Category: Military

Memorandum for Privatization of Tupolev Division

It is proposed to take over the Tupolev Military Aircraft Production Unit from the Russian Government since it is not, presently, in a position, for financial reasons, to build military helicopters here. The plant capacity is idle at the moment, and running at severe losses, due to non-production of aircraft. Although the Russians have expressed reservations over the sale of a unit which has strategic defense overtures, the only way this company could be bailed out from future insolvency, is through a complete takeover. The Russian Government is not in a position to invest heavily to rejuvenate this industry, nor is there any entrepreneur, in the private or public sector in Soviet Russia, capable of massive doses of investments needed to take over this ailing industry.

However, the major aspects to the deal would be with regard to the financial restructuring of Tupolev Division. Formerly it was a military defense production installation with focus on production, delivery and military operationability. With the breakup and disintegration of the erstwhile Soviet Russia into different confederations, this unit now ceases to have any military significance. Lloyds main reason for staking its claim for a buyout is because it has a good Research and Development Wing, which could be optimized with its proposed integration to Lloyds. US Military analysts have admitted that Russian aircraft technology has a definite edge over American technology. The main thrust areas for converting into a profit center would be:

• Layoff of excessive work force
• Introduction of modern management tools and techniques including TQM, Six Sigma, PERT, CPM and Just in inventory control systems
• Introducing a decentralized and delegated work flow culture with accountability moving upwards instead of the present highly centralized work culture.
• Installing individual Profit centers for each division with departmental heads in full functional control and mandatory weekly performance reporting to the CEO.

Regulatory arrangements with the Russian Government

Our Company, Lloyd Aviation Company have a lot in common with Tupolev- we are both in the helicopter business and both have high production capacities, to produce and install advanced civil, military helicopters and aircrafts, used mainly for defense, agricultural and Surveillance purposes. Our helicopters rank as one of the best in the world markets and are in heavy demand. Our main need, at this hour is to use Tupolevs idle infrastructure for making civilian helicopters at economical rates that could be sold in the Lloyds growing markets in the US and other markets around the world.

Moreover, with the present state of Tupolev, it is possible to buy out the unit at a very economical price. The financial implications of the buyout can be worked out, after the Board of Directors, in principle, decides to go ahead with the proposed buyout. This is after the proposal is placed at the general meeting of Directors of the Company for seeking their ratification for the proposed buy out. The Cost Benefit analysis and financial evaluation of the proposed deal shall be separately delivered to the Board of Directors for their perusal and necessary action in the matter. It is believed that the acquisition of Tupolev by Lloyd Aviation Company would result in making of low cost civilian helicopters that could be used for Lloyds burgeoning markets in the country and abroad.

The regulatory arrangements that Lloyds needs to make with the Russian Government is first to seek the permission, and the consent of the Russian Parliament, with regard to the proposed takeover. The Department of Military Aviation also needs to be taken into confidence with regard to the proposed takeover. Since there are major concerns, that this takeover may compromise the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Soviet Russia, the deal being with regard to sale of a military helicopters Company, the Russian Government and people need to be assured that all matters dealing with the deal would be treated with utmost confidentiality and secrecy, both within and outside the country. The deal would be given the significance and weightage that is due to a strategic military alliance and would not be allowed to be compromised at any cost. Moreover, the permission of the stakeholders of Lloyd Aviation Co. is required, since the Company is a listed one and needs approval of the majority Board of Directors and stakeholders at the General meeting.

The same set of documents applies to the normative and methodological support of the educational process of crew resource management training in both civilian and military subsystems. Within the framework of both trainings, there is a state educational standard of vocational education; a curriculum, curricula of disciplines, and an educational and methodological complex of disciplines. However, approaches to the compilation of these documents, and their content in military and civilian crew resource management training have certain differences.

In the practice of military crew resource management training, the development of the curriculum is preceded by the development and active use of a structural and logical scheme in the field of training. The structural and logical scheme is a document reflecting the list of disciplines studied and the graphical relationship between all disciplines of the field of training. Disciplines are arranged by levels, while each level is the corresponding stage of training, and communication lines indicate which knowledge of previous disciplines is necessary for the presentation and assimilation of subsequent disciplines (Read & Charles, 2018). The presence of such a document allows us to reasonably describe the inputs and outputs for each discipline being studied and excludes cases of planning disciplines in relation to which the necessary material has not yet been read and studied by students. The presence of a structural and logical scheme allows to formation of a curriculum in which disciplines are studied in a strict logical sequence. Thus, cases are excluded when disciplines are studied for which the material has not yet been presented earlier.

A mandatory element of the work programs of the military crew resource management training is a description of the inputs and outputs for this discipline. In accordance with the structural and logical scheme for the discipline being studied, the work program describes the input, implying which disciplines and their corresponding sections should be mastered by this moment, and the output, implying which subsequent disciplines use the material of the studied discipline. At the same time, it was described in the international standards of the ISO 9000 quality management system, so it was used by the military crew resource management training for a long time (Wakeman & Langham, 2018). This approach in the civil crew resource management training was systematically used only in the formation of work programs according to the state educational standards of the third generation.

The structure of the educational and methodological complex of disciplines according to the educational standards of the second generation of civil crew resource management training includes a calendar plan. The educational and methodological complex of military universities includes a thematic plan (Read & Charles, 2018). Their purpose is similar, but the calendar plan revealed only the topic of the classes held. In the thematic plan, in addition to the topic, it is indicated which issues should be considered in the lesson, with the involvement of which aviation equipment and with the use of which basic and additional literature.

Currently, in the civil crew resource management training for the disciplines of the state educational standards of the third generation, a calendar plan is not being formed  it has been transformed into an application of work programs called the structure and content of the discipline in the field of training (Gabrielli et al., 2020). This application contains expanded information in comparison with the calendar plan: topics and questions of the training conducted. However, in comparison with the thematic plan, there is no information on the attracted aviation base and methodological support for specific types of classes.

The analysis of educational and methodological complexes of disciplines of military crew resource management training, especially in terms of conducting practical classes, shows the strict orientation of methodological materials to specific objects of future professional activity of graduate officers. Educational and methodological complex is not general, but specific. The higher military crew resource management training studies the design, manufacture, and operation of aviation resources in service, the nomenclature of which is limited. As a rule, the educational and methodological complex is supported by an appropriate material base for the studied technique (Gabrielli et al., 2020). Therefore, the period of adaptation of graduates of the military crew resource management training, who are well acquainted with the objects of the upcoming activity, is either formal or a very limited period of time. Young officers immediately receive admission to work and begin to perform their official duties.

In civilian crew resource management training, it is difficult to focus on specific resources. Their nomenclature, as a rule, is wide, therefore, there is a tendency for the predominance of theoretical material over practical, the separation of methodological material from the needs of production (Read & Charles, 2018). This trend leads to the fact that graduates of civilian crew resource management training are poorly adapted to future professional activities.

These differences make it possible to rigidly structure methodological support at different hierarchical levels  from the state educational standard to a separate discipline, to ensure a consistent and logical presentation and assimilation of the material. Thus, there are many positive examples in the practice of military crew resource management training. One of the reasons for success is the presence of regulatory requirements for the components of methodological support, and periodic review of these requirements taking into account the analysis of the activities of graduates of military crew resource management training. The positive experience of military crew resource management training in the field of methodological support should be studied and, if appropriate, used in the practice of civilian crew resource management training.

References

Gabrielli, G., Russo, V., & Ciceri, A. (2020). Understanding organizational aspects for managing crisis situations: A comparison between military and civil organizations. Journal of Organizational Change Management, 33(1), 2949.

Read, K., & Charles, R. (2018). Understanding teamwork errors in royal air force air traffic control. Safety Science, 109(8), 3645.

Wakeman, D., & Langham, M. R. (2018). Creating a safer operating room: Groups, team dynamics and crew resource management principles. Seminars in Pediatric Surgery, 27(2), 107113.

Introduction

The military is one of the most vulnerable populations in relation to physical and mental health and social work. People who have participated in a war killed someone or became injured due to others actions take much time to recover. Sometimes, the hardships experienced during ones military service cannot be overcome, and they remain with a person for the rest of life, making it impossible to adapt to post-service society.

The topic of the present research is the social adaptation of former members of the military to civilian life. This theme is highly significant since many of the veterans cannot find their place in the new environment that does not involve aspects of their past professional lives. Usually, former military officers find it difficult to communicate with people due to a lack of understanding. Additionally, veterans may feel uncomfortable in new settings and isolated due to the lack of their comrades. Having lived in the harshest conditions, these people may find it challenging to live in a comfortable house and not be alert all of the time.

The focus of the review is the analysis of scholarly literature dedicated to the problems of the former military. Thus, there is an intention to describe the life of veterans as a social issue on the basis of research articles. The purpose of the review is related to the fact that an opportunity to serve is provided either to US citizens or permanent residents who have already received a resident status before joining. The period for which a contract is signed ranges from two to six years (Leal & Teigen, 2018).

This makes it possible to maintain a sufficient number of military service members and involve immigrants in helping the USA while also benefiting themselves. As of 2019, about 1,282,000 troops are engaged in the US military (Total available, 2019). Of this number, 3% (approximately 40,000) are men and women born outside of the USA (Total available, 2019).

The target population for this study is composed of former service members in the category of first-generation Latinos whose exact number is unknown and who took the decision of remaining in the US after serving in the US military. The review incorporates a statement of the social problem and its scope. Further, the significance of the researched problem is analyzed in connection with social work. The conclusion of the review offers a brief summary of what has been found on the selected topic.

Statement of the Social Problem

Social adaptation of former members of the military to civilian life is a unique and significant area of inquiry. When considering the cases of former military and their subsequent retirement, Terziev (2018a) notes that they are in difficult conditions. Specifically, individuals may feel uncomfortable due to reasons such as having information deficit, a level of hostility, and the inability to get used to a new environment (Terziev, 2018a, p. 620).

There is a variety of factors that can be affected by the transition process, including social status, living conditions, new aims in life, further occupational development, and others (Terziev, 2018b). A rather crucial thing in this list is ones social circle and the need to adapt to its new dimension. Terziev (2018b) emphasizes that all of the alterations faced by the former military are embedded in the personality and psychological changes of each individual and are different for each person.

Pease, Billera, and Gerard (2015) focus on the transition to civilian life in general and point out that this process is fraught with challenges in interacting both with other people and with loved ones. A long absence and the need to adapt to new living conditions create a barrier that is difficult to overcome without appropriate support (Pease et al., 2015). As a result, a person becomes tired psychologically and experiences frequent stress and anxiety, conditions that are detrimental to mental health. Hachey, Sudom, Sweet, MacLean, and VanTil (2016) emphasize the importance of social support provided to former military personnel. In their opinion, a soldier who has certain mental and physical health problems feels frightened when caught in an unusual environment (Hachey et al., 2016).

In the case of first-generation Latino immigrants who have served in the USA armed forces and remained in this country after separation, the situation seems to consist of many interconnecting parts. The latter include communication challenges, estrangement from family members, and some others. Blackburn (2016) argues that the transition to civilian life among the military and social adaptation may be difficult due to the lack of supporting resources and motivation, as well as the attitudes and behavior of the individual. In other words, the passiveness of the authorities regarding the issue of assistance to the target population can affect the lives of former members as well as the individuals actions.

Hence, it is necessary to identify the lived experiences of former first-generation Latinos who decided to remain in the USA after transitioning from service. One of the aspects to be observed during the study is identifying the blocks and/or barriers which this population might have experienced. A viable perspective would be to establish whether sufficient resources are provided and if so, whether the service members are taking the necessary steps to utilize these services.

One of the key terms of the current study is acculturation, which is used to focus on the problem of social interaction of former military personnel with the civilian population. According to Kelly (2016), acculturation is the phenomenon that involves a change in worldview when finding oneself in a new social environment. Wong (2017) reports that in relation to former Latino military service members, the process of acculturation is highly significant.

Thus, the present study is confirmed by relevant findings from scholarly literature, which indicates the need for further research on the topic. The research theme has the potential to contribute to the conversation on transitioned first-generation Latino military service members who remained in the USA. The ultimate goal is to identify this populations perceptions through their experience.

Significance of the Problem

The selected topic of investigation is closely associated with social work since this occupations representatives are the ones who have the potential to help the former military to adapt to the new environment. Terziev and Dimitrova (2014) note that social work can be viewed in three major dimensions: as a branch of knowledge, as an object of study, and in the interaction with people and society. The third dimension is the most relevant to the purpose of the current study. The problem of the former servicemens adaptation to civilian life falls into the scope of social workers duties. Specific features of social work with the retired military involve transparency, equal distribution of services, and respect toward the transitioned servicemen (Terziev & Dimitrova, 2014).

The role of social workers in the process of former military peoples adaptation is emphasized by Carrola and Corbin-Burdick (2015). Scholars note that social workers most crucial duty is to view the situation of each veteran as a whole rather than singling out only psychological problems. Carrola and Corbin-Burdick (2015) argue that holistic interventions should be designed when working with the former military. The authors emphasize that if social workers do not pay due attention to every individual veteran, they risk stigmatizing all veterans as a group unintentionally.

When conducting social work with former servicemen, specialists need to arrange a complex cultural transition for better accommodation in the new environment. Since the rules of military and civilian settings are different, social workers have to pay due consideration to each veterans adaptation plan (Cooper, Caddick, Godier, Cooper, & Fossey, 2018, p. 156). Additionally, as Hachey et al. (2016) note, social workers need to make sure that veterans receive proper social support from family and friends, as well as cultivate the sense of community belonging in the transitioned servicemen.

Conclusion

The review of literature is an effective way of investigating the prospective research question and crystallizing it. The conducted literature review allows making some crucial conclusions in regard to the research topic. Most importantly, the analysis of scholarly studies made it possible to identify the most significant aspects of the problem, as well as some gaps in the existing literature. Specifically, researchers investigate the problem of former service peoples adaptation and discuss the premises of social work with such individuals. However, there is not much discussion of the first-generation Latino military who experience transitioning.

This aspect enables narrowing down the research question to the analysis of the defined population groups lived experience associated with the decision to remain in the USA after transitioning. Thus, it is viable to say that the reviewed scholarly studies have enriched the knowledge on the topic and promoted further understanding of the research question and goals.

References

Blackburn, D. (2016). Transitioning from military to civilian life: Examining the final step in a military career. Canadian Military Journal, 16(4), 53-61.

Carrola, P., & Corbin-Burdick, M. F. (2015). Counseling military veterans: Advocating for culturally competent and holistic interventions. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 37(1), 1-14.

Cooper, L., Caddick, N., Godier, L., Cooper, A., & Fossey, M. (2018). The transition from the military into civilian life: An exploration of cultural competence. Armed Forces & Society, 44(1), 156-177.

Hachey, K. K., Sudom, K., Sweet, J., MacLean, M. B., & VanTil, L. D. (2016). Transitioning from military to civilian life: The role of mastery and social support. Journal of Military, Veteran and Family Health, 2(1), 9-18.

Kelly, D. R. (2016). Applying acculturation theory and power elite theory on a social problem: Political underrepresentation of the Hispanic population in Texas. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 38(2), 155-165.

Leal, D. L., & Teigen, J. M. (2018). Military service and political participation in the United States: Institutional experience and the vote. Electoral Studies, 53, 99-110.

Pease, J. L., Billera, M., & Gerard, G. (2015). Military culture and the transition to civilian life: Suicide risk and other considerations. Social Work, 61(1), 83-86.

Terziev, V. (2018a). Building a model of social and psychological adaptation. IJASOS  International E-Journal of Advances in Social Sciences, 4(12), 619-627.

Terziev, V. (2018b). Possible aspects of occupational and psychological adaptation of the military, discharged from military service and their families to a new activity life cycle. International E-Journal of Advances in Social Sciences, 4(12), 786-794.

Terziev, V., & Dimitrova, S. (2014). Social adaptation as a social process in the adaptation of military personnel. EBES 2014 Anthology, 28-44.

Total available active military manpower by country. (2019). Web.

Wong, M. J. (2017). Culture-bound syndromes: Racial/ethnic differences in the experience and expression of ataques de nervios. Web.

Introduction

Sexual harassment and abuse are prevalent problems in the United States army. The issue extends the boundaries of one unit, department, or organization, affecting people throughout the military system. According to the Department of Defense (2020), the prevalence of sexual harassment complaints grew by three percent in comparison with the previous year, and this number keeps increasing (6). Multiple factors are contributing to the development of this problem. This essay will address sexual assaults in the U.S. military, examine possible causes, and acknowledge possible solutions.

Causes

Toxic Leadership and Lack of Training

The first reason for sexual assaults to be so prevalent in the U.S. military is the widespread culture of rape acceptance perpetuated by unsporting management and lack of training. Sadler et al. (2018) claim that sexual assault is perceived as an expected job-related risk for military service. This belief shows that despite applicable regulations and official opposition towards such misconduct, it is widely normalized since new recruits receive little to no education on the topic. Furthermore, the existing problem is worsened by the fact that rape acceptance is prevalent among colonels and higher-ranking members of the Army (Sadler et al. 2018). This behavior is expressed by non-compliance with the written policies regulating sexual assault, indifference to employee complaints, minimization of the issue, and inability to identify sexual harassment. Lack of training and insufficient leadership constitute the overarching problem of sexual harassment acceptance.

Underreporting

The second primary cause of underreporting and, consequently, growing sexual assault trends is the inadequate legal framework for addressing harassment claims. In addition to the uncompliant leaders who are unwilling to investigate and act of sexual harassment concerns, there is also a factor of collateral damage to the victim that stops them from reporting the incidents. More specifically, a large portion of sexual abuse victims is women and men aged 17-20 (Skopp et al. 2019). These people are unwilling to share their experiences due to the fact that they were illegally drinking during the accident (Skopp et al. 2019). Apart from the legal and work-related consequences, their underreporting behavior is also perpetuated by the abusers intimidation.

Solution

To effectively address and solve the current issue of sexual abuse within the Army, applicable legal framework and management acceptance should be implanted. Firstly, as it concerns training and leadership, educational programs on acknowledging, reporting, and addressing procedures should be conducted (Sadler et al. 2018). Through this measure, the employees will be aware of the consequences of sexual misconduct, while management will have the tools and knowledge to respond to harassment complaints (Sadler et al. 2018). Secondly, the legal framework should be updated to minimize the collateral damage for the victims. While disciplinary punishment will still apply, it will replace harsh legal repercussions that stop victims from seeking justice and recovery (Skopp et al. 2019). That way, the abusers will be more likely to be identified and prosecuted.

Conclusion

To conclude, it is safe to state that sexual harassment is an issue that extends beyond individuals and affects the whole U.S. military system by creating an unsafe and threatening environment for protecting the country. Factors of rape normalization among commanders, as well as fear of reporting, constitute the central reasoning behind this alarming trend. To address this problem, the Army officials should encourage leaders to support sexual assault victims and implement a new policy regarding the investigation process that will protect the victims instead of promoting the abusers. Serving the country is impossible in an environment where one cannot trust their peers and managers in times of hardship. Creating a climate where every person will feel safe and supported will encourage change making and collaboration, as well as promote integrity.

References

Sadler, Anne, Lindsay, Douglas, Hunter, Samuel, and Day, David. 2018. The Impact of Leadership on Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault in The Military. Military Psychology 30(3): 252-263. Web.

Skopp, Nancy, Hoyt, Timothy, Icon, Heath, and Williams, Tammy. 2019. Army Sexual Harassment/Sexual Assault Response & Prevention Program (SHARP) Tiger Team: A Model to Inform Prevention. Military Behavioral Health 8(1): 64-73. Web.

U.S. Department of Defense. 2020. Fiscal Year 2019 Annual Report on Sexual Assault in the Military. No. 20301-4000. Web.

Difficulties getting help from the VA

The Veterans Health Administration (VHA) is the biggest integrated healthcare system in the United States. It has 1,255 health care facilities, comprising 170 VA Medical Centers and 1,074 outpatient care centers of different complexity (Clair et al. 802). The VHA has been criticized for its inability to provide proper treatment to veterans, especially those with mental health disorders, despite its size. Due in part to a paucity of physicians, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) concluded in a 2014 study that VA medical facilities (VAMCs) did not always offer timely access to mental health treatment. In addition, a recent investigation by the Office of Inspector General (OIG) revealed that VHA personnel throughout the nation faked appointment data to make it seem like veterans were obtaining treatment promptly, while in fact many were waiting months or even years to be seen.

The difficulties in getting treatment at the VHA extend beyond mental health care. The GAO reported in a 2015 study that veterans often lacked timely access to general care, specialized care, and dental care. The GAO ascribed the delays to a variety of causes, including a scarcity of providers, the need of VHA clearance for certain treatments, and the fact that some VAMCs were understaffed. The VHA has made significant strides in enhancing access to care, but there is still more work to be done. The GAO reported in a 2016 study that the VHA has made headway in lowering wait times for general care visits but not for specialized care appointments (Clair et al. 802). In addition, the GAO determined that the VHA had not made enough progress in lowering appointment wait times for mental health treatment.

The VHA has had trouble providing thousands of veterans with the necessary treatment. The American Legion discovered in a 2014 study of veterans that just 45 percent of respondents were happy with the quality of their treatment at the VHA. In addition, just 35% of respondents indicated satisfaction with the timeliness of their VHA service (Clair et al. 802). There are many reasons why veterans have had trouble receiving treatment from the VHA.

In other instances, veterans had to wait months or even years to see a doctor. In other instances, veterans have received care from clinicians who lacked the required training to address their special requirements. In other instances, veterans have been refused treatment entirely. Understaffing is one of the most significant concerns facing the VHA. In a 2014 study, the GAO determined that the VHA lacked sufficient providers to satisfy veterans requirements (Clair et al. 802). In addition, the GAO found that the VHA was not effectively using the physicians it did have, resulting in lengthy appointment wait times.

Another issue with the VHA is that it is often difficult for veterans to get timely treatment. The GAO reported in a 2014 study that veterans often had to wait months or even years to be seen by a clinician (Clair et al. 802). In addition, the GAO found that the VHA was not effectively using the physicians it did have, resulting in lengthy appointment wait times. In addition to access issues, the VHA has been challenged for the quality of treatment it offers. Due in part to a dearth of clinicians, the GAO concluded in a 2014 study that the VHA did not always offer timely access to mental health treatment. In addition, a recent investigation by the Office of Inspector General (OIG) revealed that VHA personnel throughout the nation faked appointment data to make it seem like veterans were obtaining treatment promptly, while in fact many were waiting months or even years to be seen.

Difficulty transitioning to civilian life

Soldiers and their families get a lot of benefits and services from the U.S. military, but it can be hard to go back to civilian life. There are many reasons for this, such as the loss of structure and support that the military gives, the difficulty of finding a job and adjusting to a new academic or work environment, and the fact that many veterans do not have a support system in place. Many veterans find it hard to get used to life without the structure and support that the military gives (Derefinko et al. 384). Soldiers are used to following a strict schedule every day and having the help of their fellow soldiers. When they leave the military, they often have to find a job and make their own schedule. Even for people who have been in the military for a long time, this can be hard to get used to. In addition, many veterans find it hard to connect with people who have not been through the same things they have. This can make a person feel alone and isolated.

Finding a job is another hard thing for veterans to do when they return to civilian life. Many veterans have skills that are in demand, but they might not have the credentials that are needed to work in the civilian world (Derefinko et al. 384). Because of this, it can be hard for them to find a job that matches their skills and experience. In addition, veterans may have trouble getting used to a new school or work environment. Many veterans choose to use their G.I. Bill or other veteran benefits to help with this transition, but they arent always prepared for the trouble they may have getting along with their peers, the feeling of being alone, or the risk of being socially shunned because of their political views or bad memories of their time in the military.

Lastly, the U.S. military assumes that all veterans will go home to a place where they can get help. However, many veterans do not have this kind of help. This can happen because a parent has died, a couple has split up, or a veterans grown children have moved away. This can make veterans feel like the world has moved on without them and that they no longer belong in it. This can make it more likely for veterans to be homeless and use drugs, both of which can lead to suicide. Many veterans find it hard to adjust to life as a civilian, but there are many things that can help. These resources include the Veterans Crisis Line, the Department of Veterans Affairs, and several non-profit organizations. With the right help, many veterans can make a smooth transition back to life as a civilian.

Social stigmas

There are two main types of social stigmas that veterans face when they leave the military: those related to their military service and those related to the fact that they are veterans. The first group is made up of stereotypes and biases about soldiers and the military that can make it hard for veterans to find work, a place to live, and social acceptance. In the second group are things like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety that make it hard for veterans to adjust to civilian life (Monteith et al. 373). Because of these problems, it can be hard for veterans to find meaningful work, make friends, and keep a sense of purpose. The social stigmas and problems that veterans face when they leave the military are partly to blame for the high suicide rates among this group.

One of the worst social stigmas that veterans have to deal with is the idea that they are broken. This stereotype is spread by the media, which often tells stories about veterans who are having trouble with their mental health or adjusting to civilian life. The way the media talks about veteran suicide also adds to this idea, because it makes people think that veterans are more likely to kill themselves than the rest of the population (Monteith et al. 373).

In reality, veterans are no more likely to kill themselves than anyone else, but the stigma still sticks around. People think that veterans cannot handle civilian life, which is another social stigma they have to deal with. This idea comes from the idea that military service is so different from civilian life that it is impossible for veterans to adjust to civilian life. This stereotype is kept alive by the fact that many veterans do have trouble adjusting to life in the civilian world and by the way the media talks about veteran suicide. In reality, many veterans can make a smooth transition to civilian life, but the stigma still sticks around.

Asking for help is seen as a sign of weakness, and admitting to any kind of emotional pain is often seen as a sign that a soldier is not fit for duty. This is made worse by the fact that soldiers who do ask for help are often worried about how it will affect their careers. Soldiers feel like they have to suffer in silence because they are afraid to ask for help or admit to any kind of emotional pain. This shame about mental health and getting help is not something that only happens in the military. It is a problem for everyone. Nevertheless, the military has a culture of its own that can make these problems worse.

Drug and alcohol abuse

An estimated 20% of veterans from the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq suffer with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the United States and many of these people also deal with substance misuse. Although there are many effective therapies for PTSD, including as exposure therapy and cognitive-behavioral therapy, many veterans do not seek or get these treatments (Gunn et al. 2). In addition, substance abuse may exacerbate PTSD symptoms, creating a vicious cycle that is difficult to stop. There are many reasons why soldiers with PTSD may resort to alcohol and drugs. Substances may help dull the pain and memory of trauma for many persons.

In addition, persons with PTSD often have trouble sleeping, and drugs might assist them in obtaining the necessary rest. However, the use of drugs and alcohol may exacerbate the symptoms of PTSD and lead to other problems, including financial challenges, marital issues, and legal issues (Gunn et al. 2). You may learn to control your symptoms and live a full and productive life with the assistance of a therapist. Additionally, if you are using drugs or alcohol to deal with your PTSD, it is crucial that you get assistance from a substance addiction treatment program. These programs may help you stop the pattern of abuse and regain control of your life.

Works Cited

Clair, Kimberly, et al. Veteran Perspectives on Adaptations to a VA Residential Rehabilitation Program for Substance Use Disorders During the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic. Community Mental Health Journal, vol. 57, no. 5, 2021, pp. 801-807. Web.

Derefinko, Karen J., et al. Perceived Needs of Veterans Transitioning from the Military to Civilian Life. The Journal of Behavioral Health Services & Research, vol. 46, no. 3, 2019, pp. 384-398. Web.

Gunn, Rachel, et al. A Longitudinal Examination of Daily Patterns of Cannabis and Alcohol Co-Use among Medicinal and Recreational Veteran Cannabis Users. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, vol. 205, 2019, p. 107661. Web.

Monteith, Lindsey L., et al. Were Afraid to Say Suicide: Stigma as a Barrier to Implementing a Community-Based Suicide Prevention Program for Rural Veterans. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, vol. 208, no. 5, 2020, pp. 371-376. Web.

The twentieth century was a century where the military force of a country played a significant role in its social, economic and political life. The advent of two world wars and a half-century-long cold war made the military to be the focus of many societies. The so-called conventional warfare required a big and powerful military force capable of delivering large-scale attacks toward other nations within a short period of time. Especially during the Cold War the military forces of many countries dramatically increased their volumes and capabilities.

This essay aims to show that the twenty-first military force will be very different. In this century the military forces will be directed more toward peace and security maintenance issues in various localities around the world. The classical, conventional, large-scale war military force is no more necessary and not needed in this century. In fact, it would be very inefficient to have it since the new security dangers are of a different form and organization from that of the twentieth century.

Globalization has led to the gradual coming together of societies and nations. The national-territorial boundaries of a time are now being faded in many places. International agreements and organizations have led to the formation of new supra-territorial entities. Such entities commonly referred to as unions have comprised the engagement of many states in it. The European Union is an example of that. But there are also other international organizations which comprise many different countries in it. This inter-connecting network between nations led to the fall of the previous paradigms where one nations state, or a group of nations states, considered enemies another nations state, or group of nations states. But obviously, economic and political integration has brought down the walls of division among old enemies.

Thus, many countries found themselves in no need any more of large bodies of military force. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent fall of the Soviet Union and communism in many East-European societies, their large military complexes began to dismantle. A similar situation of dismantling and re-organizing began to emerge in the western countries. Large military bodies were not needed anymore since there was no frontal enemy to be faced anymore. At this time the big dilemma of the future for military forces began to emerge in the public discourse.

But it was not long when the new scope and role for the military emerged. The terrorist attacks in Somalia and Kenya of the United States Embassies were just the prelude of what was going to come. The subsequent attacks on September 11th, 2001, showed that international peace and security was to be the new focus for the military forces. Unfortunately, the military forces of many countries were not ready for this challenge yet and were in the process of transformation. Since terrorism has no conventional gathered ground, naval, or air force, the military did not know how to respond. Terrorism has no well-known base and recruited force. Before it was easier for a military force to engage in actions since the enemy also had regular troops gathered at certain bases located in other nations. Now, the military faced themselves with a new type of urban warfare with an invisible enemy and it had to fight with civilians trained to terrorize other civilians.

But this type of warfare requested the utilization of many different resources at the same time. It could not be won only by using traditional fire power over a certain objective. Since the enemy now is camouflaged within the civilian population, the military was not ready yet to conduct successful operations of this type. The various errors accepted even from the Pentagon on the war on Iraq are an argument for this claim.

The new objectives of the military forces around the world today are to be ready to prevent or correctly deal with terrorist or other security threats for their societies. In order to achieve this objective successfully, the military recognized that they need to have the collaboration of all different actors of society. Without the proper collaboration of all different actors of society, you run the risk of not distinguishing the enemy from the friendly and thus create panic and negative reactions from the public. This would worsen the situation within the society, or nations, the military was intended to protect. Another form of engagement for the military in this new millennium will be the helping of societies and nations in responding to natural disasters. Around the world, we see that natural disasters have and are causing very high damages to societies. Entire countries are being devastated by hurricanes, tornadoes, floods, tsunamis and earthquakes. The military intervention in the help of rescuing people the first hours after the natural event has been crucial many times. In the United States, the role of the military was crucial in helping the people of New Orleans after hurricane Katrina devastated the city. Without this help, many people would have suffered death or injuries. Thus, the role of responding to natural disasters should be another focus of the military in this century.

Introduction

Military intervention was a feasible alternative for averting external aggression in the past, and it is still the most viable option for fighting global terrorism. Potential military interventions range from defusing terrorist camps to liberating captives. According to Feaver and Gelpi, military intervention entails launching direct strikes against targets verified as the infrastructures for state-sponsored training and support complexes of terrorist groups (45).

The use of military force is an integral part of a larger plan designed to punish individuals who support terrorism or intend to engage in terrorist activities. Besides, the use of military force is aimed at preempting possible terrorist attacks, therefore minimizing the number of casualties. Military intervention should abide by the established international law. A state has to justify its use of military force. Otherwise, its actions will be identical to the crimes it intends to curb. Numerous factors may prompt a country to use military intervention. They include collective self-defense, international peacekeeping, and invitation from other nations (Feaver and Gelpi 47). This paper will discuss the justification for the use of military force.

International obligation

States have multiple responsibilities in international law. They have the responsibility to resolve disagreements peacefully, refrain from military aggression and abstain from supporting any country against which the United Nations is taking enforcement actions (Feaver and Gelpi 51). Besides, states have the duty to refrain from recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by a state in violation of the United Nations (UN) Charter (Haspel 103). Under the UN Charter, states have the obligation to respect the sovereignty of their neighboring countries. Countries are supposed to refrain from funding or supporting groups that endeavor to commit crimes in foreign states.

On the other hand, countries have the right to use military force against a country that denies its citizens the right to self-determination and freedom. However, it is imperative to evaluate the circumstances that amount to a denial of liberty. Individuals who support the current involvement of Russia in Ukraine may argue that the Ukrainian government has denied the people of Donetsk their right to freedom. However, the situation in Ukraine is different. The Russias military intervention is unjustified. Rather than helping to solve the crisis in Ukraine, Russia is determined to annex the affected region. What Russia is doing amounts to external aggression, and warrants military intervention from other countries in aid of Ukraine.

A country that fails to meet the requirements of state duties, either through omission or act, commits an international transgression (Haspel 107). In such a situation, the lawful relations between the offending country and the indignant state changes. Based on the nature of the offense, the affected state may opt to use military force. For instance, in case a country harbors a criminal gang that poses a threat to another state, the endangered nation is justified to use military force to preempt potential danger. On numerous occasions, the United States has resorted to a military intervention aimed at neutralizing potential threats. In 2002, the United States invaded Afghanistan in a bid to neutralize the Taliban militants. Such a military incursion is justifiable as it is in line with the international laws (Haspel 108).

Afghanistan had a duty to prevent its country from being used as an origin of hostile dealings with the United States. However, the Afghan government was unable to prevail over the Taliban group. Consequently, the United States did not have an alternative but to use military force to safeguard its citizens.

Individuals opposed to the use of military force against a foreign country argue that countries have a duty to abstain from armed aggression. Instead of using military force, countries should assist the affected country through training and military supplies (Haspel 112). However, such an intervention has in most cases failed to achieve the desired results. For instance, the United Nations has avoided sending its troops to Syria and Yemen to fight the Islamic States incursion. Instead, it has decided to help the affected countries through military supplies and training. The approach has proved to be unproductive. The Islamic State militants continue to capture new territories. It has reached a point where the use of military force is the only viable alternative. Countries cannot condone the ongoing massacre in Syria and Yemen in the name of respecting the sovereignty of the two nations.

Preemption of potential threats

Countries cannot illuminate or predict the degree and diversity of national demands, or the correspondent amount and range of the measures that may be essential to satisfy them (Hensel 73). Today, countries are faced with numerous emergencies. Thus, they should always be prepared to respond to any unforeseen circumstances that might threaten their peace. The conditions include terrorist activities and proxy wars. Failure to deter terrorist activities at the lowest level may have severe repercussions on a state. The use of military force has never been questioned when the sovereignty of a country is at stake (Hensel 75). Besides, cases of countries using military force to conquer, attack, or subdue other nations are not typical. The present governments are faced with a contemporary absurdity referred to as the gray area conflict. The origin and temperament of a majority of the current problems are uncertain. Thus, countries ought to have precise and explicable response mechanisms.

The use of military force should only arise in the event that a government deems it necessary. For instance, a government may use military force to protect its citizens from external aggression. Such cases are common in Israel. The Israeli government is never hesitant to use military force whenever its people are threatened (Hensel 77). For instance, in 2014, the Israeli government attacked Gaza in a bid to prevent Palestinians from occupying its territory. The occupation would have posed a significant threat to the survival and freedom of the Israelites. Some people argue that the use of military force in Gaza Strip constituted a violation of human rights.

The attack was indiscriminate and did not spare even the civilians. However, it is worthy to note that the Israeli government had warned the civilians of an imminent military attack. Besides, a majority of the civilians who occupied the Gaza Strip sympathized with the Hamas. It was hard for the Israeli government to prevent the Hamas from firing rockets into its space. The Hamas was determined to assault Israel as evidenced by an increase in the number of rocket attacks and continued digging of tunnels. The only way that Israel could stop this attack was by using military force.

Some scholars argue that states have no right to use military force to preempt an imminent armed attack. They argue that the United Nations Charter does not recognize preemptive or anticipatory self-defense (Hensel 82). Instead, countries ought to use military force only when they are attacked. Individuals opposed to the use of military force insist that a state can only prepare itself to resist a potential attack but not engage in the actual self-defense. According to them, a country ought to report to the Security Council any upsetting military preparation by rival states rather than resort to the use of military force. Such an approach may not work in the modern society.

Currently, numerous countries have weapons of mass destruction, and failure to take stringent measures may be disastrous. Individuals opposed to the use of military force maintain that a state should tolerate the first rocket launched into its space. They claim that a country is justified to use military force if and only if the attacking group resorts to the use of fast aircrafts and other sophisticated weapons.

Tolerating an aggression until it escalates to the level of using fast planes would subject citizens to immense danger (Lian and Oneal 281). The government has the duty to protect its citizens. Therefore, it is justified to use military force upon detecting potential threats. If a country or an insurgent group mounts an attack, the targeted state should treat such an aggression as an adequate reason to use military force. If countries had to wait for the real armed attack to occur, it would be hard to maintain international peace. Instead, countries would struggle to restore peace and safety. The support of preemptive self-defense does not mean that states are justified to use military force to combat sheer training by an opponent. A country has to consider other factors before opting to use military force. For instance, it has to prove beyond reasonable doubt the possibility of an imminent attack (Lian and Oneal 289).

The right to self-defense does not allow states to use military force in anticipation of an attack. Simultaneously, we must acknowledge that there may well be situations in which the imminence of an attack is so clear and the danger so great that defensive action is essential (Lian and Oneal 293).

Protection of Important Rights and Armed Attack

The use of military force is justified if it is intended to protect certain essential rights. Indeed, not all wrongs committed against a state will require the use of military force (Lieuwen 33). International law prohibits the use of military force unless in the case of illegality. Nevertheless, not all illegalities call for the use of military force. Only the illegalities that pose a threat to essential rights like political autonomy and territorial integrity require military intervention. Disagreements arise concerning when to use military force. Some pundits argue that it is imperative to use military force to protect human life or safeguard human rights.

Others argue that the international community has the exclusive right to decide when to call for military intervention (Lieuwen 37). Nonetheless, it is worthy to note that a country may not resort to military intervention to advance national interests or goals. Besides, it is hard for a country to use military force to take vengeance on past biases or justify legal rights. The use of military force is acceptable in the event of self-defense. A country can deploy its forces to combat a full-scale invasion. For instance, Germany was justified to use military force against Belgium in 1940 as a way to curb potential attacks from France (Lieuwen 39).

The current international law does not delineate the idea of self-preservation and self-protection (McLain 235). Besides, some countries may take advantage of the weak definition of self-defense to pursue selfish interests. For instance, Iran has sent its troops to Syria to fight the ongoing Islamic State insurgency. While Iran may justify its actions as a measure to protect its essential rights and interests in Syria, the move can be interpreted differently. Iran has tried to enforce its influence on the Arab countries for a long time. Therefore, it is using the ongoing conflicts as an avenue to win the trust of the Syrian government. As a result, even though Iran is helping Syria to fight the insurgents, its military intervention may not be justified.

The UN agrees that countries have the right to use military force to prevent the armed attack (McLain 238). However, most countries do not agree on what constitutes an armed assault. Besides, the United Nations Charter does not delineate the term armed attack. However, the international community uses the term armed attack to refer to the military incursion of one country by another. In case of armed attack, the affected state is justified to use military force. There are people who argue that a state is not warranted to use military force to curb armed attacks perpetrated by combatants from a different country. They contend that the fact that one country supports guerrilla movements that operate in a different state does not constitute armed attack (McLain 241). On the contrary, state sponsorship should be a substantial ground to justify the use of military force.

Take for instance what is happening between Israel and Hezbollah. For decades, the Israeli government has blamed Iran for supplying Hezbollah with military equipment. However, Iran has always denied the allegations. Despite Israel lodging a complaint to the international community, no steps have ever been taken to stop Iran from arming Hezbollah. As a result, Israel has opted to use military force to protect its citizens from potential attacks by Hezbollah.

The level of power that a country must exercise over people and organizations that constitute the basis of armed attack is in dispute. Nevertheless, it is beyond reasonable doubt that any form of armed attack can result in self-defense (Miller 44). Article 51 of the United Nations Charter talks about armed confrontation and does not limit it to direct attack. It would be cruel for any country to restrict self-defense to direct armed attack. Both direct and indirect armed attacks pose a significant threat to national security (Miller 48). Therefore, a country is entitled to use military force to combat any form of aggression.

Last Resort

The United Nations Charter requires countries to resolve their international conflicts through peaceful means. States have the duty to preserve international peace and security (Twiss and Chan 449). Therefore, states are obliged to exhaust all peaceful means of dispute resolution before they turn to the use of military force. In case countries fail to resolve the international conflict through peaceful means, they are justified to use military force. In some instances, states may not necessary exhaust peaceful means if they learn that such an endeavor will not be productive. Additionally, a state that is under armed attack does not have time to use peaceful means (Twiss and Chan 454).

In other words, a country is justified to use military force if it is the only viable option. In case of an imminent threat, it may be hard for a country to convince an adversary to look for an alternative way to solve the dispute. However, some people may argue that a state that is under imminent attack should seek the help of international community instead of using military force. Such a move may take time. Besides, the endangered nation would be required to attest that it is under imminent attack (Twiss and Chan 461). The fact that it may be hard to predict when an attack will occur leaves a country with no other option but to use military force. On the other hand, a state is not justified to use military force to respond to an attack that has already ended.

Conclusion

Most countries use military force to combat external and internal aggressions. There are numerous reasons that justify the use of military force. A state is justified to use military force to respond to an international obligation. Countries have the duty to ensure that their neighbors uphold the right to self-determination and respect the freedom of the citizens. A State can use military clout to intervene in a situation where its neighbor deprives the citizens of their liberty. On the other hand, a country is justified to use military force to preempt potential threats. A state that is under imminent attack may use military force for self-defense. Apart from preempting impending attack, a country is also justified to use military force to protect essential rights and respond to an armed assault. In case a country has exhausted all the available peaceful means of dispute resolution, it is justified to use military force. The government is obliged to protect its citizens at all costs. Hence, it is justified to use military force whenever necessary.

Works Cited

Feaver, Peter, and Christopher Gelpi. Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force; with a New Afterword. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. Print.

Haspel, Michael. Justification of Force in the Trans-Atlantic Debate: Towards a Moderate Institutionalist Cosmopolitanism. Studies in Christian Ethics 20.1 (2007): 102-117. Print.

Hensel, Howard. The Legitimate Use of Military Force: The Just War Tradition and the Customary Law of Armed Conflict. London: Ashgate Publishing, 2008. Print.

Lian, Bradley, and John Oneal. Presidents, the Use of Military Force, and Public Opinion. The Journal of Conflict Resolution 37.2 (1993): 277-300. Print.

Lieuwen, Edwin. The Military: A Revolutionary Force. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 334.1 (2003): 30-40. Print.

McLain, Patrick. Setting the Score with Saddam: Resolution 1441 and Parallel Justifications for the Use of Force Against Iraq. Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law 2.4 (2003): 233-251. Print.

Miller, Richard. Justifications for the Iraq War Examined. Ethics & International Affairs 22.1 (2008): 43-54. Print.

Twiss, Sumner, and Jonathan Chan. The Classical Confucian Position on the Legitimate Use of Military Force. Journal of Religious Ethics 40.3 (2012): 447-472. Print.

Promotion Criteria

The military is a secret organization that does not disclose its activities to the public, mainly because of the strict rules and regulations. However, some of how things are conducted ought to be changed because they are unfair to the officers and the countrys development. One of the things that should be changed or adjusted is the promotion criteria since the current system is unsupportive of the hard-working officers, which ends up benefiting those who are not devoted to the service. Currently, the military employs three major systems in deciding who among the enlisted officers ought to be promoted. The main system is the decentralized promotion system where the commander has the power to decide who should be moved to a higher rank.

There is no quota for promotion, meaning that the commander should simply grant promotion to any officer that meets the promotion criteria. The service has a clear decisive factor as far as promotion is concerned to ensure that a steady flow is maintained. The scenario is different in case an individual joins the service at an advanced stage or if a person serves in the Special Forces. Semi centralized promotion is an additional system where the unit in which an officer belongs plays an important role in the promotion selection process, even though the military rules are applied in deciding who should be promoted in the long-run. Under the primary zone, all officers are expected to be considered for promotion while the secondary zone gives exceptional performers an opportunity to be promoted before their time comes.

What is wrong?

Instead of following the established rules and regulations governing the promotion exercise, members of the panel vetting the officers usually employ other tactics that aim at advantaging their friends and cronies and kicking out the best-qualified officers. Upon the determination of various points stipulated in the military manual on promotion, each officer must face the promotion board, and each member is allowed to ask questions. Personal appearance is one of the aspects that the panels look at when deciding on whether the officer will be promoted. It should be understood that an individual might be pleasing to one person, but he or she might be unattractive in the eyes of the other person. Measuring attractiveness is an elusive issue that brings about biases, and this serves to block the best soldiers from being given a chance to serve their country at an advanced level. The military is an organization that focuses more on actions, and the idea of measuring the suitability of officers based on their oral expressions and conversational skills is misplaced because actions speak louder than words.

Many great soldiers were known to be reserved, and their reasoning was never understood easily. The panelists are allowed to ask soldiers many questions that test their understanding of the world affairs, something that challenges many soldiers given the fact that most of them are usually concerned with guarding the interests of their country and they might not have ventured much on understanding what takes place in other states globally. For an individual to be acquainted with the world affairs, he or she has to be taken through various courses on global studies and the service has never provided this form of training. Somebody wonders why officers would be tested on issues that they have never come across in their lifetime. Finally, those seeking promotions are assessed based on their attitude. Again, the panelists are likely to be biased since human values, aspirations, wishes, and culture is not understood in one day meaning that extensive research that employs qualitative methods has to be commissioned to understand the attitudes of an individual and this cannot be achieved in a single day.

Solution

Creation of promotion zones where the administrative points are applied in establishing the performance of a soldier is the main issue of contention that has forced many officers to quit the service. Through this system, an officer will only receive promotion through an assessment of the administrative points for a variety of events, including military adornments and physical fitness test achievements. The military rules suggest that promotions have to be based on the duty performance of the officer, meaning that his or her hard work is factored in when making decisions. Moreover, the competence of the soldier is assessed to ensure that he or she will deliver the best results since some might have been recruited at the time of crisis where knowledge of the job was not considered.

The service underscores the fact that leadership is an important aspect, and officers should posses skills related to it for them to be promoted. If an officer proves that he or she has gone through various training programs, the chances are high that he or she might be considered for promotions. Accountability or responsibility is another aspect that military rules and regulations deem necessary, and officers seeking to be promoted should have observed it. This entails taking care of military facilities and using resources in the right manner. In terms of education, an individual has to possess sufficient civilian education, as well as military education because such officer would have the ability to make sound decisions when promoted to positions of influence.

In modern times, the media, which is popularly referred to as the fourth estate, has witnessed unrivaled growth. Not even a single event can now take place without the media coming in and airing it to the world. All sectors of the media have benefitted from the media boom, which has been largely based on the protections devised under special legislation called press freedom. Newspapers, journals, magazines, the internet, television, and radio are some of the major media outlets that are responsible for the dissemination of information to the public. The military campaigns that the United States has participated in during the post-World War Two era have had to deal with this increased media attention (Marshall 2010, p.1). The most recent military engagement, the Iraq war of 2003, witnessed more media attention than any other military conflict. As much as the controversial nature of the war may have led to this attention, the expanded media space also had a part to play. This essay will discuss the role of the increased media coverage in the shaping of the attitudes of Americans towards military activity abroad as well as the impact of media coverage of military activity on military conduct.

To start with, the increased coverage of military activity by the media has led to the development of a negative attitude towards military activity among the people. The fact that the media has been able to go to the battlefield and cover the graphic scenes of wounded or dead American soldiers has made most Americans view the military activity as a source of suffering for their men and women in uniform (Marshall 2010, p.1). This is especially true when the military activity is based on something that they do not consider to be serious. For example, the invasion of Iraq is still a contentious issue, given that the people who attacked the United States in 2001 were in Afghanistan and not Iraq. Thus when the people see their sons, daughters, fathers, and mothers get killed or wounded for unclear reasons, they detest military activity. This would be a different case if media coverage was reduced, given that they would not have a chance of witnessing all these sad occurrences on the battlefield.

Secondly, the increased media coverage has led to a situation where the public has adopted the attitude that they have to be convinced that any military activity that the country engages in abroad is worth the enormous sacrifices their men and women make. This stems from the witnessing of the tragic events taking place in military campaigns and the subsequent thinking that people should only suffer when the life of the nation is at stake. What about the impact of increased media coverage on military conduct?

Members of the armed forces are now more disciplined on the battlefield as a result of the intense media coverage. The time when the men and women in uniform would mistreat unarmed civilians in other countries and escape unnoticed is long gone. The presence of the media ensures that all that the military personnel is doing is reported, and if it is inappropriate, it is rebuked. Therefore the men and women in uniform have no option other than maintaining the highest standards of discipline while at war (Marshall 2010, p.1).

In conclusion, the increased media coverage of military activity abroad has led to the development of a negative attitude towards war by most Americans and their desire to be convinced that the reason for going to war is worth the sacrifices made by the men and women in uniform. The men and women in uniform on their part have been forced to maintain the highest level of discipline as a result of the increased media attention.

Reference

Marshall, J., (2010). Media on the Battlefield. Web.

The Japan-US relations have been a complex issue for a long period of time¹. The problems based on the idea of the American military bases on the territory of Japan, Okinawa in particular, caused a number of discussions as it had a certain impact on the countrys economic and political relations.

The Okinawans do not want to observe any kind of presence of the USA military on their territory, and the USA does not want to lose one of its most powerful strategic objects. At the same time, the Americans, as a nation, should respect the demands of each Okinawan, realize how influential their presence can be², and be able to consider their own expectations from the relations between these two huge nations.

Many politicians and researchers admit that the Marine Corps in Okinawa do not play any role within the currently existing military strategies of the USA³. Nowadays, it is not clear what these forces can deter. North Korea is not a dangerous neighbor due to the presence of the military in the country. And Chinese attacks can be hardly controlled by these particular bases in Okinawa. This is why the closure of military bases does not lead to some considerable changes from a defensive point of view.

However, the impact of military bases closure can be observed in the economies of these two countries. The point is that the Marines perform a serious role in providing the population with humanitarian support or specific rescue operations that can be beneficial for the Americans. The Okinawans are not ready to economize on their wealth and health, and the Americans can use this fact to promote their services and improve their own national economy.

For example, it is possible to use the fact of contamination that is regular for Okinawa: both, the US service members and a number of their dependents, who live on the islands bases, suffer from the impact of toxic chemical on the environment⁴.

The promotion of special equipment and services can change the relation between Japan and the USA and improve the economy of the latter considerably. People need a serious basis for their actions and development of new ideas. Why not take the idea of environmental pollution as the main one to develop the necessary economic relations?

In my opinion, the closure of the American military bases in Okinawa is the question of time. The population of the island does not leave this idea and does try to use as many factors as possible to eradicate any military force from its land. This is why to demonstrate its power and the abilities to take significant solutions, the American government has to think about the most effective way to close all military marines on this land, gives clear and properly-based explanations, and offers some other type of relations that have to be continued with Japan as one of its main allies and provide the Americans with a chance to take leading economic positions in the whole world.

Bibliography

Hook, Glenn D. Intersecting Risks and Governing Okinawa: American Bases and the Unfinished War. Japan Forum 22, no. 1-2 (2010): 195-217.

Mitchell, Jon. Poisons in the Pacific: Guam, Okinawa and Agent Organe. The Japan Times. Last modified August 7, 2012.

Tanji, Miyume. U.S. Court Rules in the Okinawa Dugong Case: Implications for U.S. Military Bases Overseas. Critical Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (2008): 475-487.

Footnotes

1. Glenn D. Hook, Interesting Risks and Governing Okinawa: American Bases and the Unfinished War, Japan Forum 22, no. 1-2 (2010): 195.
2. Miyume Tanji, U.S. Court Rules in the Okinawa Dugong Case: Implications for U.S. Military Bases Overseas, Critical Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (2008): 475
3. Miyume Tanji, U.S. Court Rules in the Okinawa Dugong Case: Implications for U.S. Military Bases Overseas, Critical Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (2008): 480
4. Mitchell, Jon, Poisons in the Pacific: Guam, Okinawa and Agent Organe, The Japan Times.