when she does things that are contrary to the religion, she does them out of whim and really no in depth reasoning. This does not invalidate her arguments, but it definitely does not offer any new insights to the reader.
Bibliography
Nomani, Asra. Standing Alone: An American Woman’s Struggle for the Soul of Islam. New York: Harper One, 2006.
One of the most important factors in assimilation is learning the English language as its use becomes more diverse. Nearly all universities in Saudi Arabia offer the opportunity for learning English. In their quest to learn English as a second language, Saudi females are often challenged by cultural diversity in a highly structured society. As indicated by learning theories, motivation is the key to integrating English learning. However, there are issues that arise in the process of attempting to learn a second language that might keep Saudi females in Imam Mohammad bin Saud University from learning English despite the motivations behind the original desire to learn.
Some of these issues are based on the way in which staff and students view their clothing or other cultural behaviors. In a study that attempts to understand the experiences of Saudi Muslim females in language center at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University, a qualitative research investigation will attempt to reveal ways in which some of those experiences are impeding progress into assimilation and are overriding the motivations that should be helping them to learn.
Introduction
Overview
The aim of this study is to better understand the gap that is contributed by cultural diversity on Saudi females in their quest to learn English as a second language in order to establish a balance between the culture and better participation in the English language learning process. This study will attempt to assess the common experiences that Saudi Muslim females face when attempting to learn English as a Second Language (ESL) in Saudi Arabia especially at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University.
Through an analysis of case studies developed from interviews of five Imam Mohammad bin Saud University Muslim female students, this research will evaluate those experiences for ways in which the programs and those who participate in running those programs can better serve these women. “South Asian Muslim women are continually negotiating and renegotiating their cultural, religious and personal identities” (Ahmad 2001, p.137). Challenges they face are related to identity as a Muslim include symbol of identity, demands for respect from everybody regarding the values and traditions of cultural identity in the learning process.
Background of the study
Muslim Females at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University
Due to religious and cultural beliefs, the needs of Muslim females in Saudi are different from those of their male counterparts because of traditions, especially Muslim culture, which draws clear differences from other traditions and cultures in gender role and place in the society. Difficulty in accessing the English language’s entitlements isolates these females and limits further their already isolated position.
The research is founded on the experiences that were originally related to me by a friend that impeded her ability to successfully study the language. After a discussion of the background of the study and why it is important of learning English as a second language among the Saudi females in order to function within society, a reflection on quantifiable effects of social and cultural factors that are impeding their study will be addressed through qualitative case study analysis.
Teaching English and Saudi Muslim Learners
English has long become the lingua franca for most countries. As English grows in importance as a global language, so does the dependence of people on it from across the world. This is perhaps because the language of science is English, and most scientific developments have been recorded using English as the medium of interactive communication. In addition, the interdependence of nations in the world is growing as businesses and multinational corporations across the globe develop and grow. That is the reason why English will perhaps remain the most active and dynamic language for global communication on the Internet and through all forms of communication that are now possible at a global level.
For instance, international telephone information is easier when both parties have a similar language. According to Gardner &Lambert (1972), two possible approaches to teaching English depend on the orientation of the learners and can be divided into two categories, that is, interpretive and integrative. In communities where English is used as a foreign language, people follow the interpretive approach. On the other hand, in communities where English is adopted as a second language, people follow the integrative approach. The interpretive approach is adopted by most learners who treat English as a foreign language and use it as a lingua franca in the case of Saudi Arabia.
Why learning English language matters to Saudi females
It is important for Saudi females to learn English because most business activities and global interactions are carried out in English. Lack of sufficient knowledge of the same can be marginalizing, isolating, and may prevent entire communities from making the process of global integration smooth and seamless. There is a huge difference in the cultural orientation between females who speak English as a native language and those who learn the same as a foreign language in terms of religions, accents, traditions and customs.
However, since the English language plays an important role in imparting education, which in turn helps in shaping future generations, it is important for Saudi Muslims females to be proficient in English. In the thesis, I will use the concept of identity in order to explore the difference in cultural orientation between females and male students at the subject university. Identity is important because the identity that an individual creates in society will eventually determine the person’s destiny, in terms of professional opportunities and social status. The nature of identity is dynamic and keeps changing depending on the stage of adaptation.
The aims of the study
The following aims of the study will be used as a framework from which to create a dialogue on the topic of study. In creating this study, the focus will be on how Saudi females perceive their experiences in learning English as a second language at the subject university and how this affects their position within Saudi society.
What perspectives of Saudi cultural identity do Saudi females bring to English learning at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University?
To what extent does Saudi Muslim identity impact the Saudi female’s learning at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University?
To maintain their cultural values, do Saudi females prefer learning English isolated from English culture?
What are some implications of cultural identity in learning English as a second language among Saudi females?
Literature review
Definition of the Term Identity
According to Phan (2008), “Identity refers to what makes an entity definable or recognizable and personal identity is the continuity of existence of a person through time” (Phan 2008, p. 45). According to (Gilroy et al, 2000), “identity refers to an articulation of cultural, ethnic, gender, and sexual distinction” (Gilroy et al, p.34). In this way of thinking about identity “Traditions are thus constantly salvaged, created, and marketed in a productive game of identities” (Gilroy et al, 2000, p. 100).
The beliefs and cultures of a community directly affect their level of integration another language or even culture. The beliefs of an Islamic society are one major hindrance to their integration into other cultures especially where other religions are involved. Some beliefs are bound to change or to be abandoned in order to peacefully co-exist yet there are those which will always be upheld since they give the Muslim community its identity. Gilroy et al (2000) state that “cultural identity has also been defined as one shared culture, a sort of a collective term where “one true self ” is hiding in a collective with many other superficial ones” (Gilroy et al, 2000, p. 256).
(Gilroy et al, 2000) suggest this as a possible form of identity, but he prefers the definition that suggests that identity is in constant flux, never standing still or settling, but evolving and changing as the moment and experiences dictate (Gilroy et al, 2000). Identity then is a mouldable part of the self, a place in which the many things to which a person is exposed will provide a new dimension to the identity. Gilroy et al (2000) support the argument that many identities are created within a Muslim woman when she is made to integrate another language related to another culture.
(Phan 2008) discusses the complexity of social identity, saying that it includes concepts such as self-perception and self-definition. It also involves psychological and mental development, relationships between people, the ability to adapt, and empowerment. This clearly points to the relationship between a person’s learning process and how well he or she adapts to the skills of the language in question (Phan 2008). It implies that if one can readily accept identity change and has a good relationship with the target language society, he or she is in a better position to learn the language.
Different views on the Concept of Identity
Muslim scholars generally have argued that identity is stable and unchangeable in contrast to some contemporary Western scholars. However, “some liberal Muslim scholars and many Western scholars have proposed a change in Islamic concepts especially regarding the identity of Muslim women. When it comes to the wearing of the veil by Muslim women to show their Islamic identity, some Western scholars view this as a sign of the oppression of Muslim women” (Phan, 2008, p. 57) “Other Western critics have condemned the position imposed on women in Islam as a way of maintaining an unchangeable identity as unchangeable” (Gilroy et al, 2000, p. 98).
Phan (2008) reiterates that:
Identity is continuously constructed. This means that in a particular place, certain identities will be useful whereas at other places such identities may not be of importance…Teachers are seen to be fastening their identities to particular spaces and times and then unfastening them as circumstances alter, and then refastening them again as they talk of and justify their beliefs. This theory sits well with the notion that teachers have a common core identity but ever-changing additional identities. (p. 154)
The relationship between Identity and Language learning
Contemporary theorists of second language acquisition such as Norton (1998) are centrally concerned with the contexts of social, historical, and cultural backgrounds in which identity is formed, including the relations of power. This draws our attention to the contexts of social, historical, and cultural backgrounds in which the L2 learners are engaged and how these learners negotiate different positions in the geographical context. Furthermore, they do not fully agree with the psychology-based view that learners should be seen as either introverted or extroverted.
This is because these affective factors are mainly constructed socially and change through time and place. According to Norton (1998), “learning a language also involves the identities of learners. This is because language is a complex social system, with the meaning being determined partially by the value attached by the speaker; it is not just a system of signs and symbols” (Norton, 1998, p.56). He further argues that “despite the differences between the learning experiences of children and those of adults, both struggle for identity, and this struggle may lead to the acquisition of more than one identity for an individual” (Norton, 1998, p.59).
The role of Saudi culture in learning English among female Muslims
The Saudi educational system is typically what (Guild 2001) calls “teacher-centered”. This means that “the teacher possesses the concentration of power and authority. The teacher also takes the role of knowledge communicator. It is expected of them to give ideas and information. On the surface, it may seem that Saudi students would simply take in whatever is fed to them, but there is more to it than simply accepting and eventually echoing the information received” (Guild 2001, p.79).
Thyer (2009) opines that “educational resources used are essentially based on the local culture which becomes rather obvious considering how mono-cultural the society is” (Thyer, 2009, p. 46). According to Guild (2001), CLT is one of the most common methods of teaching English to students who study English as a second language. This primary objective of CLT is to empower students to use English as a natural tool of expression. It puts students in real-life situations where communication is indispensable, which enables ESL students to learn practically. CLT employs a wide range of activities including role-plays, interactive games, group work and learning by teaching techniques. These activities would go beyond basic grammar, and take socio-cultural aspects of language into consideration.
Methodology
Qualitative Research
In order to study the experiences of Saudi Muslim females learning English as a second language, a qualitative approach will be undertaken. This approach will be founded upon the premise that a qualitative form of research, over a quantitative form, will allow the researcher to use the experiences of the participants to gather data. The primary purpose of a qualitative study is “to know more about a phenomenon” (Merriam, 2009, p. 3). A phenomenological approach to qualitative study will be undertaken. According to Merriam (2009), the phenomenological approach to qualitative research is founded upon the desire to take the phenomena of experience and transform it into general terms in order to create a validated sense of the experience that can be predicted (Merriam, 2009, p.45).
Case studies will be created from interviews with five Saudi Muslim students who are currently learning English at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University and have lived their whole lives in Saudi Arabia. Their experiences will form links to the overall phenomenon in order to create data from which to observe generalities from which conclusions can be drawn. The data will be formulated according to commonalities that are appreciated within the case studies.
Validity and Reliability
According to Thyer (2009), the validity of qualitative research can come from several safeguards put into place by the researcher in order to balance the subjectivity of the interview format which develops the insider perspective. As well, it is important to write solid descriptions of the interview experience so that readers of the research are open to their own interpretations of the perspectives presented by the insiders, as well as the interpretations of the researcher (Thyer, 2009). In order to assure validity and reliability, I approached the interviews with an open mind and with the need to hear their stories without insinuating my own concepts onto those stories.
Selection of participants
The sample group for this study consists of five Saudi Muslim female students at Imam Mohammad bin Saud University between the ages of 20 and 23. They are all learning English as a second language. This demographic was selected because these women have the maturity to speak about their experiences and relate them to an adult context.
Methods for data collection
Open-ended questions were designed to allow the participants to fully express their experience without being too confined within the boundaries of a question. The semi-structured interview was used as it allowed the greatest possible advantages in creating an understanding of the experiences of the participants. This structure allows for guidelines consisting of questions to be used to initiate the conversation but has some latitude for the participant to expand upon and divert in areas they perceive as more important to the experience. The structured set of questions acts as an outline allowing the participant to inject a personal perspective and diverse lines of inquiry that may not have occurred to the interviewer (Thyer, 2009).
Methods for data analysis
Three functions were used to analyze the data collected, that is, emotive, poetic, and ‘phatic’ functions. The Emotive Function was used in order to observe the way in which the participants felt when they expressed their experiences (Thyer, 2009). During the interview process, the researcher observed the ways in which the stories were told and assessed the emotional context in which the females who were relating their experiences displayed.
This provided for a sense of the experience and created a level of importance to the overall experience of the women. The Poetic Function is found through an assessment of the content for its sense of reality and the perception of reality that is conveyed by the participant. Belief in the experience as it allows for the perception of the experience is as important as understanding the content of the verbal communication of the participant (Thyer, 2009). The believability of the stories related by the participants has been deemed credible due to the level of emotions that were relayed. Therefore, through the use of the emotive function, the poetic function was given value.
The Phatic Function is used when an open channel is developed between the researcher and the participant which allows for a more truthful and honest interview within a bond of trust. This allows for deeper revelations that will add dimension to the research project (Thyer, 2009). This was a very important aspect of the interview process. In order to establish a sense of trust, the researcher has an advantage as being from the same cultural orientation as the participants.
Limitations
With five case studies, the data will be limited to the defined experiences within this small group and will have limited possible overlap from which to calculate commonalities. As well, the translation will create a limitation in regard to the differences between Arabic expression and English expression.
Findings and Discussion
Through listening to the stories told by Fatima, Layla, Sarah, Zahra, and Zainab, it was clear that the cultural diversity among the males and female counterparts created a barrier between the ambition to learn and the experience in trying to learn. While the barriers are not insurmountable, the task to integrate the Muslim culture could be a daunting undertaking. In the process, a sense of isolation can develop within the women, creating a sense of dissatisfaction and loneliness within their immigration experience.
The research subjects’ perspectives on their Islamic Identity
Three of the females identified themselves with being Arabic, while two of the females identified themselves as Saudis. The identity associated with being Arabic most often indicates a shared linguistic, geographical, and sociological background forms an underlying identity that is associated with the place in the world a person was originally located.
However, according to (Norton, 1998), there is a common association between the Arabic language and the Islamic religion, suggesting that to say that one is Arabic is to create an identity that suggests far more than geographic and linguistic heritage. To be Arabic suggests a connection to a larger community that is defined by underlying cultural connectivity that is beyond the superficial (Norton, 1998). The sense of identity was very strong within all five Saudi females. In discussing the issue of identity, it was clear that the way in which they had constructed their identity was built upon pride in their belief systems and in their culture.
Attitudes towards integrating and learning the English language as a second Language in Saudi
All five females agreed that they feel constrained by their religion and their culture in trying to learn English as a second language. There was a feeling that because they represented their identities through such strongly identifiable means such as the hijab, this meant that they stood out and were obviously different from others within the community. This situation created a sense of isolation that did not have an easy way out.
As Zainab discussed, if they were to choose to abandon the cultural habits and rituals that identified them as Muslim women, the women in their own communities would reject them. Therefore, they are subject not only to their belief in maintaining their cultural identity, but trapped even if for some reason they chose to create a change in order to adapt. The decision to adapt to a liberal approach in learning English was not possible as their own community would then reject them.
Factors that affect Saudi Muslims females’ learning the English language
This kind of contact is a cultural norm that infringes on the interactions of Muslim men and women. Zahra discussed how the openness with which her teacher discussed her own life with the class created discomfort for her. The Muslim culture considers privacy and appropriateness between men and women important cultural norms and this has limited interactive space between females and male counterparts. This creates a problem when attempting to learn within the culture that has strict protocols on the limits of interaction among students based on gender.
Since the classes are mixed, male dominance plays out in the learning process. As claimed by Fatima, Layla, and Sarah, they often feel discouraged to participate in this stereotyping society in class discussions. As a result, they majorly depend on personal effort and studies with limited consultations to the few available teachers of the English language.
The ways in which classes are arranged in the school do not suit the needs of the learners very well. The first and most predominant problem that has been a theme throughout the discussions about problems within the learning center in regard to barriers to learning for Muslim women is the mixture of males and females within the classroom that leads to situations that are not allowed within their culture. This issue is a serious problem for Muslim women who are not used to having to co-mingle in situations where interaction is a possibility. Interactions between males and females is an uncomfortable and threatening problem that puts Muslim women in situations that create problems within their own sense of appropriate behavior in learning English.
Suggestion for future study
In creating a better understanding of the difficulties that Muslim women are experiencing in trying to learn English in learning centers, opportunities for further study have been opened. Initially, the creation of a study of the misunderstandings that might exist among those of the Western culture might allow for a better understanding of what information is needed to close the gaps of understanding. Furthermore, a study that finds ways through which Muslim women can continue to express their identity while integrating into the Islamic culture might provide some benefit as Saudi Muslim females learning English as a second language with ease. If properly carried out, it will be possible to establish a quantifiable relationship between culture and education.
Conclusion and Recommendation
Conclusion
Among the Saudi females in mixed learning centers, learning English seems to be associated with the fear of losing one’s Islamic identity. Apart from that, most Muslim women are scared to lose their cultural identity and want to ensure that their children learn Islamic values. At the same time, they desire to adapt to the global language in order to lead a safe and happy life with their families.
However, they face several socio-cultural barriers and practical difficulties on the way, which discourages them from participating in the ESL classes. Based on the research conducted, it is apparent that Saudi females are willing to learn English to integrate with the rest of the community, but not at the cost of losing their Islamic identity. Therefore, ESL classes have to be tailored to meet the unique requirements of Muslim women, since learning can only take place in a congenial environment. Also, it is crucial for teachers as well as other non-Muslim students to respect Muslim women’s beliefs and traditions.
Recommendations
Some of the most critical issues that crop while Muslim women learn English in a learning center could be very simply addressed by providing a safe and comfortable atmosphere for them. While the CLT approach is quite effective in enabling students to express their values and emotions in English, it does hit a roadblock. As the activities and learning materials used in CLT are based on Western culture, it becomes counter-intuitive if the subject matter disagrees with the values of Muslim women. CLT activities should be tailor-made to suit the unique requirements of Muslim women, by focussing on aspects that practically matter to them. In a nutshell, CLT materials should give them exposure to day-to-day conversations and common expressions, which would enable Muslim women to function effectively in society, beyond the confines of the classroom.
References
Ahmad, F. (2001). Modern traditions: British Muslim women and academic achievement, Gender and Education, 13(2), 137-152.
Gardner, R. C., & Lambert, W. E. (1972). Attitudes and motivation in Second-Language Learning. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House Publishers.
Gilroy, P., Grossberg, L., Hall, S., & McRobbie, A. (2000). Without guarantees: In honour of Stuart Hall. London: Verso.
Guild, P. (2001). Diversity, Learning Styles, and Culture. Web.
Merriam, S.B. (2009). Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Norton, B. (1998). Rethinking acculturation in second language acquisition, Prospect Journal, 13(2), 1-19
Phan, L. H. (2008). Teaching English as an international language: Identity, Resistance and Negotiation. Caledon: Multilingual Matters.
Thyer, B.A. (2009). The handbook of Social Work Research Methods. Alabama: Sage Publications.
When defining the term Arabs, it is necessary to consider some important historical points. First of all it should be noted that the first records of the term appear in the annals of the history of the Assyrian empire. Keeping in mind the growth of a wide range of Arab-Islamic empires, one can probably state that Arabs are people who speak Arabic. The assumption seems to be partially correct, as there are many other ethnic groups on the territory of the Middle East. For instance, one cannot speak about an Arab majority in such countries as Iran, Israel and Turkey. Thus, in Iran there is a Persian majority (55% of population), 85% of population is Turkic on the territory of Turkey. Jewish (82% of population) constitute the majority ethnic group in Israel.
Religion in the Middle East
Religion is also recognized to be one of the major points which cannot be neglected, as it is closely related to people’s ethnicity. The majority of population of the Middle East professes Islam. For this reason, the followers of the religion are called Muslims. Judaism and Christianity are the major religions in Israel and Palestinian areas. Still, despite the fact that Islam is the major faith of the Middle East, it should be noted that there is a variety of different sects within Islam. Some people who are unfamiliar with the history of the Middle East try to find certain connections between people’s religion and their national identity. It is a mistake, as ethnic background is usually defined according to people’s country of origin.
As far as the word is used to describe people from the Middle East, one can conclude that in common sense Arabs can be regarded as the representatives of the ethnic group, which originated from the Arabian Peninsula. However, it is extremely important to understand that the meaning of the term Arabs differs from the meanings of such terms as Arabics or Arabians. For instance, one is to keep in mind that the word Arabian is mostly associated with Arabian horses.
Pan-Arabism as a major ideological force and its importance
When discussing the term Arabs in relation to pan-Arabism, some fundamentals on the dominant ideological force must be considered. Generally, it should be pointed out that pan-Arabism gave rise to a variety of nationalist movements. The key idea of pan-Arabism is considered to be the unification of all Arab people.
Originally, pan-Arabism was recognized to be both – political and cultural movement; for this reason, its basic concepts were regarded rather ambiguously. For instance, some people considered pan-Arabism as the movement for political autonomy; therefore, the principal idea of the movement was one state for one nation. Other individuals associated the movement with the idea of cultural revival; so, no political conceptions were taken into account. In the early thirties, the common idea of the movement was finally formed: pan-Arabism started to be associated with the quest for independence.
Michael N. Barnett (1998) is of the opinion that “Arabism began to emerge as an important political movement because of the massive political and social upheavals that accompanied World War I and the death of the Ottoman Empire” (p. 4). Generally, it should be noted that there were Arab leaders who transformed Arabism into the tool of political survival. When Arabism became a popular movement, political elites started to expand transnational network. A wide range of cultural movements appeared to form people’s national awareness. The leaders of the new ideological force started to popularize the idea of Arab identity all over.
Despite the fact that pan-Arabism propagandized the unification of Arabs, there were no concrete political programs the movement was based on. Supporters of pan-Arabism dreamed about the political unification of the territories wherever Arabic was spoken. For this reason, the independence of the separate Arab states became the key idea of Arab nationalists. A territorial character of the new movement gives us an opportunity to conclude that the key principle of Arab nationalism was mostly related to the territorial independence of a variety of Arab states, but not their political consolidation.
The major myths on pan-Arab nationalism
Keeping in mind the events, which took place in times of the Gulf War, one can remember what basic principles of pan-Arab nationalism were broken. Thus, when speaking about the movement the “Arab Piedmont and Prussia”, it becomes evident that Egypt’s Nasser and Iraq’s Saddam Hussein did not implement their idea on Arab leadership. The idea of the so-called “artificial borders” failed as well as the idea of “common Arab interests”.
As far as these three pillars of one of the major ideological forces were broken, one can conclude that all the countries of the Middle East were not ready to implement the ideas of political unification and face issues on Arab identity. In other words, there were numerous internal contradictions concerning collective identity, which prevented shaping Middle East self-consciousness. In my opinion, Middle East nations were not ready to resolve a wide range of contradictions the issues of patriotism and nationalism involve.
Still, if the only religion of the Middle East were Islam, the idea of the unification of Arabs would be successfully implemented. Thus, Sylvia G. Haim (1962) states:
If this bond [Islam] could be strengthened, if it were to become the spring of [Muslims’] lives and the focus of their loyalty, then prodigious forces of solidarity would be engendered to make possible the creation and maintenance of a strong and stable state (p. 9).
Many scientists are of the opinion that pan-Arabism was formed on the basis of internal religious issues. However, on the other hand, certain external influences cannot be neglected. Globalization, for instance, caused numerous political, cultural and religious challenges; so, many followers of the dominant ideological force consider globalization as a negative process, which speeded up the collapse of pan-Arabism.
Some significant points on Radical Islam
When pan-Arab nationalism collapsed, the new political force came into existence. Generally, the new ideological force cannot be neglected, because it still plays extremely important role in the modern Middle East. For instance, political, cultural, and religious principles of the contemporary movement are all based on the concept of collective struggle against “West-toxication”. Many supporters of the movement fight against numerous moral discrepancies, among which most important are considered to be materialism and attitudes that religion should have no place in civil affairs. Radical Islam tends to eliminate moral degeneracy Western influences bring about.
The criteria the Middle East should be defined according to
The term Arabs in relation to the population of the Middle East can be regarded rather ambiguously. There are many contradictions concerning the definitions of the “Middle East”. Thus, it is difficult to say for sure whether an extensive area of SW Asia and northern Africa should be defined within ethnicity or language and religion differences. As far as there are many conflicting answers, one can state that the question is still to be discussed.
The Arab world vs. the Muslim world: the Western positions
Of course, it seems to be evident that the issues of ethnicity cannot be regarded within the areas of the Middle East. In most cases, a wide range of representatives of many other ethnicities see Arabs as those, who follow the basic principles of Islam. When discussing the Western position to Arabs, one can probably notice that West distinguishes between the Arab world and the Muslim world. Thus, the Arab world is considered to be less aggressive as compared with the Muslim one, because Arabs can understand and accept other cultural values and religions; while Muslims reject all religions except Islam. So, still, the principal difference between the Arab world and the Muslim world is people’s attitude to culture and religion.
Generally, one can conclude that the key difference between Arabs and Muslims is their way of thinking. For instance, Muslim political attitudes differ from Arab political positions. Muslims do not consider politics as a kind of activity which can exist independently of religion. Arabs, in turn, draw little attention to politics as compared with Muslims, and the religion they confess does not encourage aggressiveness towards the rest of the world. The most interesting point, however, is that Islam is also one of the most widespread religions of Arabs, but there is the so-called Arab mind, which differs greatly from the Muslim consciousness.
Conclusion
Finally, it seems to be evident that the term Arabs is not easy to define in a proper way. Of course, it is wrong to rely on certain regions of the Middle East, religious issues or distinct ethnic groups to denote Arabs. When speaking about the general meaning of the term, one can state that there is the ethnic group, which originated from the Arabian Peninsula, which is called Arabs. However, certain modern conceptions should be also taken into account. Thus,
Modern Arab intellectuals are well aware of the difficulty in defining an Arab. As long ago as December, 1938, a conference of Arab students in Europe, held in Brussels, declared that “all who are Arab in their language, culture and loyalty (or “national feeling”) are Arabs.” Some of the same intellectuals, however, have spoken of the present disunity of the Arabs as the result of European imperialism during the last century or more. It does not take much knowledge of history to demonstrate that is a complete misconception (Watt & Cachia, n.d.).
For this reason, it is necessary to rely on a wide range of data in order to make a right conclusion in relation to Arabs. Generally, keeping in mind the current analysis it becomes clear that Arabs are not those who speak Arabic (as there are many Jews as well as other ethnic groups who speak Arabic). Arabs are not those whose religion is Islam, as other nationalities can also confess the religion. Arabs are not those who live on the certain territories of the Middle East, as the phenomenon of the so-called ethnic diversity occurs all over. There is no an accurate meaning for the term, but in common sense one can define Arabs as members of a Semitic people inhabiting much of the Middle East and North Africa.
References:
Barnett, M. (1998). Dialogues in Arab Politics: Negotiations in Regional Order. Northsouth.edu. Web.
Haim, S. (1976). Arab Nationalism: An Anthology. Berkeley, USA: University of California Press.
Watt, W., & Cachia, P. (n.d.). Who is an Arab?Upenn.edu. Web.
The immigrant group of Mexican Americans entered the United States in search for a job because the American farms, railroads, and mines were in a significant lack of cheap labor between the 1880’s and the 1920’s. Furthermore, the government held a number of working programs aimed specifically at Mexican immigrants due to the labor shortage after the WWI (Portnoy, Portnoy and Riggs 195).
Nowadays there is evidence of a significant lack of education in Mexican Americans across a number of generations; in addition, this evidence is supported by perpetuated stereotyping of Mexican immigrants as being an uneducated and cheap manual labor. Thus, the main issue this immigrant group faces in the modern American society is the stigmatization of their low levels of education that resulted from low expectations of Mexicans entering the country on the part of the American government (Ortiz and Telles 2).
However, the contribution of Mexican Americans into the growth of the American economy is incomparable with any other group. The majority of the cities’ infrastructure was built by Mexican immigrants; the transcontinental railroad would have never existed if it was not for the hard work of Mexican Americans. Lastly, the development of the agricultural sector in the late 1890’s it also attributed to Mexican Americans (Portnoy, Portnoy and Riggs 197).
West Indian Blacks
A view that the group of West Indian Blacks has achieved more success than the African Americans emerged in the middle of 1920’s, a short period of time after they began entering the States (Model 535).
The main issues West Indian Blacks face is still, unfortunately, linked to their racial status. Because West Indian Blacks show better results than the African-American Black population, this immigrant group is forced to deal with disrespect from both white and non-white populations; this disrespect relates to blatant stereotyping, housing discrimination, and job discrimination. The systematic failure in providing jobs to West Indian Blacks continues to perpetuate the ideas of racial inequality within the American Society.
The largest contribution the West Indian Blacks offered to the American society is their children. As children grow up, they show a significant improvement in their overall life achievements compared to their parents, as well as the African American minorities. While a small group of West Indian Blacks occupies highly paid jobs, the majority of them are representatives of the white-collar labor force with occupations in financial services or the sphere of retail (Portnoy, Portnoy and Riggs 189).
Muslim Americans
Despite the fact that the history of American Muslims can be traced back in history to more than four hundred years, the modern issues that this group faces in the American Society are incomparable with any other group of immigrants. Like others, Muslims came to the United States in search for a better life and now are present in all layers of the American society. However, in the Aftermath of 9/11 as well as other events linked to radical Muslim organizations, the perception of Muslim Americans has significantly changed. Nowadays the community of peaceful and hard-working Muslims has to deal with accusations of terrorism despite the fact that they have no connections to them (Moghul par. 1).
Despite the accusations, American Muslims remain an integral part of the society, offering their knowledge in the fields of science, law, medicine as well as contributing to the spiritual education of the society by building Mosques.
Works Cited
Model, Suzanne. “West Indian Prosperity: Fact or Fiction?” Social Problems 42.4 (2009): 535-553. Print.
The book of Lewis Bernard is all about the changes that Muslim land and people faced throughout the Islamic World. The changes that led Muslims to lose their empire and lagging behind the West in every field in which Muslims once were in command. Lewis Bernard is said to be linked with the study of Islamic civilization, therefore the book focuses on all the gaps that despite being acknowledged by the Muslims were unable to be filled in an attempt to bring their civilization back. Author’s main purpose behind this book is to identify all those obstructions that remain unable for the Islamic World to be alleviated and the dream of ruling once again throughout the world could not be fulfilled.
The method adopted by the author to measure the depth of the Muslim analysis with their perception determines the diagnosis of the Islamic World since its advent. In this context Muslims still question and analyze what really wasn’t right that made them suffer and lag behind the Barbarians, Jews and Christians. During the peak of the Muslim Empire, there was no nation comparable to the Muslims. Therefore it was their overconfidence that led them towards the threshold of destruction.
Summary
Bernard Lewis reviews the Muslims’ perception while examining the characteristics that made them realize they have lost the battlefield. The book is all about the failure of Muslims’ methods adopted in order to regain their strength towards the West, and the reaction aftermath realizing the failure. After realizing the scenario, Muslim modernizers worked in different aspects: They recognized their social, cultural and economic barriers, worked towards social equality, and worked towards secularizing the civil society. The efforts on the military level bought continuous disappointments for the Muslims.
Though Muslims were reluctant to explore Western thought, which was determined to walk around new fields to defeat Muslims through the confrontation of the sixteenth century, but they believed somehow that there was no political and cultural possibility for an enriching confrontation between a secular and a religious world vision: two ways of perception, thinking, acting, creating, and knowing.
Because Muslims believed that there is no military power greater than them on earth, in the 1500 era Military campaigns launched by the Muslims played very early a pre-eminent role in the caliphate, the sultanate, and all later so-called Islamic forms of government. The Ottoman Empire spread and expanded through Hungary, the Adriatic Sea, Transylvania and Moldavia. This presence ceased to expand at the beginning of the twentieth century when the Ottoman Empire, after a period of deterioration, finally expired. Ottoman Sultan, Egypt and Turks were the main players of military power.
Muslim armies being victorious in the battlefields acquired weapons through various means and trade exchanges. Military forces had not undergone any major structural changes till the seventeenth century, when Europe was busy in war on one side while Ottomans on the other. While Ottomans learned many new lessons after a continuous series of losses, they had now learned how to cope up with the new concepts through diplomacy and negotiation with the West. According to Bernard Lewis, “Western help was not limited to diplomacy. Military help, the supply of weapons, even the financing of purchases, were old and familiar, going back beyond the beginnings of the Ottoman state to the time of the Crusades” (Lewis, 2002, p. 17).
West was wise enough to compare the military methods adopted by the Muslims and Christians and realized that Muslim Ottomans and Persian armies were not able to produce significant results as they were supposed to produce. The reason was that they had sticked of using the traditional means of arms and weapons. After having umpteen wars between Turkey and Iran in 1730, remained unable to modernize the Turks, however on the other Europe had made progress in various aspects of economic and social life. In the eighteenth century, Europeans were considered as ‘experts’ in their respective fields, which made the East envy.
Hardly since the seventeen-century had the House of Osman placed on the throne a ruler who was so well-versed in politics and economics. The fact that a number of his policies ended in failure, or indeed were poorly conceived, does not detract from this observation. He first stopped the erosion of his own power by locking up, executing, or exiting the liberal faction. Second, he ended the bleeding of his troops in the Balkans by reluctantly signing the Treaty of Berlin.
The British, the French, the Russians, and the Austrians, as a result of the Treaty of Berlin, had all obtained Ottoman territory; thus, Ḥamid knew that he must seek out a new ally in Europe. Prussia had, since 1834, supplied officers to train Ottoman forces in standard European drill and weaponry. Not long after Ḥamid’s accession, General von der Goltz began the reorganization of the army. A number of young Turkish officers were also sent to Germany for advanced training. These amicable contacts eventually led to the visit of Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1889, and the beginning of a close friendship with Germany resulting in the World War I alliance.
When the British and Germans eventually negotiated an agreement to terminate the railroad at Basra, the intentions of the Ottoman government, to thwart British imperialism in the Gulf, had been gravely set back. As these events were taking place, Ḥamid and his Grand Vizier Pasha, whose detailed memoirs are important for the period, were taking steps to preempt the Ottoman young men, so that their energies might be channelled into the service of the state. Despite spending millions of Liras for adopting Western-style Lycess, Muslim Empire remained unable to update their power.
A major exception was the Arab and Turkish heartlands of the Ottoman Empire. There are a number of reasons why the Ottomans were able to hold the Europeans at bay. Perhaps the most important factor was the deep rivalry between Britain and Russia over Persian and Ottoman territories. There were also forbidding deserts and mountains in the Ottoman interior, and a people prepared to fight to their deaths.
At mid-century, as we have noted, Russia’s advances into the Balkans had been slowed, as they came up against large Muslim populations and the threat of British intervention. Indeed, France and Britain had become so alarmed at the prospect of a Russian presence on the Mediterranean that they joined with the Ottomans to fight the Crimean War, 1853-55. This abrupt halt to Russia’s advance had given the Ottomans a chance to modernize their armed forces, largely through German and British help.
With the first European expansion in Asia, European culture started flourishing, from education to military programs, everything was in French. This situation angered the Islamic powers, and when in 1978 a French general Napoleon Bonaparte came to power to govern Egypt, the Islamic empire sensed their vulnerability. The French Revolution imposed secularism as a political and philosophical alternative to the regime controlled by the Church.
Universal suffrage became the source of authority, in the place of a Revelation interpreted and applied by the authorized spiritual authorities. Louis XVI was executed to symbolize the death of the sacred monarchy and the rise of secular authority. On the other hand, when Khomeini came to power, he wanted to judge and execute the Shah as a symbol of the death of the secular and the reappearance of the sacred Imam.
In the Christian world, and especially in the area of eastern Europe to which European Karaites were almost totally confined before recent individual migrations to the west, to be a Jew was a curse, a tragedy, a cause for the annihilation of a group. Under the Nazis, the Turkish, non-Semitic ethnic origin of the Karaites, supported by their use of the Turkic Karaimic language, was used to show conclusively that they were not Jewish in an ethnic or racial sense, no matter what religious similarities might exist with Judaism.
By now, Muslims had clearly understood the inadequate military failures, and in order to overcome the embarrassment the Sultans now started forming new-style regiments which were in accordance with the Western style military uniforms. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Ottoman Empire had grown relatively weaker in relation to a handful of European imperial powers. In a broad sense, the Islamic-Ottoman state had become a pawn of the British in its competition with imperial Russia.
Critical Analysis
Although Islamic teachings according to Bernard Lewis were the ideal in order to eradicate social and cultural barriers, every one possessed its own right, and the structure of Islam successfully eradicated social and economical inequalities based on caste or creed but there were some aspects in which traditional Muslims lacked. Like it was perceived by them impossible to abolish slavery, similarly after spending decades in power, the Muslim rulers were unable to think out of their boundaries. The best example of this is the role of their weak militaries. They never bothered to update them, equip them or train them up with the best possible arms and ammunitions. The slave trade which was on its peak in the Ottoman Empire and was never thought of to be alleviated by the then Muslim rulers.
The demographic statistics, while they should be of interest to those who espouse the principle of self-determination, were in fact of no importance in deciding political realities in the Balkans. The Balkan Wars settled the issue of who would rule and populate Ottoman Europe, not by a concept of majority rule, but by force of arms. Treaties drawn up in the Spring of 1912 decided the ultimate fate of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. The First Balkan War (1912-13) was a much quicker defeat than the Ottomans had suffered in 1877-78. Outnumbered by two to one, still at war with Italy in Libya, denied the use of sea lanes by the Greek fleet, and hampered by Sultan’s lack of military preparedness, the Ottoman Empire was easily defeated
In their effect on the Muslim peasantry and Muslim city dwellers of the Balkans, the Balkan Wars were very similar to the Russo Turkish War of 1877-78. In both wars, murder, rape, and pillage drove Turks and other Muslims out of their homes and into what remained of the Ottoman Empire. In both wars, the end result was a great diminution of the Muslim population a diminution caused by murder, starvation, disease, and migration and the creation of majority Christian states.
There were also differences between the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 and the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. The earlier war had been guided by one hand, that of Russia, which had one single-minded intent the creation of a great Bulgarian state in the Balkans, a Slavic state denuded of Muslims and a bulwark for Russian interests in the region. By 1912, Russian affection for Bulgaria had cooled, and the hand of the Tsar was not seen in the Balkan Wars. Instead, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria each fought its own war against the Ottomans. The only real unity among the Balkan allies in the First Balkan War lay in the choice of an opponent.
The fate of Balkan Muslims was affected by the confusion of allied plans. In 1877-78, the Russians had implemented an efficient plan to force Muslims to migrate. In the Balkan Wars, each of the victors also wished to see an end to the Muslim presence in the lands they had conquered. They were, however, neither well-organized nor capable of unified action in gaining their goal. Rather than driving the Muslims out of the Balkans, they often drove them from the territory conquered by one Christian country into the territory conquered by another, and sometimes back again. The effect on the Muslims was, if anything, worse than in the Russo Turkish War of 1877-78. Mortality among them was greater than it had been in 1878.
The critical aspect is that despite so many wars, Muslims never felt the need to be united against the Western powers. That is the point from where their downfall started. World War I served as the zenith for providing the Muslims and Armenians of the Ottoman East opportunity to start a war once again, the war which the Muslims and Western World had been waiting for a hundred years.
In the last decades of the sixteenth century, the Ottoman social and political fabric began to exhibit signs of fatigue, and the empire entered a long period of standstill, followed by decline. It needs to be emphasized, however, that post-1580 Ottoman history cannot be regarded simply as one long, monotonous process of disintegration. The general curve of decline was punctuated by extended periods of stability, recovery, and even temporary ascent. Osman II (1618-22), Murad IV (1623-40), the famous grand vezirs of the Koprulu family (second half of the seventeenth century), and other Ottoman rulers made numerous attempts, many of them temporarily successful, to rejuvenate, reform, and change various sectors of the body politic. Consequently, the Ottoman state remained a great imperial power until the end of the seventeenth century.
Only after 1683, with the failure of the second Ottoman siege of Vienna and the retreat that followed, did it become apparent that the balance of power had shifted against the Ottomans. Still, the Ottoman Empire continued to offer a determined resistance to its two major enemies, Austria and Russia, for another century. The nadir of Ottoman military weakness was reached only at the end of the eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth. At that time, also the internal disintegration of the state had approached a critical point and the central government lost effective control over many of its provinces. The lot of Ottoman Jewry was always closely interwoven with that of the Ottoman state. Where Ottoman fortunes declined, so did those of its Jewish population.
The decline of great powers has almost always been the outcome of a complex and interrelated web of causes, which do not lend themselves to easy unravelling and analysis. The Ottoman Empire was no exception. If, however, one has to start somewhere, the military aspect seems appropriate, because Ottoman economic and social dynamism appears to have been for a long time predicated on conquest and territorial expansion. It was a paradox of history, experienced by other great powers as well, that the Ottomans’ very military successes and great territorial conquests confronted them with ever more difficult problems of logistics and military strategy. As distances between frontiers increased, the mobilization and deployment of forces became more difficult and costly.
In the course of the sixteenth century, almost everywhere the Ottomans came face to face with more determined and powerful enemies: Austria, Poland, and Russia in central and eastern Europe; Spain and Venice in the Mediterranean; Portugal in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean; and Iran in the east. The Ottoman capture of Cyprus (1571) and the definitive re-conquest of Tunis (1574) marked the end of the era of great territorial expansion. Although Ottoman military victories and new conquests continued well into the seventeenth century, the pace had slowed down considerably. The wars had become more difficult and costly, imposing an ever-increasing burden on the treasury and the economy.
Hence the Muslim Power in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had resulted in the emergence of a vast administrative-military establishment, which, in the new circumstances, became an additional burden on the economy. As the great expansion slowed down and opportunities for career-advancement became more limited, this establishment also appears to have become gradually more conservative and resistant to change, at a time when change and innovation were needed more than ever before, to cope with the economic and technological advances of the West and their variegated ramifications.
Conclusion
From the authoritarian to the impotent, the Muslims have seen every stage of their rule and are still unable to make out where they went wrong! Till today they are unable to consider the major facts behind their downfall, which are no other than lack of unity and being arrogant in their decisions, particularly those concerning wars.
On one hand Muslims were facing harsh external pressures which required them to be united, but they didn’t, on the other the diminishing resources taught them to confront every challenge but through wisdom and unity, but they never learnt lessons, as they never learned to learn lessons from fate. The end of the wars decided against the Muslim Empire, Muslim communities in an area as large as all of Western Europe had been diminished or destroyed. Turkish communities that once used to rule had been forced out. It was among one of history’s great tragedies that had occurred.
Reference
Bernard Lewis, What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle East Response. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), some public health initiatives have resulted in improved health outcomes. For example, there has been a significant reduction in the spread of communicable diseases. Despite the gains, there are socio-cultural and religious factors that influence the health of Muslim women negatively. Studies show that many women in the Middle East and North Africa suffer from chronic diseases such as breast and cervical cancer, yet they seek medical care at advanced stages of the condition. The challenge of meeting the health needs of women in the region has been blamed on gender inequality. Women have limited autonomy to make decisions that directly affect their health1. Culture and religious orientations that restrict the capabilities of women increase their vulnerability to chronic diseases. The gender inequalities associated with social stigma reduce the autonomy of women in health. As a result, women do not attend regular healthcare check-ups; instead, they seek medical attention when diseases are at advanced stages. Therefore, this study attempts to determine how women’s autonomy leads to improved health.
Purpose of the Research
The purpose of the study is to find out how autonomy of Muslim women can improve their health. Due to socio-cultural and religious norms, women in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa are likely to ignore symptoms of chronic diseases for a long time without seeking health intervention2. The delays in seeking medical attention result in worsening of the health condition. Furthermore, restrictions placed on female mobility and the limited numbers of health care workers lead to adverse health outcomes for women3. For example, breast cancer is one of the most common cancers affecting women in the Middle East; however, many females affected do not seek care in the early manifestation of the disease.
In fact, the Middle East and North Africa region is ranked as having the highest rates of late presentation of breast cancer4. The socio-cultural factors have become a great impediment to the improvement of health in the Middle East. An example relates to a Saudi woman who ignored cancer growing in her breast because she was afraid of being referred to a male doctor. Such cases are common in the MENA region; it is estimated that 70% of cases of breast cancer in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are not reported until they reach the late stages5. These examples point to cultural sensitivity and social stigma that have worsened the health of women not only in the cases of breast cancer but also with many other diseases. Hence, the question arises whether improving the autonomy of Muslim women will lead to improved health care.
Objectives and Importance
There is not enough research on how independent decision making influences the health of Muslim women. Therefore, the objectives of the study will be:
To determine how autonomy among the Muslim women can improve their health.
To examine whether education of Muslim women increases their autonomy in matters related to health.
To explore the inherent cultural and religious practices and find out whether they limit the abilities of women in their endeavor to seek medical care.
The objectives raise relevant issues that have been associated with autonomy among women. Therefore, this study targeting the Muslim women will provide critical data that can be applied in health policy formulations and public health initiatives. In addition, the study will add to the existing knowledge that relates to women’s autonomy in health.
Ethical and Health Challenges to Address
There are different ethical orientations. The orientations affect the bioethical reasoning. The major sources of ethical reasoning include beliefs, academic philosophies, and professional associations. The experiences of women are mainly concentrated in bioethics6. Women are more vulnerable because they get pregnant, have to take care of the pregnancies and give birth. These biological processes predispose them to many health risks. Therefore, in order to conduct the study, the main ethical challenges to address will include the factors that hinder the autonomy of women in health.
There are various studies that have been conducted to examine the association between the autonomy of women and their health status. The studies have produced mixed results. For instance, some studies have found that women who are independent in making decisions are able to go for regular medical checkups and health interventions whenever they realize health problems in their lives7. Other studies have shown that women who are independent in making decisions do not necessarily have improved health. Despite the findings, there are very few studies on the autonomy of Muslim women and the impact it has on their health8. Hence, the need for a study to determine the ethical and health challenges that the Muslim women encounter.
Methods and Design
A cross-sectional study design will be used to carry out the study. A survey instrument that is customized to align with the cultures and religious beliefs that relate to Islamic faith will be developed to help with the collection of data. The modification of the research instrument will ensure that the ethical and health issues that may be encountered during the collection of the data are addressed. The main methods of data collection during the study will include observation and interviews.
Procedures and Analysis
The study participants will be the Muslim women and healthcare providers who are involved in the care delivery in the Middle East. The sampling design to be used for the study will be simple random sampling. The main reason for using the simple random sampling will be to limit inclusion bias. The inclusion criteria will be limited to married Muslim women. Age limit will not be used. This will ensure diverse information and experiences are captured. Before being enrolled to the study, an explanation will be given to the participants on what the study will cover. The women who willingly agree to participate in the study will then sign a written consent. In addition, purposive sampling will be used to target the local health caregivers working in the region. The data collected will be analyzed by application of social statistics software like the SPSS. In addition, multivariate logistic variation will be used to determine the associations between the variables that will be tested.
Significance and Conclusion
The cultural, religious and social contexts of Arab societies significantly influence the attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of Muslim women in relation to seeking treatment and regular medical checkups. Tailoring interventions to cultural and behavioral characteristics of Muslim women improves their health9. It is important to develop specific interventions that enhance the autonomy of women in health matters as a first step in improving their health10. During the Global Summit of 2005, all nations agreed that “progress for women is progress for all”. In this case, the study will establish the progress Muslim women have achieved in relation to autonomy in health. Also, the study will be critical in influencing how health caregivers design programs that target the health of Muslim women.
Bibliography
Abu-Nasr, Donna. “Breast Cancer often untreated in Middle East.” NBC News.com, 2007. Web.
Akala, Francisca Ayodeji, and Sameh El-Saharty. “Public-health challenges in the Middle East and North Africa.” The Lancet 367, no. 9515 (2006): 961- 964.
Brunson, Emily, Bettina Shell‐Duncan, and Matthew Steele. “Women’s autonomy and its relationship to children’s nutrition among the Rendille of northern Kenya.” American Journal of Human Biology 21, no. 1 (2009): 55-64.
Corroon, Meghan, Ilene S. Speizer, Jean-Christophe Fotso, Akinsewa Akiode, Abdulmumin Saad, Lisa Calhoun, and Laili Irani. “The role of gender empowerment on reproductive health outcomes in urban Nigeria.” Maternal and child health journal 18, no. 1 (2014): 307-315.
Date, Okita. “Gender and literacy: factors related to diagnostic delay and unsuccessful treatment of tuberculosis in the mountainous area of Yemen.” International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease 9, no. 6 (2005):680- 685.
Do, Mai, and Nami Kurimoto. “Women’s empowerment and choice of contraceptive methods in selected African countries.” International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 38, no. 1 (2012): 23-33.
Donnelly, Tam, and Jasmine Hwang. “Breast cancer screening interventions for Arabic Women: A literature review.” Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health 17, no. 3 (2015): 925-939.
Yosef, Aro. “Health beliefs practice and priorities for health care of Arab Muslims in the United States.” Implications for Nursing Care 19, no. 3 (2008), 284-291.
Footnotes
Francisca Ayodeji Akala and Sameh El-Saharty, “Public-health challenges in the Middle East and North Africa,” The Lancet 367, no. 9515 (2006): 961.
Aro Yosef, “Health beliefs practice and priorities for health care of Arab Muslims in the United States,” Implications for Nursing Care 19, no. 3 (2008), 289.
Okita Date, “Gender and literacy: factors related to diagnostic delay and unsuccessful treatment of tuberculosis in the mountainous area of Yemen,” International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease 9, no. 6 (2005):682.
Tam Donnelly and Jasmine Hwang, “Breast cancer screening interventions for Arabic Women: A literature review,” Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health 17, no. 3 (2015): 926.
Donna Abu-Nasr, “Breast Cancer often untreated in Middle East,” NBC News.com, 2007. Web.
Maria Walton, and Fatima Akram, “Health beliefs of Muslim women and implications for health care providers: Exploratory study on the health beliefs of Muslim women,” Journal of Health Ethics 10, no. 2 (2014): 4.
Jane Ebot, “The Relationship between Women’s Autonomy and Children’s Immunization Coverage in Ethiopia,” Journal of Health, Population and Nutrition 33, no. 1 (2015): 3.
Emily Brunson, Bettina Shell-Duncan and Matthew Steele, “Women’s autonomy and its relationship to children’s nutrition among the Rendille of northern Kenya,” American Journal of Human Biology 21, no. 1 (2009): 55.
Meghan Corroon, Ilene S. Speizer, Jean-Christophe Fotso, Akinsewa Akiode, Abdulmumin Saad, Lisa Calhoun, and Laili Irani, “The role of gender empowerment on reproductive health outcomes in urban Nigeria,” Maternal and child health journal 18, no. 1 (2014): 308.
Mai Do and Nami Kurimoto, “Women’s empowerment and choice of contraceptive methods in selected African countries,” International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 38, no. 1 (2012): 25.