When we start talking about the marital rape the very first question that come in our mind is “Does marital rape really exist in Islam?” if yes then how? “is the husband allowed to force or do any violence to his wife?”? What is the legal stance on those who advocate for total equality between husband and wife in obedience and expenditure etc.…? And many of the other question come into mind that whether this thing is concerned in Islam or not? If not, then there are many other problems which are not exactly describe by Quran and hadith, so how can we justify this?
Many of the Islamic scholars says that marital rape occurs when the man asks his wife to have sexual intercourse during any abnormal sexual position or during fasting hours in Ramadan. There are two different perspectives regarding marital rape. the first one says that as men and women got equal rights, so a husband can’t force his women or can’t use any violation in their relation. Other perspective says that men are superior to women, because Islam tells us about the “equity” but not “equality” so they can do anything to their women and there is no such conception of marital rape in Islam because there is no hadith or Qur’anic verse related to this. God says, ‘And the male is not like the female…” 3:36
And says, “And do not wish for that by which Allah has made some of you exceed others. For men is a share of what they have earned, and for women is a share of what they have earned. And ask Allah of his bounty. Indeed, Allah is ever, of all things, knowing.” 4:32. Also, the believers of second perspective say after nikah and paying Mehr it becomes man’s unconditional right to have physical intimacy with his wife.
But then the question arises that does nikah and Mehr make him the owner of her body? the Quran describes this relationship as mawaddah and rahmah (3021) i.e. love and compassion and seeking solace in each other. This is a very sensitive description of a marital relationship. Force and compulsion have no place in it. It will destroy this relationship. Love and compassion are the very basis of this relationship. A marriage cannot persist without love and sacrifice for each other. It is not a piece of land that one can acquire the right over after paying for it. (Engineer, 2009)
Regarding this a new question arise that if men is not allowed to do such things then what is the purpose of Nikah? Also, they say Islam does not allow the wife to deny intercourse to the husband. Sexual satisfaction is one of the rights of the husband in Islam. Infect, the actual marriage contract is made in that way. The husband must mainly provide financially, and the wife must provide obedience and sex. in a hadith it states very harshly:
Abu Hurairah (may Allah be pleased with him) said: “The Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) said: ‘If a man calls his wife to his bed and she refuses [and does not come], and he spends the night angry with her, the angels will curse her until morning.’” (Reported by al-Bukhaari, 4794; the additional phrase quoted in square brackets is from Abu Dawood, al-Sunna, Kitab al-Nikah, Bab Haqq al-zawj ‘ala’l-mar’ah (sameer, 2015)
However, the above-mentioned quotations contradict the overall, traditional Islamic view about marriage being a contract based on mutual love, respect and consideration. Both the husband and wife have a right to their own body and, whilst consideration for a person’s sexual needs is normal, forceful sexual acts are not a sign of love or respect but become a fatal blow to a solid marriage.
But then a new problem arise that men are not allowed to harm their women. In some verses or in hadiths it is said that “……. Fear Allah, in case of your wives……” so how can violence be appreciated in Islam? As it is also against the humanity? The Holy Book is so sensitive to a wife`s rights that it allows her even to refuse to suckle her child, if she so decides. Just consider the following important verse (656) “Lodge them where you live according to your means and injure them not to discipline them. And if they are pregnant, spend on them until they lay down their burden. Then if they suckle for you, give them their recompense, and consult one another in a fair manner, and if you both disagree (that mother should suckle the child), another woman should suckle (the child) for her.” Thus, it can be forcefully argued that the Quran gives a woman undisputed right over her body, and not her husband.
Also, there is a hadith which supports this argument that Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) once remarked, “The best among you is the one who is the best towards his wife” (Hadith – Muslim, #3466). The Prophet SAW taught, “Only a noble man treats women in an honorable manner and only an ignoble man of low character treats women disgracefully.”
If we consider this hadith in mind this probably explains that the husband is allowed to fulfill his wife sexual desire in one side, and in the other side he is not allowed to force his wife for sex when she is unwilling. It is better for the husband to sacrifice himself (to be patient) rather than sacrificing his wife. A good husband must be wise in choosing the better choice relating to the above issue. A good husband must be patient for not saying that who is not patient is not a good husband.
All of the above discussion, hadith and verses does not clearly talk about the problem but considering these we can say that in a marriage relationship both the husband and wife have their own duties, rights and responsibilities regarding Islam. If anyone of them would go violent, it may cause problems for both. it is found that the type of the relationship between husband and wife as suggested in Islamic teaching naturally prevents the what so-call marital rape to occur. It is difficult to imagine the existence of marital rape inside the Muslim families, since the husband is bound with the obligation to treat her wife well. In sexual matter, the doctrine of mu’asyarah bil ma’ruf can be applied by respecting the need and the willingness of the wife in sexual matter.
Bibliography
Engineer, A. A. (2009). Islam prohibits ‘marital rape’. marital rape.
Soon after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and creation of 5 newly independent states in 1991, Central Asia and specifically Tajikistan found itself at risk of instability and the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan. Today, Afghanistan is discussed as the biggest security threat to peace and stability in Tajikistan. In multiple cases, Tajikistan President, Emomali Rahmon, has shared his concern over the border with Afghanistan and possible threat from spread of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. In dealing with this threat, President Rahmon has taken policies such as extreme militarization all over the country and restriction on practice of Islam, arguing that through Islamic teachings, considering presence of extremist groups not far away from Tajikistan, extremists could influence population within Tajikistan. Through this act, Islam has been used as a political instrument of Rahmon’s regime. No one denies the security threats from the existing condition in Afghanistan on its neighboring states, specially Tajikistan. However, one could argue that the threats from Afghanistan are extremely politicized in an attempt by the president to gain legitimacy for his repressive and highly condemned role. In other words, Rahmon has used Afghanistan as a highly critical security threat to consolidate his power. Many scholars argue that “the authoritarian nature of Central Asian regimes promote securitization in order to justify limiting political and economic freedoms, strengthening power structures, and maintaining existing regimes” (Chernykh & Burnashev, 2005, P.141). In this light, I argue that even though security threats are real, the threats have been used as Rahmon’s political instrument to maintain stronger control not only on politics of the state but also to control practice of Islam. Hence, Islamic extremism and the Afghan-Tajik border are the threats that have been used by President Rahman in an attempt to further reinforce his dominance in Tajikistan.
War and instability in Afghanistan represent real security threats to Tajikistan. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan became an independent state. However, soon it experienced a civil war in 1992 (Pannier, 2017). To survive, thousands of people moved to neighboring states. “The civil war in Tajikistan killed more than twenty thousand civilians and as a result many were left homeless from whom some live in Afghanistan currently” (Ahmed, 1994, p. 87). Later the Afghan war took place and the closeness of the two countries had a ‘salutary impact’ on the Central Asian region, specifically Tajikistan. The Afghan civil war and the repressive role of Taliban regime forced vast majority to move to neighboring states. Today, there are already around 2 million Afghan refuges who live in Pakistan and more than 1.4 million in Iran, with an estimated 30,000 in India, 5,000 in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and other countries (Refworld, 2013). In addition, in recent years rise of Taliban and the Islamic State in Northern provinces [close to Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan] have further exacerbated anguish among the Central Asian states and specifically Tajikistan for the long border it shares with Afghanistan (Bahrom, 2016). In 2015, a gun battle took place near Tajikistan’s capital Dushanbe which took lives of many people. Later, it was confirmed as a terrorist act led by a member of Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP), a banned Islamist political party in Tajikistan. “This act was used by Tajik government to highlight the risk that extremism could spread from the Middle east and [in particular] Afghanistan into Central Asia” (Cohen, 2019). Hence, war and instability in Afghanistan represent real security threats to Tajikistan.
Extreme politicization of threats coming from the Tajik-Afghan border has enabled some states, particularly Tajikistan, to use it for achieving their own personal goals. Securitization is defined as “a process of social construction of discursive emergence, threat and danger aimed at justifying the adoption of extraordinary measures” (Stanger, 1995). In Tajikistan, President Rahmon in multiple speeches referred to the shared border with Afghanistan as an extreme threat to the security and stability of Tajikistan, referring to threat of Islamic State. For instance, his speech in Parliament in 2017 stated that there is threat of cooperation between Islamic State and other opposition groups within the country, considering the long shared border between the two countries (Deutsche Welle, 2017). The threats coming from Afghanistan is undeniable, however, the measures taken in addressing the issue by the president are in many instances an extreme securitization of the issue. In response to concerns over threats from Afghanistan, president Rahmon “continued to use the specter of Islamic extremism to legitimize tight control over religious practices” (Freedom House Report, 2018). Claiming to protect people, the state has banned opposition groups, jailed human rights lawyers, and restricted rights (expression, freedom of speech, religion) (Freedom House Report, 2018). For instance, the Tajik government has restricted people’s religious rights mainly through closing down mosques, banning hijab, etc. It is believed that mosques facilitate religious teachings which could end up contributing to extremism. Similarly, president Rahman convicted the only opposition group in Tajikistan, Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP), as a terrorist group (Najibullah, 2018). He claimed that this party is an extremist party. This way he eliminated the only group who could compete with the president Rahmon and the existing regime. Through these measures president Rahman argues to save lives of people and maintain its territorial integrity and stability.
Even though threats of Afghan war and instability on Tajikistan are real, they have been extremely politicized by the president Rahmon in an attempt to legitimize his regime. In 2016 thirteen men were jailed for allegations of affiliation with Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRP) (Edwards, 2017). In response to this issue, president Rahmon stated that these men bring terror and insecurity to Tajik nation. In other words, presence of such groups [IRP of Tajikistan] considering the insecurities near Afghan border are regarded as the justification for the policies taken by the president. However, many argue that securitization of such cases enable president Rahmon to justify all his policies. Hence, president Rahmon uses security threats to eliminate his rivals (Edwards, 2017). In another speech president Rahmon asserts that “plague of the new century represents a threat for the global security…these young people when they return home bring instability to society” (Lemon, 2015).
Even though Tajikistan claims links between the active role of the Islamic State in Afghanistan and insurgents in Tajikistan, one could argue that these policies abuse freedom of religion by linking them to various insurgent groups. In the recent years Tajikistan has witnessed a sharp rise in trials of allegations of extremism. Critics, however, accuse president Rahman for using different strategies to eliminate his opponents from gaining power and dominance within Tajikistan. “Securitization of an issue allows actors to carry out extraordinary measures” (Crick, 2012). In addition, in recent years there have been reports on forced breading for men. Similarly, the Tajik government has endorsed restrictions on sell of Islamic clothing. In justification of the above mentioned rules, president Rahman in an interview states that “increase in mosques and religious centers [religious practices], considering the shared border with Afghanistan, is a critical security challenge to the country” (Radio Free Europe, 2015). The State Committee for Religious Affairs closed down 1,938 mosques (referred to as illegal mosques) in 2017. In addition, clothing “continues to be the forefront of this effort, with numerous individuals reporting being forcibly shaved or compelled to remove their hijabs” (Bayram, 2018). Also, he stated that in Islamic clothing extremists attract youths and teach them, thus Tajikistan will not allow this to happen. In September 2010, 23 Tajik soldiers were killed in a terrorist attack which happened near Afghan border (Schwirtz, 2010). Following this attack, President Rahman expressed his deepest concern over insecurity and extremism influencing Tajikistan. Referring to these incidents, president Rahman justifies the need for restricted and repressive regime. It could also be observed that Islam is being used as a political instrument of President Rahmon to implement certain policies and take measures.
By securitizing the border, Taliban, and the spillover of Tajik fundamentalist fighters from Afghanistan president Rahmon always tries to attract foreign countries and international organization’s attention to this border. By using the border threat almost all international donors like European Union, United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, United States, Russia and many others make an effort to support the border management by conducting trainings for the stuff, providing new modernized equipment and constructing new buildings for cross-border authorities. As Edward Lemon brings in his work, Rahmon’s speech where he argues that “the flurry of activity by Taliban near the border of the common wealth of the independent state as well as the appearance of the components of the so called Islamic state poses threat to the whole common wealth” (Lemon, 2015). While the Afghan specialist Borhan Osman claims that there is “no solid evidence for the presence of IS inside Afghanistan and media reports have overblown its influence” (Lemon, 2015). In the beginning of its independence Tajikistan was really in need of foreign assistance, since it had a Civil War and it damaged almost all sphere of the country, particularly security and economic. Thus, at that time the donors mentioned above take an active role in reconstruction and state-building. What is more that today the situation is different; the border management is very well trained and equipped, however, Rahmon’s regime continues to present the border and spread of terrorism, as a threat in order to receive money from international donors (Bleuer, Kazemi, 2014, p. 59) which enables him to strengthen his own dominance over Tajikistan.
The reactions of population and success of measures addressing instability and war in Afghanistan is debatable. Some argue that even though no one denies the threats from Afghanistan, it does not justify the extreme measures taken by Rahmon’s regime. Militarization and linking Islam to violent extremism are the two extraordinary securitizing measures undertaken by President Rahman. These measures limit freedom of religion, expression, etc. Hence, many could argue that more attention needs to be on policies that could prevent threats from Afghanistan while population is guaranteed of freedom. In addition, one could argue that experience of the civil war in Tajikistan from 1993 to 1997 and the incidents near Afghan border persuade the population to accept any kind of measure as long as the state promises stability. Taking into consideration the current regime and its sustainability for nearly 3 decades, one could argue that president Rahmon has been able to maintain its authoritarian regime. In some instances the main argument central Asian leaders assert about securitization is that, “endowing the citizens with political rights would be too risky in light of complexity of the external security situation” (Crick, 2012, 407). This has been used as justification for the restrictions enforced on the population. Frank also states that there are problems in securitizing an issue. “The successful securitizing move allows the securitizing actor to exploit threats and occasionally avert attention from a specific issue (Crick, 2012, 408) [which could be the authoritarian regime and the repression that comes with it].
Finally, notwithstanding the threats, spread of terrorism, cooperation between Islamic State and other opposition groups within the country, and encouraging youths towards Islamic fundamentalism, the Tajik authorities securitize the threat. This securitization and linkage of Islam to violent extremism allow Rahmon to undertake extraordinary measures such as militarization, restriction of religious freedom of the population through closing down mosques and forbidding religious education and teaching. Also, by using the threat from bordering with Afghanistan, president Rahmon attracts international donors for assisting him in maintaining border security. This assistance in fact gives him the resources to further strengthen his power over the country. Hence, linking Islam to violent extremism has given President Rahmon the power in order to justify his extraordinary measures and to further strengthen his power and dominance in Tajikistan. This paper also pointed out at how Islam [without understanding its essence] as carrier of extremism and fear, has been instrumentalized for accomplishing certain political goals. Hence, the concern is not longer a border one, rather instrumentalizing religion in order to maintain a strong hold on power.
References
“Afghan Refugees Rebuild Lives in Tajikistan”. (2013, December 12). Refworld. Retrieved June 30, 2019, from https://www.refworld.org/docid/52aaf4c94.html.
Ahmed, Mutahir. (1994). ‘Civil War in Tajikistan: Internal Strife and External Response.’ Pakistan Horizon 47, no. 4. 87-95. Retrieved June 30, 2019 http://www.jstor.org/stable/41393503.
Bahrom, Nadin. (2016, August 31). ‘Afghan Taliban Menace Tajik Border.’ Salaam Times. August 31, 2016. Accessed June 29, 2019. http://afghanistan.asia-news.com/en_GB/articles/cnmi_st/features/2016/08/31/feature-01?language_switcher=true.
Bayram, Mushfig. (2018, February 26). ‘TAJIKISTAN: Almost 2,000 Mosques Closed in 2017.’ Forum 18 News Service. Retrieved June 29, 2019. http://www.forum18.org/archive.php?article_id=2356.
Bleuer, C, Kazemi, S.R. (2014). “Between Co-operation and Insulation: Afghanistan’s Relations with the Central Asian Republics”. Afghanistan Analysts Networks. Retrieved 29, 2019. https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/20140608-Bleuer_Kazemi-Central_Asia.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3evR6feoUXlNPQefR4imPpe2GMTZqx20EG3GsD6yCeQKn9-CINrr4qH1o
Cohen, J. (2019, June 26). Growing Extremism Threatens Fragile Tajikistan. Retrieved June 29, 2019, from https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2015/09/28/growing-extremism-threatens-fragile-tajikistan-a49896
Chernykh, Irina, and Rustam Burnashev. (2005). ‘Conditions for Securitization of International Terrorism in Central Asia.’ Connections: The Quarterly Journal 04, no. 1.131-42. Retrieved June 29, 2019. doi:10.11610/connections.04.1.09.
Crick, Emily. (2012, March 22). ‘Drugs as an Existential Threat: An Analysis of the International Securitization of Drugs.’ International Journal of Drug Policy23, no. 5 (2012): 407-414. Accessed June 29, 2019. doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2012.03.004.
Edwards, Maxim. (2017, September 28). ‘Meet Tajikistan’s Embattled Islamists.’ Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/meet-tajikistan-s-embattled-islamists/.
Lemon, Edward J. (2015). ‘Daesh and Tajikistan: The Regimes (In)Security Policy.’ The RUSI Journal160, no. 5. 68-76. Retrieved June 29, 2019. doi:10.1080/03071847.2015.1102550.
Najibullah, Farangis. (2018, June 11). ‘Tajikistan’s Banned Islamic Party Claims Former Members Hit By ‘Wave Of Arrests’.’ Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.rferl.org/a/tajikistan-s-banned-islamic-irpt-party–members-hit-by-wave-arrests/29283941.html.
Pannier, Bruce. (2017, June 23). ‘Tajikistan’s Civil War: A Nightmare The Government Won’t Let Its People Forget.’ RadioFreeEurope/ RadioLiberty. Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.rferl.org/a/qishloq-ovozi-tajikistan-civil-war/28575338.html.
Schwirtz, Michael. (2010, September 20). ‘Tajikistan Says Militants Were Behind Attack on Troops.’ Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/world/asia/21tajik.html.
Stanger, Allison K. (1995). ‘Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe”. By Ole Wæver, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup and Pierre Lemaitre. New York: St. Martins Press, Slavic Review54, no. 03. 839-40. Accessed June 29, 2019. doi:10.2307/2501845.
‘Tajikistan Concern over Influence of Dai’esh.’ (2017, November 24). Deutsche welle. Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://p.dw.com/p/2ptif.
‘Tajikistan Takes On The God Squad.’ (2015, January 28). Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. January 28, 2015. Accessed June 29, 2019. https://www.rferl.org/a/tajikistan-islamism-politics-extremism/26818031.html.
When we start talking about the marital rape the very first question that come in our mind is “Does marital rape really exist in Islam?” if yes then how? “is the husband allowed to force or do any violence to his wife?”? What is the legal stance on those who advocate for total equality between husband and wife in obedience and expenditure etc.…? And many of the other question come into mind that whether this thing is concerned in Islam or not? If not, then there are many other problems which are not exactly describe by Quran and hadith, so how can we justify this?
Many of the Islamic scholars says that marital rape occurs when the man asks his wife to have sexual intercourse during any abnormal sexual position or during fasting hours in Ramadan. There are two different perspectives regarding marital rape. the first one says that as men and women got equal rights, so a husband can’t force his women or can’t use any violation in their relation. Other perspective says that men are superior to women, because Islam tells us about the “equity” but not “equality” so they can do anything to their women and there is no such conception of marital rape in Islam because there is no hadith or Qur’anic verse related to this. God says, ‘And the male is not like the female…” 3:36
And says, “And do not wish for that by which Allah has made some of you exceed others. For men is a share of what they have earned, and for women is a share of what they have earned. And ask Allah of his bounty. Indeed, Allah is ever, of all things, knowing.” 4:32. Also, the believers of second perspective say after nikah and paying Mehr it becomes man’s unconditional right to have physical intimacy with his wife.
But then the question arises that does nikah and Mehr make him the owner of her body? the Quran describes this relationship as mawaddah and rahmah (3021) i.e. love and compassion and seeking solace in each other. This is a very sensitive description of a marital relationship. Force and compulsion have no place in it. It will destroy this relationship. Love and compassion are the very basis of this relationship. A marriage cannot persist without love and sacrifice for each other. It is not a piece of land that one can acquire the right over after paying for it. (Engineer, 2009)
Regarding this a new question arise that if men is not allowed to do such things then what is the purpose of Nikah? Also, they say Islam does not allow the wife to deny intercourse to the husband. Sexual satisfaction is one of the rights of the husband in Islam. Infect, the actual marriage contract is made in that way. The husband must mainly provide financially, and the wife must provide obedience and sex. in a hadith it states very harshly:
Abu Hurairah (may Allah be pleased with him) said: “The Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) said: ‘If a man calls his wife to his bed and she refuses [and does not come], and he spends the night angry with her, the angels will curse her until morning.’” (Reported by al-Bukhaari, 4794; the additional phrase quoted in square brackets is from Abu Dawood, al-Sunna, Kitab al-Nikah, Bab Haqq al-zawj ‘ala’l-mar’ah (sameer, 2015)
However, the above-mentioned quotations contradict the overall, traditional Islamic view about marriage being a contract based on mutual love, respect and consideration. Both the husband and wife have a right to their own body and, whilst consideration for a person’s sexual needs is normal, forceful sexual acts are not a sign of love or respect but become a fatal blow to a solid marriage.
But then a new problem arise that men are not allowed to harm their women. In some verses or in hadiths it is said that “……. Fear Allah, in case of your wives……” so how can violence be appreciated in Islam? As it is also against the humanity? The Holy Book is so sensitive to a wife`s rights that it allows her even to refuse to suckle her child, if she so decides. Just consider the following important verse (656) “Lodge them where you live according to your means and injure them not to discipline them. And if they are pregnant, spend on them until they lay down their burden. Then if they suckle for you, give them their recompense, and consult one another in a fair manner, and if you both disagree (that mother should suckle the child), another woman should suckle (the child) for her.” Thus, it can be forcefully argued that the Quran gives a woman undisputed right over her body, and not her husband.
Also, there is a hadith which supports this argument that Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) once remarked, “The best among you is the one who is the best towards his wife” (Hadith – Muslim, #3466). The Prophet SAW taught, “Only a noble man treats women in an honorable manner and only an ignoble man of low character treats women disgracefully.”
If we consider this hadith in mind this probably explains that the husband is allowed to fulfill his wife sexual desire in one side, and in the other side he is not allowed to force his wife for sex when she is unwilling. It is better for the husband to sacrifice himself (to be patient) rather than sacrificing his wife. A good husband must be wise in choosing the better choice relating to the above issue. A good husband must be patient for not saying that who is not patient is not a good husband.
All of the above discussion, hadith and verses does not clearly talk about the problem but considering these we can say that in a marriage relationship both the husband and wife have their own duties, rights and responsibilities regarding Islam. If anyone of them would go violent, it may cause problems for both. it is found that the type of the relationship between husband and wife as suggested in Islamic teaching naturally prevents the what so-call marital rape to occur. It is difficult to imagine the existence of marital rape inside the Muslim families, since the husband is bound with the obligation to treat her wife well. In sexual matter, the doctrine of mu’asyarah bil ma’ruf can be applied by respecting the need and the willingness of the wife in sexual matter.
Bibliography
Engineer, A. A. (2009). Islam prohibits ‘marital rape’. marital rape.
Soon after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and creation of 5 newly independent states in 1991, Central Asia and specifically Tajikistan found itself at risk of instability and the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan. Today, Afghanistan is discussed as the biggest security threat to peace and stability in Tajikistan. In multiple cases, Tajikistan President, Emomali Rahmon, has shared his concern over the border with Afghanistan and possible threat from spread of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. In dealing with this threat, President Rahmon has taken policies such as extreme militarization all over the country and restriction on practice of Islam, arguing that through Islamic teachings, considering presence of extremist groups not far away from Tajikistan, extremists could influence population within Tajikistan. Through this act, Islam has been used as a political instrument of Rahmon’s regime. No one denies the security threats from the existing condition in Afghanistan on its neighboring states, specially Tajikistan. However, one could argue that the threats from Afghanistan are extremely politicized in an attempt by the president to gain legitimacy for his repressive and highly condemned role. In other words, Rahmon has used Afghanistan as a highly critical security threat to consolidate his power. Many scholars argue that “the authoritarian nature of Central Asian regimes promote securitization in order to justify limiting political and economic freedoms, strengthening power structures, and maintaining existing regimes” (Chernykh & Burnashev, 2005, P.141). In this light, I argue that even though security threats are real, the threats have been used as Rahmon’s political instrument to maintain stronger control not only on politics of the state but also to control practice of Islam. Hence, Islamic extremism and the Afghan-Tajik border are the threats that have been used by President Rahman in an attempt to further reinforce his dominance in Tajikistan.
War and instability in Afghanistan represent real security threats to Tajikistan. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan became an independent state. However, soon it experienced a civil war in 1992 (Pannier, 2017). To survive, thousands of people moved to neighboring states. “The civil war in Tajikistan killed more than twenty thousand civilians and as a result many were left homeless from whom some live in Afghanistan currently” (Ahmed, 1994, p. 87). Later the Afghan war took place and the closeness of the two countries had a ‘salutary impact’ on the Central Asian region, specifically Tajikistan. The Afghan civil war and the repressive role of Taliban regime forced vast majority to move to neighboring states. Today, there are already around 2 million Afghan refuges who live in Pakistan and more than 1.4 million in Iran, with an estimated 30,000 in India, 5,000 in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and other countries (Refworld, 2013). In addition, in recent years rise of Taliban and the Islamic State in Northern provinces [close to Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan] have further exacerbated anguish among the Central Asian states and specifically Tajikistan for the long border it shares with Afghanistan (Bahrom, 2016). In 2015, a gun battle took place near Tajikistan’s capital Dushanbe which took lives of many people. Later, it was confirmed as a terrorist act led by a member of Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP), a banned Islamist political party in Tajikistan. “This act was used by Tajik government to highlight the risk that extremism could spread from the Middle east and [in particular] Afghanistan into Central Asia” (Cohen, 2019). Hence, war and instability in Afghanistan represent real security threats to Tajikistan.
Extreme politicization of threats coming from the Tajik-Afghan border has enabled some states, particularly Tajikistan, to use it for achieving their own personal goals. Securitization is defined as “a process of social construction of discursive emergence, threat and danger aimed at justifying the adoption of extraordinary measures” (Stanger, 1995). In Tajikistan, President Rahmon in multiple speeches referred to the shared border with Afghanistan as an extreme threat to the security and stability of Tajikistan, referring to threat of Islamic State. For instance, his speech in Parliament in 2017 stated that there is threat of cooperation between Islamic State and other opposition groups within the country, considering the long shared border between the two countries (Deutsche Welle, 2017). The threats coming from Afghanistan is undeniable, however, the measures taken in addressing the issue by the president are in many instances an extreme securitization of the issue. In response to concerns over threats from Afghanistan, president Rahmon “continued to use the specter of Islamic extremism to legitimize tight control over religious practices” (Freedom House Report, 2018). Claiming to protect people, the state has banned opposition groups, jailed human rights lawyers, and restricted rights (expression, freedom of speech, religion) (Freedom House Report, 2018). For instance, the Tajik government has restricted people’s religious rights mainly through closing down mosques, banning hijab, etc. It is believed that mosques facilitate religious teachings which could end up contributing to extremism. Similarly, president Rahman convicted the only opposition group in Tajikistan, Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP), as a terrorist group (Najibullah, 2018). He claimed that this party is an extremist party. This way he eliminated the only group who could compete with the president Rahmon and the existing regime. Through these measures president Rahman argues to save lives of people and maintain its territorial integrity and stability.
Even though threats of Afghan war and instability on Tajikistan are real, they have been extremely politicized by the president Rahmon in an attempt to legitimize his regime. In 2016 thirteen men were jailed for allegations of affiliation with Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRP) (Edwards, 2017). In response to this issue, president Rahmon stated that these men bring terror and insecurity to Tajik nation. In other words, presence of such groups [IRP of Tajikistan] considering the insecurities near Afghan border are regarded as the justification for the policies taken by the president. However, many argue that securitization of such cases enable president Rahmon to justify all his policies. Hence, president Rahmon uses security threats to eliminate his rivals (Edwards, 2017). In another speech president Rahmon asserts that “plague of the new century represents a threat for the global security…these young people when they return home bring instability to society” (Lemon, 2015).
Even though Tajikistan claims links between the active role of the Islamic State in Afghanistan and insurgents in Tajikistan, one could argue that these policies abuse freedom of religion by linking them to various insurgent groups. In the recent years Tajikistan has witnessed a sharp rise in trials of allegations of extremism. Critics, however, accuse president Rahman for using different strategies to eliminate his opponents from gaining power and dominance within Tajikistan. “Securitization of an issue allows actors to carry out extraordinary measures” (Crick, 2012). In addition, in recent years there have been reports on forced breading for men. Similarly, the Tajik government has endorsed restrictions on sell of Islamic clothing. In justification of the above mentioned rules, president Rahman in an interview states that “increase in mosques and religious centers [religious practices], considering the shared border with Afghanistan, is a critical security challenge to the country” (Radio Free Europe, 2015). The State Committee for Religious Affairs closed down 1,938 mosques (referred to as illegal mosques) in 2017. In addition, clothing “continues to be the forefront of this effort, with numerous individuals reporting being forcibly shaved or compelled to remove their hijabs” (Bayram, 2018). Also, he stated that in Islamic clothing extremists attract youths and teach them, thus Tajikistan will not allow this to happen. In September 2010, 23 Tajik soldiers were killed in a terrorist attack which happened near Afghan border (Schwirtz, 2010). Following this attack, President Rahman expressed his deepest concern over insecurity and extremism influencing Tajikistan. Referring to these incidents, president Rahman justifies the need for restricted and repressive regime. It could also be observed that Islam is being used as a political instrument of President Rahmon to implement certain policies and take measures.
By securitizing the border, Taliban, and the spillover of Tajik fundamentalist fighters from Afghanistan president Rahmon always tries to attract foreign countries and international organization’s attention to this border. By using the border threat almost all international donors like European Union, United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, United States, Russia and many others make an effort to support the border management by conducting trainings for the stuff, providing new modernized equipment and constructing new buildings for cross-border authorities. As Edward Lemon brings in his work, Rahmon’s speech where he argues that “the flurry of activity by Taliban near the border of the common wealth of the independent state as well as the appearance of the components of the so called Islamic state poses threat to the whole common wealth” (Lemon, 2015). While the Afghan specialist Borhan Osman claims that there is “no solid evidence for the presence of IS inside Afghanistan and media reports have overblown its influence” (Lemon, 2015). In the beginning of its independence Tajikistan was really in need of foreign assistance, since it had a Civil War and it damaged almost all sphere of the country, particularly security and economic. Thus, at that time the donors mentioned above take an active role in reconstruction and state-building. What is more that today the situation is different; the border management is very well trained and equipped, however, Rahmon’s regime continues to present the border and spread of terrorism, as a threat in order to receive money from international donors (Bleuer, Kazemi, 2014, p. 59) which enables him to strengthen his own dominance over Tajikistan.
The reactions of population and success of measures addressing instability and war in Afghanistan is debatable. Some argue that even though no one denies the threats from Afghanistan, it does not justify the extreme measures taken by Rahmon’s regime. Militarization and linking Islam to violent extremism are the two extraordinary securitizing measures undertaken by President Rahman. These measures limit freedom of religion, expression, etc. Hence, many could argue that more attention needs to be on policies that could prevent threats from Afghanistan while population is guaranteed of freedom. In addition, one could argue that experience of the civil war in Tajikistan from 1993 to 1997 and the incidents near Afghan border persuade the population to accept any kind of measure as long as the state promises stability. Taking into consideration the current regime and its sustainability for nearly 3 decades, one could argue that president Rahmon has been able to maintain its authoritarian regime. In some instances the main argument central Asian leaders assert about securitization is that, “endowing the citizens with political rights would be too risky in light of complexity of the external security situation” (Crick, 2012, 407). This has been used as justification for the restrictions enforced on the population. Frank also states that there are problems in securitizing an issue. “The successful securitizing move allows the securitizing actor to exploit threats and occasionally avert attention from a specific issue (Crick, 2012, 408) [which could be the authoritarian regime and the repression that comes with it].
Finally, notwithstanding the threats, spread of terrorism, cooperation between Islamic State and other opposition groups within the country, and encouraging youths towards Islamic fundamentalism, the Tajik authorities securitize the threat. This securitization and linkage of Islam to violent extremism allow Rahmon to undertake extraordinary measures such as militarization, restriction of religious freedom of the population through closing down mosques and forbidding religious education and teaching. Also, by using the threat from bordering with Afghanistan, president Rahmon attracts international donors for assisting him in maintaining border security. This assistance in fact gives him the resources to further strengthen his power over the country. Hence, linking Islam to violent extremism has given President Rahmon the power in order to justify his extraordinary measures and to further strengthen his power and dominance in Tajikistan. This paper also pointed out at how Islam [without understanding its essence] as carrier of extremism and fear, has been instrumentalized for accomplishing certain political goals. Hence, the concern is not longer a border one, rather instrumentalizing religion in order to maintain a strong hold on power.
References
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Ahmed, Mutahir. (1994). ‘Civil War in Tajikistan: Internal Strife and External Response.’ Pakistan Horizon 47, no. 4. 87-95. Retrieved June 30, 2019 http://www.jstor.org/stable/41393503.
Bahrom, Nadin. (2016, August 31). ‘Afghan Taliban Menace Tajik Border.’ Salaam Times. August 31, 2016. Accessed June 29, 2019. http://afghanistan.asia-news.com/en_GB/articles/cnmi_st/features/2016/08/31/feature-01?language_switcher=true.
Bayram, Mushfig. (2018, February 26). ‘TAJIKISTAN: Almost 2,000 Mosques Closed in 2017.’ Forum 18 News Service. Retrieved June 29, 2019. http://www.forum18.org/archive.php?article_id=2356.
Bleuer, C, Kazemi, S.R. (2014). “Between Co-operation and Insulation: Afghanistan’s Relations with the Central Asian Republics”. Afghanistan Analysts Networks. Retrieved 29, 2019. https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/20140608-Bleuer_Kazemi-Central_Asia.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3evR6feoUXlNPQefR4imPpe2GMTZqx20EG3GsD6yCeQKn9-CINrr4qH1o
Cohen, J. (2019, June 26). Growing Extremism Threatens Fragile Tajikistan. Retrieved June 29, 2019, from https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2015/09/28/growing-extremism-threatens-fragile-tajikistan-a49896
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Crick, Emily. (2012, March 22). ‘Drugs as an Existential Threat: An Analysis of the International Securitization of Drugs.’ International Journal of Drug Policy23, no. 5 (2012): 407-414. Accessed June 29, 2019. doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2012.03.004.
Edwards, Maxim. (2017, September 28). ‘Meet Tajikistan’s Embattled Islamists.’ Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/meet-tajikistan-s-embattled-islamists/.
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Najibullah, Farangis. (2018, June 11). ‘Tajikistan’s Banned Islamic Party Claims Former Members Hit By ‘Wave Of Arrests’.’ Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Retrieved June 29, 2019. https://www.rferl.org/a/tajikistan-s-banned-islamic-irpt-party–members-hit-by-wave-arrests/29283941.html.
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It is incumbent for Muslims to be aware in religious affairs which involve their lives in this world, among these is the dealings related to trade. Trade is by far the common means by which wealth is acquired and Islam recognizes its role. In this regard a Muslim should learn the rulings of trade before embarking on it to avoid himself from engaging in what is prohibited. There are many verses in the Quran and the Prophet sayings which highlight the significance of trading for example, Allah says: “It is no sin for you that ye seek the bounty of your Lord (by trading)…”[footnoteRef:2] [2: Quran 2:198]
The Prophet (Peace be upon him) said, ” May Allah be kind to a man of gentle dealings when he sells, when he purchases and when he gives decision.”[footnoteRef:3] [3: bukhari]
Islamic definition of Trade
In Arabic the word ‘Tijarah’ which means trade can be linguistically be translated to mean selling and buying in order to gain profit. In Islamic jurisprudence, trade would mean the ‘exchange of commodities based on mutual agreement of two, free, sane, adult owners who capable of handling over what they are trading’.[footnoteRef:4]Through trading is permissible in the Quran and Sunnah there are set conditions put forth to validate the transaction in accordance to the shari’ah. These conditions involve the persons trading and the goods been traded. [4: www.islamitijara.com fiqh-ul-muamalat]
Conditions in regards to the participants
1. Mutual consent
Allah has ordered[footnoteRef:5] that the transaction should be based on willingness to sell and buy, hence forced transactions render them invalid. [5: Surat nisa 4 ayah 29 “unless it be a trade with your mutual consent”]
2. Permissibility to engage in trade transaction
Both should be free (not slaves), adults (those who have reached puberty), sane and accountable. The transaction is deemed valid with a non-muslim, as being Muslim is not a necessity.
3. Ownership
The traded property should be owned by the parties[footnoteRef:6], however one can authorize a representative to sell or buy on his behalf. [6: The prophet said “do not sell what you do not have(or posses)Ibn majah 2187 3/30]
Conditions in regards to the goods
1. Goods must be permissible in shari’ah
It is forbidden for a Muslim to trade in goods which are haram as mentioned in Quran and Sunnah. Goods such as carrion, blood, pork, intoxicants and idols are impermissible to sell.[footnoteRef:7] [7: Quran 2:173 ]
2. Availability of the goods
The commodity been traded must be available or be certain that they can be handed over when the sale is concluded, with the exception for salam and istisna’.
3. The goods should not be anonymous
The specifications of goods and price should be known to both participants. Selling or buying unknown or unspecified goods is engaging in gharar[footnoteRef:8] which is prohibited. [8: The sale of what is not present.]
Ownership in Islam
Ownership (al-milkiyyah) is an Islamic legal term which signifies the relationship between a human being and property which renders the property specifically attached to him, hence, giving the owner the right to deal in that property unless there is legal impediment preventing him from such dealing (al-zuhaily, 2003:417).the Hanafis have defined ownership as a more general concept than property due to their consideration of usufruct of the property.
Islam does not forbid private ownership and it did not leave it unconstrained. Allah has forbidden the infringement of private property which has been acquired legally. (Quran, 4:29). However jurists have permitted political rulers to limit or impose regulations to the rights of ownership if that is beneficial to the society. They may also confiscate legally acquired property to meet social needs by stipulating a fair compensation.
Ownership can be generally of three main types: total and partial (sharikat al-milk) or in other words complete and incomplete. In total ownership the owner enjoys the legal rights connected with the ownership as well as the usufruct while partial ownership does not enjoy full rights as in total ownership. The other type is the communal or public ownership where an individual has no right to exclude another person unless it is legally acquired and converted into person.
Possession in Islam
In Islam Allah is the owner of all things, man only possesses the benefit of them in a manner permitted by shari’ah. The person who possesses all benefits of a thing is the absolute owner hence the person who has partial possession is designated by special name such as tenant or borrower. Possession could be classified either as legitimate (yad muhikka) or illegitimate (yad mubtila). Usurping is impermissible in Islam (Quran 2:188) that means taking other’s possessions in a forceful way, seizing them through unjust disputes and false oaths.
Possession is of considerable practical importance. For example if two persons are involved in a dispute over the ownership of a thing and one of them has the object in his possession, the burden of proof falls upon the other person, since possession is an outward indication of ownership until the contrary is proved.[footnoteRef:9] [9: Majid khadduri Herbert liebesny origin and development of Islamic law the lawbook exchange, ltd,2008 overt]
Differences between possession and ownership
Though both ownership and possession can be defined as the act, state, or right of possessing something there is a difference between the two. While possession is having physical custody or control of an object, ownership is the right by which something belongs to someone. Ownership gives the right to possession while possession does not necessary give right to ownership except in special cases for example where the property is ownerless. In this case the possession of such a property tends to become ownership.
Ownership can be transferred by means of a contract for example in case of the sell of property or inheritance while possession can be transferred less technically since those rights belong to the owner.
Significance of ownership in trade transaction
As mentioned earlier in the conditions of the trade to be valid is that goods must be in possession and available at the time of transaction. The prophet prohibited the sell of an item which is not in one’s possession; this is because such kind of transaction will involve the exchange of money for money while the commodity is not available and that is riba.
The prophet also forbade selling of the product in the place where it is bought until the merchants have taken it to their own places; this is to establish their ownership and to validate further transactions.
Conclusion
Despite Islam permitting trade it has laid down regulations to establish fairness and justice in transactions to the befit of society. The shari’ah entails a Muslim to be aware of his connection to Allah and to fear Him and to seek lawful means for his sustenance.
The political views of Muslim Americans compare to the rest of the American religious public
The largest number of Americans believe that Muslims pose a threat to the American society. Many Americans remain skeptical of the Islamic anti-democratic tendencies a factor that has triggered fear among them (Ghazal 40). The Muslim religion has a bad reputation for its violent characteristic with regard to the widespread understanding of their belief in jihad, the holy war.
Research on Muslim Americans suggests that these assumptions are not the reality. Muslim Americans just like the American society are diverse. Not all Muslims are Arabs neither do they all come from one country. Many Muslims come from Asia although some also come from the African-Muslim countries like Libya and Egypt. These make the Islam community a very diverse religion with varying cultural practices.
Just like the American people, the Muslim Americans are the most ethnically diverse population in the world today. Many Americans assume that Muslims are all Arabs but research contradicts that notion considering that one-fifth of the Muslim population in America is American born. The Muslims are not entirely uniformly religious neither do they share the same political views as many Americans assume.
Muslims are outsiders
Not all Muslims are devout. Some of them are serious and strict devotees of their religion while some are moderately devoted and others are non-practicing and secular. This is synonymous to the Christian religion which not all who profess Christianity are really practicing Christians. Muslim Americans are politically integrated and highly diverse and are equally engaged in today’s political issues like the rest of the Americans.
For instance, the Islamic communities are highly opposed to gay marriages and favor an increase in government spending to support the needy (Ghazal 41). However, they are a bit more conservative compared to the rest of the American population with regard to the issue of abortion (Ghazal 41). On foreign policies, the Muslim Americans do not agree or share the same sentiments as the rest of the public.
While the public appreciates the war in Iraq and the anti-terrorist actions against the Middle East, the Islamic community bares some reservations on this issue.
The Islamic community although they share most of the social and political views with all other religions in America, they are still largely considered Non-Americans. This is due to past activities that the Americans have held against the Muslim community the 9/11 bomb attack (Ghazal 43).
Other groups considered as outsiders
However, just like other groups that the Americans thought of them as a threat to their harmonious religious existence, the Muslims will have to endure the rebellion factor. Maybe in time the mainstream Americans will be able to accept the American Muslims as fellow compatriots as they did with the Jews and the Italians.
Another religion seen as an outsider is the Hindu community. Although they have been mostly involved in the business sector, the Hindu community does not enjoy the benefits of being an American as the natives do and other foreigners like Japanese and Chinese people. The Hindus are not very much involved when it comes to political and national matters.
Integration and interaction especially with the Muslim community which research show is highly educated and well informed could be fruitful in achieving some of the development goals. The solution is only by bringing the Muslim American to the national dialogue and involve them in national matters.
Works Cited
Ghazal, Jen’nan 2007, Muslims in America. Anti-Muslim graffiti defaces a Shi’ite mosque at the Islamic Center of America. Web.
Muslims appear as the largest faction amongst the minority religions in Europe. Muslim migrants who settled in the European countries did so after the Second World War. In the United Kingdom, the history of Muslims who migrated from all corners of the world is long. As a result, the populations living in the UK comprise of the Pakistan Muslims.
This is one of the largest groups of the UK Muslims after those who migrated from India. The Pakistan Muslims are the second largest ethnic minority in the United Kingdom. They live in cities such as London, Birmingham, Manchester, and Bradford, where they benefit from political and social influence. According to universal statistics, more than 1,601,000 Muslims subsist in the UK.
The tuning of Muslim lives after immigration takes a long period. In their new areas of living within the UK, incorporation, and application of Muslim’s spiritual and cultural beliefs come from the uninterrupted age groups. While making these life changes, stress, and tension may affect dan ifferent persons, kin, and societies.
Moreover, the broader British community was known as the Muslim society and their families regard the young Muslia ms as nexus groups. The young Muslims are the antithetical scheme that links Muslims and the British in a society where socialization, expectations, and self-worth competitions are paramount. Consequently, British Muslims are at the forefront of economical, social, and political marginalization (True & Mintrom 2001, p. 35).
In general, it is upsetting trying to measure the Muslims individual accomplishment, the existence outlook, and self-confidence. This comes from the fact that diffusion and integrations are hardly observed amongst the Muslims living across the globe. This research explores the Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom, particularly the Pakistanis.
Research Questions
While studying Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom, the research seeks to answer the following research questions.
What are the struggles of Muslim immigrants in the UK (mostly Pakistan)?
What policies do the UK government uses towards Muslim immigrants?
What terrorism challenges do Muslim immigrants in the UK face?
Literature review
It is indicated in various studies that young Muslims in Britain are considered as outcasts. This is evident in view of how the mainstream society treats the minority group particularly the Pakistanis. They are considered to present competing values and expectations (True & Mintrom 2001, p.36).
Muslims living in Britain contain a wide array of persons from diverse cultural settings. Besides, young Muslims particularly practice diverse religious practices and they are noted to be having solidarity in their community. A young Muslim’s view may be completely different from those possessed by others. As a result, the association of Islam with terrorism became evident in 1980s. Previous generations living in the UK pursued integration.
However, younger generation sought to associate with Ummah, which is a constituent of Islam. Muslim population living in the UK experiences rising Islamophobia due to political, social and economic deprivation. The phobia was heightened by the 9/11 terrorism acts on the America landmarks. In fact, the events were associated with the Al Qaeda. The extremists subscribe to Islam thus making the distinction between Islam and terrorism difficult (Ali, 2008).
From the integration concept, it is apparent that the assimilation of Muslims into the mainstream British society raises concern for the government (Castles & Miller, 2003). The antagonism between the UK government and Islam is long standing (Fukuyama, 2006). The bombings that were executed by Islamists in Madrid and London increased the fear for the UK national security. The association of Muslims with terrorism further magnified the practices undertaken by the UK authorities against religious extremism.
Methodology
The choice of a research method depends on its strengths and weaknesses (Heine, 2010). For instance, the quantitative technique draws on the numerical value as it explains the research and solves the problem. The quantitative research method is important in the sense that it focuses on collecting data for numerical and statistical analysis (Baker 2010, p.45).
Qualitative researchers however claim that when a study draws on quantitative data only, it might ignore the cultural and social variables of the statistics that have been acquired (Chen & Tsai 2010, p.50).
Chen and Tsai (2010) further stated that a factor like approach including the struggles of Muslim immigrants in the UK (mostly Pakistan), the policies the UK government uses towards Muslim immigrants, as well as terrorism challenges faced by Muslim immigrants in the UK can hardly be expounded on using a sequence of numerical analytical research assumptions.
According to Elkins and Simmons (2005), the qualitative technique is a multi-method including interpretative and naturalistic research approaches. This implies that a research that is qualitative in nature will study various aspects of Muslim immigrants in the UK within their natural sets.
Since the study aims at exploring Muslim immigrants in the UK, it will focus on the struggles of Muslim immigrants in the UK (mostly Pakistan), the policies the UK government uses towards Muslim immigrants, and terrorism challenges faced by Muslim immigrants in the UK. Most of such study information is readily available from global reports, journals, newsletters, and bulletins. Besides, the information on Muslim immigrants in the UK can be obtained through internet search and documentary analysis.
Data collection
Data can be collected from interviews, questionnaires, databases, internet or even mail. However, each of these data collection methods has its own conditions. The data collection method that is used will always be affected by the way the gathered statistics or data will be used. This particular research study uses secondary and primary data including information from interviews.
Relevant secondary information and data on Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom were collected from books, articles, journals, and interviews. The sample size for this study included two Pakistani immigrants and two UK government officials. Besides, a preview of the documentary analysis, internet search, and reports on the previous interviews conducted to the Muslim immigrants in the UK was done to obtain the required research information.
Previous research studies conducted on this topic were also obtained from databases such as EDGAR, ProQuest, and Emerald. Such data sources contained useful information on Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom, as indicated by researches that have already been conducted. News and magazines that contain information on Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom were also drawn on.
Data analysis
The researcher first edited the relevant data obtained. Thereafter, qualitative methods were applied in the analysis of the collected data on Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom. In fact, techniques such as content analysis and logical analysis methods were used to analyze the obtained research data.
Discussions
The Muslim immigrants struggle in the United Kingdom
The migration of Muslims to the United Kingdom after the Second World War came with countless life challenges. In this context, the Muslims who came from Pakistan incessantly faced numerous restrictions in their day-to-day existence despite boosting the labor shortages in the UK. The Muslims struggle heaped pressure and tribulations in their lives given that they faced economical, social, and political marginalization.
At the outset, Muslims who migrated to the UK faced severe labor market challenges. The rate of employed Muslim inhabitants as compared to other religions or races in the UK is drastically low (Baker 2010, p.4). The scenario increases noteworthy diversity in the Muslim society that until today faces discrimination in Britain.
Equally, the Muslims probably struggle from the acute disadvantage due to poor quality housing. They reside in owner-occupiers houses and can only have possession of homes scheduled on mortgages. Besides, accessing better houses seems to be a terrible experience for the immigrant Muslims in the UK.
In the labor markets, the institutional discrimination facing Muslims in the UK has fostered racial inequalities. Thus, Muslim immigrants in the UK appear as destitute in terms of access to resources and power. Similarly, the Muslim immigrants in the United Kingdom struggle to get proper accommodation given the prevalent housing problems. The encompassing antagonistic force stipulates that cluster houses come from ethnic attack.
Therefore, Muslim community has poorly progressed in the United Kingdom owing to racial discrimination, institutional prejudice, and structural biases. The Pakistani Muslims in the UK also face a number of national and religious hitches augmented by public and cultural criticism.
Initially, Muslims were hardly part of the multiculturalism dialogue that incorporated Christians (Castles & Miller, 2003). This denied the Muslims total participation in various multicultural activities. For instance, the Muslims were left out of the contemporary dialogue concerning the prospect and distinctiveness of different cultures.
The functions of Islam alongside other religious faiths lack clear-cut guidelines in the Muslim immigrant communal life. Actually, the Sharia Law was not part of the United Kingdom governing laws. As a result, this brought controversial disagreements and denied the Muslim community a sense of belonging in the United Kingdom as a secular nation. On the other hand, Muslims struggle to get into the legislative body of the UK.
The UK political bodies are disinclined to incorporate Muslim immigrants in the parliamentary business. For instance, merely four Muslims out of the possible forty-eight made it to the august house in the fiscal 2005 elections. The Muslims lack adequate representation with only eight members of parliament presently serving in the government. Thus, UK Muslims immigrants continue to suffer from the breach of minority national rights (Duncan & Tatari 2011, p.171).
From the subject of Muslim organizations, the populace remains in dark as per the degree at which such Muslim institutions symbolize the United Kingdom. The UK government is uncertain on the stretch out of these organizations to the outside world. In addition, the UK administration cares less about the deliberate manipulation and vulnerability of the Muslim community towards radicalism.
Similarly, the Pakistani Muslims struggle to get some form of learning despite poor accessibility to education in non-Muslim school in the UK. Harsh conditions, along with the deficiency of resources hinder Muslim students from learning Arabic, which is a vital language for understanding the Quran. Further, there was un-regulated language guidance owing to the government’s failure to fund the marginalized faith schools (Elkins & Simmons 2005, p. 37).
The Islamic community that came from Pakistan experienced discrimination and bias in the UK old-university institutions. In fact, during admission, the number of white students was triple compared to that of the Pakistani Muslim students. The violence acts, arsons, and assaults have risen due to the sentiment based on anti-Islamism.
The percentage of bias felonies, aggression, and discrimination have been gradual and it was about eighty percent (80%) by the year 2004. The ban on discrimination by the Equality Act of 2006 had a direct impact on the Muslim. The Act expelled discrimination in relations to public participation, education, administration of premises, services, and amenities, as well as sexual, faith, and religious provision of commodities.
The policies used towards Muslim immigrants by the UK government
In the United Kingdom, a number of guidelines are in ground to deal with the Muslim immigrants living in the nation. From the integration theory, these policies aspire to promote and integrate the cultural diversity eminent within the UK population. Policies used towards the Muslims in the UK might be the tool of national security, population growth, foreign policy, and economic growth. The policy makers seek to exercise power over migration structure in the United Kingdom.
Besides, these policies aspire to build up tough security, consign economic migration, and encourage openness in migration. The UK migration policy does not limit or restrict the migration of Muslims since the political groups mutually embrace economic migration.
The new visa controls initiated after the 11 September bombing provides a fresh security technique that seeks to decrease the asylum quest and curb illegitimate immigration. Moreover, the alteration of the postwar integration pillar helps the Muslims when it comes to dealing with labor markets issues.
In order to promote the shared personal effects and morals of the diverse communities, the policy on the agenda quality of the UK is significant. The policy has facilitated labor to strengthen anti-discriminatory actions through emergent policies and ideas. The government permissions as well as the new-fangled programs in the labor markets that culminate the growth of point-based system encourage the international Muslims learners.
From fiscal 2002, a more preventive outline of tightening up visas as government policy on unlawful immigrant and asylum seekers has risen. Conversely, the government has interior measures besides visas systems to fight immigration problems. These internal measures fall under regularization, observance of public service policies, augmented employer compliance, and identity administration.
Over the past decade, the government was able to standardize between sixty to one hundred thousand Muslim immigrants. Through the makeshift decision and administrative alterations policy, the government’s regulation attempt was effective. Secondly, public service providers’ observance measures have enabled the removal of boundaries placed on non-emergency healthcare access. The UK schools ensure that all the school-going children are in good health irrespective of their race or religion.
Besides, the amplified sections such as 7,500 dollars fine imposed on the employers who recruit illegal personnel are on the increase. Thus, the fines inflicted to the Muslim illegal-workers are directly imposed on the company owners.
Lastly, the biometric data identification is in place to assist in identifying the legitimate Muslim asylum seekers who opt to reside in the UK for more than six months. All these policies help the government in handling security matters through proper identification and reduced the degree of illegal entry of Muslims in to the UK.
The terrorism challenges faced by UK Muslim immigrants
The Muslims in the United Kingdom encounter a number of challenges related to terrorism conveyed by the anti-terrorism decrees put in place by the government. The Muslim defendants suffer vehemently from these statutes of anti-terrorism as stipulated in the empirical study conducted by the IRR (Institute of Race Relations).
There is only little conviction currently despite the rampant arrest of Muslim suspects that is estimated at hundreds. Moreover, the Muslims suffer from unmitigated laws of anti-terrorism that render them susceptible besides their perceptions as law violators and habitual criminals.
The Muslims’ supposed misdemeanors go unprosecuted by the authorities of immigration. The scenario has seen many Muslim immigrants face unlawful arrests for unheeded crimes like the credit cards swindles. The UK police officers excessively apply powers granted by the anti-terrorism decrees and brutally assault the innocent Muslims (Chen & Tsai 2010, p.450).
On the other hand, the British populace has a sense of disillusionment towards their Muslim counterparts thus Muslims live in fright of linkage to terrorism. The Muslims feared to be terrorists face deportation as passed in the harsh 2006 Terrorism Act. This act affects Muslims as well as other non-Muslims who are innocent but living in the UK thus a blessing in disguise. In addition, the recent unyielding enforcement and constraints concerning the eligibility of immigrants has affected Muslims negatively.
The Asylum and Immigration Bill 2003 proposed several restrictions and enforcement that render Muslims ineligible for staying in the UK. The well being and health status of Muslims in the UK deteriorates following the restriction in the provision of funds to the Asylum seekers who fail to apply in time (Ali 2008, p.30). Generally, the immigration laws in the UK are tighter and the introduction of contentious identification cards is underway. All these tend to affect the UK Muslims.
Interviews
According to Muslim immigrants interviewed in the research, it was apparent that Pakistanis face immense challenge when moving into the UK. A woman interviewee stated that seeking a visa from the UK embassy in Pakistan required her to undergo rigorous assessment from the police as well as the embassy representatives. Pakistanis travelling from the country to the UK are often considered as threats hence have to endure multiple cross-examinations.
The male interviewed in this study stated that the arrival at Heathrow was coupled with many challenges. The authorities sought to declare him an illegal immigrant despite having been granted a travel visa to the country. According to government officials who responded to this research, various guidelines are established to deal with Muslim population in the country. Government officials are expected to ensure that national security is not threatened by immigration.
Conclusion
Pakistani Muslims form a large group of people living in the United Kingdom. They have lived in the country for decades. The number continues to rise due to immigration. Pakistan immigrants face many challenges beginning from seeking travel documents in their country to getting admission in the UK.
In fact, the UK policy on Muslim immigrants is strict due to terrorism associated with Islam. Majority of young Muslims face challenges despite having been born in the country. The challenge is compounded for the immigrants irrespective of age or political association. The association of Pakistani immigrants with Islamic fundamentalism is developed by the worldview of non-Muslims.
References
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The racial policy of the United States has long historical roots, beginning with the oppression of the Indigenous population of America—their persecution, massacres, and the creation of reservations. After that, people from the African continent began to be brought as slaves; slavery was abolished by law only in 1883. Nowadays, laws regarding racial discrimination in the United States prohibit inequality, but in fact, they merely state racial differences. In addition, the problem remains in the minds of the people. Certain similarities may be detected between the experience of African-Americans and the challenges that confront Muslim-Americans today. This paper focuses on a range of historical events to reveal the parallels between them.
The Civil Rights Movement and 20th Century Discrimination
US presidents over the course of the country’s history have tried to address discrimination. One point of emphasis on Hoover’s policies as fair social policy. In 1929, the president held a series of meetings with large industrialists and forced them to promise not to reduce the wages of African-American employees (Horwitz). In 1932, the Great Depression reached its apogee: 12 million unemployed, a twofold decline in industrial production, and thousands of bankrupt companies and failing banks (Horwitz). Companies and banks that the president had tried to save with state infusions declared bankruptcy after a time of painful agony. It was not possible to keep wages at the same level. The unprecedented increase in public spending forced the Hoover administration to sharply raise taxes.
Roosevelt and his “New Deal” reform marked the emergence of the modern social state and the radical renewal of the social doctrine of liberalism. The core of these changes consisted of curbing the destructive market element and selfishness of narrow-group proprietary interests in the name of social stability and justice. It is noteworthy that the government refused to include provisions that might be inconsistent with the principle of equality of rights for white and colored workers in matters of employment. However, these discriminatory measures were excluded only in the codes concerning large enterprises, transport, and mining industries (Foner 718). The ability to discriminate against colored workers in small or private enterprises remained intact.
President Truman’s domestic policy was aimed at alleviating the socio-economic and racial contradictions in American society. In 1945, he addressed the Congress, proposing a number of measures to increase payment, Social Security, exclusion of discrimination in hiring on racial or religious grounds, and housing construction (Foner 887). The so-called “Economic Bill of Rights” was rejected by Congress as too expensive. The only exception was the employment law of 1946, which placed the government in charge of ensuring full employment.
Eisenhower’s presidency was also marked by racism. Under the influence of McCarthyism, the attacks on progressive forces that became a characteristic feature of the postwar domestic policy of American monopoly capital, fascist, racist, and other reactionary organizations grew steadily as militarism increased in the United States. All of these elements fiercely defended racism, seeking to inhibit the liberation movement with the help of terror, even to the point of the physical destruction of the most active fighters against racism. In the country, there was a bloody tradition of suppressing black people—the so-called lynch court. Moreover, in 1956, a block of States’ Rights Democratic Party representatives managed to obstruct the bill to prohibit the lynching of blacks.
Martin Luther King, the outstanding leader of the Civil Rights Movement, bitterly stated in 1963 that African-Americans lived on a “lonely island of poverty” in the “ocean of material prosperity” and felt themselves to be outlaws on their land (Patterson 78). The political leaders of the bourgeoisie were compelled to admit the truth of this statement, and President Kennedy noted that a Negro child born in the United States had half the chance of getting a profession, but was twice as likely to become unemployed. Racial segregation and discrimination affected not only black workers but also their families. For example, a black farmer received half as much income as a white one. An African-American with higher education received an average of almost 1.5 times less annually compared to a white specialist of the same qualification. The sphere of activity of doctors, teachers, lawyers, and other representatives of the black intelligentsia was still limited by the borders of the black ghetto and black clientele.
African-Americans continued to live in the midst of the most brutal police terror, persecution, and mockery, equally noted in all states. Congress was forced to deal with the crimes of the local police in relation to the African-American population of the country. However, not only were the local governments and the police of individual states to blame for cruelties and lawlessness but the federal government itself directly or indirectly contributed to the persistence of racial discrimination and subsequent segregation (Foner 969). Racial discrimination flourished in federal institutions as well as hospitals, schools, transportation, and housing facilities built with treasury funds. Private firms that grossly violated the constitutional rights of black citizens of the United States received millions of dollars in contracts on an annual basis from the federal government.
All of the above circumstances show that the general democratic endeavor faced by African-Americans was the need to fight against racial oppression in all spheres of public life. The black population no longer wanted and could not tolerate the state of affairs while not only the internal but also the international environment contributed to the rise of the struggle for liberation. Among the most important factors in this regard, above all, one may note the victorious national liberation movements in Africa and Asia, as well as in socialist countries. The Black Panther Party, an African-American organization that aims to promote the civil rights of the black population, may be noted as one example of the struggle against discrimination.
Discrimination in the 21st Century
The new millennium was marked by the inauguration of a new US president—George Bush. The growing criticism of his social policy was associated with the rejection of a broad list of international obligations, for example, the refusal of the United States to participate in the UN conference against racism, racial discrimination, and xenophobia (“Full text: George Bush’s Address on the Start of War”).
Juxtaposing the issues regarding African-American discrimination with American Muslims, it is possible to note that the latter are just as patriotic and as integrated into American society as any other ethnicity in the United States. According to the estimates of the Pew Research Center, there were about 3.3 million Muslims in 2015 composing approximately 1 percent of the country’s total population (Lipka). Judging by the fact that the leader of the organization of black Muslims, “Nation of Islam” Farrakhan, held the so-called “Million Man March” in 1995, protesting against US social policy, no significant changes had occurred. The election of Barack Obama as US president did not solve the problem, it only aggravated it.
Nowadays, the United States continues to experience social upheaval related to discrimination against the black population of the country. A new form of racism—police racism—is once again putting people on the streets, demanding the expansion of civil rights, reforming the justice system, and eliminating social and economic inequalities. In 2015, a meeting in Washington was attended by several thousand people on the 20th anniversary of the “Million Man March.” The Black Lives Matter movement can also be noted. The reason for the mass action was not only the persistence of social problems but also the growth of police violence against African-Americans over the past year. During the presidency of Obama, the American police transformed into a severe machine, in fact, a criminalized structure, the representatives of which are likely to receive a license for violence in advance. Shooting unarmed people, including children and adolescents, and beating pregnant women, not to mention more cruel actions—all became the norm of life in the United States. Violence against the weak and indifference to the suffering of people were the reasons for the abuse of power by law enforcement officers.
Since September 11, 2001, and attacks in many European countries, discrimination and hostility toward Muslims have become commonplace. The so-called “Arab Spring” and ISIL presented the Islamic world amid scenes of violence and bloodshed and became a platform for all sorts of dangerous actions. Another example involves the hundreds of North Dakota residents who opposed the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline leading from North Dakota to Illinois. Among the protesters were representatives of the Indian reservation Standing Rock, who argued that the construction affects their sacred burial grounds. In response, policemen were forced to use water cannons against a group of demonstrators gathered at a bridge over the Missouri River near the Indian settlement of Cannonball.
Before and after the most recent presidential election, President Trump called for a ban on Muslims entering the United States as well as importuning mosques to resolve the problem. However, earlier in his speech, the president argued that “we will work with our allies, including our friends and allies in the Muslim world, to extinguish this vile enemy from our planet” (Trump). The president limited the entry into the country of citizens from countries with a predominantly Muslim population such as Iran, Iraq, Yemen, Libya, Syria, Somalia, and Sudan for 90 days.
The executive order issued by President Trump imposing restrictions on entry into the country for citizens of several Muslim countries not only caused protests inside the United States but also provoked a reaction in the international arena. Thousands of Americans took part in demonstrations in several airports in the country. World media and politicians condemned the order, claiming that it is directed against Muslims and discriminates against them as terrorism has no nationality, and discrimination is not the answer. As many countries believe, accepting refugees is a duty based on solidarity. However, Trump answered that this is a false interpretation as his orders will help to protect the country’s borders and more effectively combat the terrorist threat.
Conclusion
Thus, the presented events show that discrimination in the United States remains a rather complicated issue. Even though certain laws and regulations are accepted by the government, unequal treatment lives in the minds of people and in the system itself. There is a definite transition of discrimination toward African-Americans to Muslim-Americans despite their different backgrounds and timeframe.
The contemporary society is sensitive to the forms of dressing depicted by various communities. Wearing of the veil by the Muslim women has been viewed differently by some groups especially those affiliated with the Western culture.
Some values within the Islamic culture require women to observe such dress code, and thus the public’s criticisms surrounding wearing the veil tend to collide with these values. Consequently, the media, feminist movements, human rights agencies, and the public have their understanding of veiling the Muslim women. This paper seeks to analyze the different viewpoints and reactions surrounding the hijab issue.
Introduction
The Islamic culture values the veil as an important garment that complements the expected dressing code. Muslims refer the veil or headscarf as hijab, which means “cover” in the Arabic language (Bullock, 2002). The shift towards the postmodern culture has brought about secularization, which has had an impact on the perception of wearing the veil among the Muslim women.
For this reason, the wearing of the veil among the Muslim women has been a topic of heated debate in the 21st Century. Some parties have questioned whether it is an obligation of faith or symbol of the Muslim women’s oppression. This paper will seek to analyze the different aspects that influence the Western world’s perspective on wearing of the veil by the Muslim women
The West’s View on the Islamic Vail
The West perceives the hijab as a symbol of oppression of Muslim women. Feminists and the media have propagated this claim since they regard Islamic women who wear the veil as an oppressed group that is suffering in enslavement. Human rights advocates have refuted this claim by arguing that socio-economic factors attribute to the oppression of women even in non-Islamic states.
The rationale behind this argument is that the exposure of almost naked women in billboards, commercials, and the entertainment industry in the Western societies is an explicit depiction of oppression (Goodwin, 2002). The Western world tends to be characterized by secular social and economic structures and they arguably intend to spread the culture to other societies including the Arabic region. For this reason, the capitalistic society has created economic disparities, and thus women are ready to expose their bodies in commercials and the entertainment sector in a bid to elevate their economic and social status.
The Western media has played a significant part in influencing the people’s perspectives on the hijab issue. The media has advocated for a “fashion revolution” in countries such as Iran where women have responded by organizing fashion shows that indicate new adjustment to the way the hijab is worn (Waterlow, 2015). The justification of “fashion revolution” in Iran is that it is a representation of the modern Iranian women for audiences beyond the Iranian borders (Gehrke-White, 2007). In this regard, the media tends to initiate a revolution that seeks the abandonment of the veil dressing traditions.
The media has been in a position to associate the Muslims’ dress code with terrorism. According to Gehrke-White (2007), in particular, the hijab is thought to be a strategy to conceal one’s identity in the acts of terrorism. Consequently, the veiling of the Muslim women has resulted in stereotypes that link the dress code to negativity, hence influencing the public’s understanding of the wearing of the Hijab.
The feminists of the modern world tend to lean towards the idea that Muslims need to be liberated from the cultural shackles that force them to dress in a particular way. They have condemned the code of dressing as portrayed by the Muslims women. According to Bullock (2002), the young feminists mostly from the West tend to reject their femininity instead of celebrating it. For this reason, they influence the Muslim women to apply makeup, dress according to the trending fashion, alter their hair, carry handbags, and wear high-heeled shoes. To them, this aspect implies liberation, and thus they seek to spread it to the Islamic culture.
The Importance and Value of the Islamic Veil to Women
The Muslim women wear the veil for reasons based on their cultural values. Most of the women believe that the veil should be worn to fulfill God’s commandment for modesty (Ali-Karamali, 2008). Therefore, it becomes a woman’s personal choice to wear the veil as a form of expressing devotion to God. The Islamic culture expects women to be humble in all their approaches, and thus wearing the veil after one goes through the puberty phase is a show that she is not bragging for the achievement.
The hijab has been valued as a way of openly expressing the women’s Islamic identity. The essence behind this argument is to portray the women’s political and social affiliation, thus challenging any criticisms of the West towards the Islamic culture and especially the role of women (Bullock, 2002). In this light, women could be easily identified as a gender that has its political and social position in the Islamic culture. Therefore, Muslim women tend to express their ability to make independent decisions without fear of being criticized based on religious teachings.
The Islamic culture upholds that what is not necessary for the public eye should be kept private (Goodwin, 2002). In this light, matters of the house should be held within the private sphere whereby women are not expected to expose their bodies to the public, but only to their husbands. Men are considered to be easily aroused by a woman’s physical complexity when exposed; hence, veiling women fosters self-control on sexuality matters.
The Quran provides that veiling is highly appropriate so that women may be known, and thus not be harassed. This assertion implies that the veil is essential clothing that frees women from being viewed as sexual objects of desire. Additionally, the veil symbolizes that a woman has been committed to only one man hence limiting all others from approaching them. Therefore, in Islam, the veil acts as a shield that fosters women to be viewed as intellectual individuals rather than being valued for their physical appearance.
Additionally, wearing the veil together with other garments such as the kameez, jellabas, and salvar adds value to the dressing expectations among the Muslim women (Ali-Karamali, 2008). This aspect implies that wearing such garments ensures comfort in instances such as breastfeeding in the public without attracting attention. The veils can also be used to protect the breastfeeding children from flies and dust, which underscores the health consciousness of Muslim mothers. Therefore, the veil and other garments are valued by Muslim women as a way of celebrating their motherhood functions in a decent manner.
Human Rights Activists’ View on the Veil
Agencies concerned with human rights issues regarding the veil have approached the topic from different viewpoints. Bullock (2002) argues that the human rights’ perspective on veiling of the Muslim women is concerned with the aspects of gender equality and freedom of expression. Some human rights activists consider the wearing of the hijab as a human right. This observation is a reaction towards the allegations that the wearing of the hijab is a symbol of oppression of the Muslim women.
The basis of this human rights perspective is against the notion that women wear the veil as a show of submission to men and they would discard the veils once they attain freedom. According to Bullock (2002), the Western world’s negative attitude towards the hijab has further been disapproved by some human rights activists who support their arguments by insisting that women are comfortable wearing the veil. The veil is considered as a way of controlling both the men and women’s sexual desires, and thus condemning the hijab is similar to infringement of one’s sexual rights.
On the other hand, some activists have advocated against legislations that make it mandatory for women to wear the veil. An Iranian activist won the International Human Rights Award for campaigning against the Hijab. Masih Alinejad, a journalist, received the award for continuously supporting the Iranian women who decided not cover their heads with the veil since they had a right to choose what to wear (Dehghan, 2015).
After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the authorities in Iran passed a legislation that required all women to wear the veil in public and government facilities (Ali-Karamali, 2008). This move was perceived as a violation of human rights, hence it necessitated advocacy against the discriminative law. Masih Alinejad used the social media to drive the agenda, thus giving a voice to the ‘voiceless’ in the Iranian society (Dehghan, 2015).
Conclusion
The veiling of the Muslim women has elicited mixed reactions from groups such as feminists and human rights advocates. Most Muslim women perceive the wearing of the veil as a personal choice since religious doctrines do not force one to put on the veil. The Western world understands the wearing of the hijab as a manifestation of oppression and submission to men. This perception has been facilitated by the media, human rights agencies, and feminist movements.
References
Ali-Karamali, S. (2008). The Muslim Next Door: The Qur’an, the Media, and That Veil Thing. Ashland, OR: White Cloud Press.
Bullock, K. (2002). Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil: Challenging Historical & Modern Stereotypes. Surrey, UK: International Institute of Islamic Thought.
In My Life as a Muslim in the West’s ‘Gray Zone,’ Lalami (2015) discusses the concept of a ‘Gray Zone’ and its place in the life of Muslims of the West. “The ‘Gray Zone’ is the space inhabited by any Muslim who has not joined the ranks of either ISIS or the crusaders” (Lalami, par. 4). Lalami’s main point is that it is essential to maintain the ‘Gray Zone,’ as it is how millions of people around the world live in times of military conflicts, and it implies the peaceful co-existence of religions. On the contrary, the elimination of ‘Gray Zone’ – the situation when all Muslims have to choose sides due to external pressure – will strengthen such terrorist organizations as ISIS.
The author demonstrates the struggles of Muslims in Western societies through stories that include the Paris attack of November 13, various oppression attempts, and hate crimes against Muslims in the USA (Lalami, 2015). Lalami demonstrates that each case of terrorist attack negatively affects Muslim communities as they become subjects of suspicion and are expected to condemn terrorism repeatedly (Lalami, 2015). This constant pressure from civilians, politicians, and media diminishes the ‘Gray Zone,’ therefore bolstering ISIS. Lalami also discusses the impacts of constant questioning and suspicion towards Muslims on the lives of current Muslim children who have the ambition to take part in various aspects of the life of their state. The attitudes and even hatred of various stakeholders towards Muslims can potentially narrow these Muslims’ choices and freedoms.
Analysis
Regarding Lalami’s support for her argument, she uses the information about ISIS’s goals from its magazine and her interpretation of events in the US, such as the President’s speech, as well as governors’ and senators’ statements. While the author’s logic about the effects of polarization in society is clear, she does not demonstrate evidence to support her claims. Moreover, the argument that societal pressure leads to the strengthening of ISIS is based on the claims of ISIS itself. There may be a considerable distance between radicalization of a Muslim person in Western society due to a spike of hate and direct support of ISIS later.
Regarding the organization of the text, Lalami establishes the goals of ISIS; then, she demonstrates how some figures in the West push people in the direction of these goals. The author primarily uses informal diction, as she portrays the picture that directly reflects the surrounding reality. Regarding specific words, Lalami extensively uses the terms created by ISIS – ‘Gray Zone’ and its derivatives. The author’s simple, but at some points, very emotional language seems to target a mass audience. Lalami uses a serious and worried tone for her text, which is especially prominent in the second half of the work. The author demonstrates some level of bias regarding the subject, which is understandable, as she shares her own experience and the experience of the religious group to which she belongs. The bias is pronounced through the fact that Lalami rarely analyzes the opposing points of view.
Reference
Lalami, L. (2015). My life as a Muslim in the West’s ‘‘Gray Zone’.’ The New York Times Magazine. Web.