Category: Mesoamerican

The difference between the great god Quetzalcoatl and the hombre-dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl

Among the Aztecs, the great god Quetzalcoatl is actually a deity. In this form, he is a creator god who ruled over the second era of creation (Carrasco, 1998). In addition, the great god Quetzalcoatl was the patron of knowledge, arts, and agriculture. He had the power over the sun and the solar system, having created the calendar and the world through cosmic dive. In fact, this god was one of the most powerful deities, as it was believed that he gave life to humans and animals in addition to providing them with the energy to harvest (Carrasco, 1998).

The great god Quetzalcoatl does not take human form but is depicted to have taken other forms such as wind (Ehecatl). In such forms, he announced the coming of seasons such as rains or drought. The god has a close relationship with cycles and other bodies such as Venus (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli). He also has power over life because Carrasco learned from the Aztecs that this god revitalized the bones of the dead after he revived himself from death (Olivier, 2003).

On the other hand, the hombre-Dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl may have been one of the lesser gods among the Aztecs and may have come later after the Great god. Unlike the great god, hombre-Dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is depicted to take human forms. For instance, taking the form of a human being, this god is said to have been born by a human being. The mother had swallowed a precious green stone that made her pregnant. The hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl revenged against his fathers death, which contributed to his heroic ascension to the great throne. In addition, in his human form, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have been trained to become a priest and a great warrior (Carrasco, 1998). Unlike the great god, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have organized an earthly kingdom among the Mayas. In this kingdom, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl ruled until his ultimate fall, after which he fled from Tollan but with a promise to return. In fact, the fact that Carrasco was welcomed to the Aztec community as a god is probably an indication of the peoples wait for the return of the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl (Olivier, 2003). This is probably the reason why the Aztecs confused the coming of the Spaniards with the return of the god. In addition, unlike the great god, this god took the form of other animals such as the serpent rather than that of things like the wind (Carrasco, 1998).

The sacred career of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl

Birth and ritual training

Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was born of four different possible fathers, but it is believed that Mixcoat or the cloud serpent was the most probable father. Although his mother is not named in most times, Carrasco mentions that Chimalman was the most probable name for the mother (Carrasco, 1998). In his life, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was born in a sacred way, depicting his powers as a deity in form of a human. The mother is believed to have swallowed a precious and mysterious green stone before becoming pregnant (Olivier, 2003). The father was actually a deity, which depicts the connection between human and supernatural powers. According to Carrasco, it is probably through the mysterious birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl that the connectedness between mankind and deities is shown to exist among the Aztecs.

Model worrier and sacrifice

According to Carrasco, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have changed the way Aztecs made sacrifices by discouraging his followers from offering human sacrifices. Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was not only a great warrior but also a knowledgeable priest. According to Carrasco, it is evident that although Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was meant to be a great priest, his functional life began as a great warrior. The main purpose of assuming the warriors life was probably meant to allow Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl revenge for his fathers death. Although Topiltzin Quetzalcoatls real father is not well documented, it was believed that his father, a deity, was killed in a fight with his brother and that Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was determined to revenge the death (Carrasco, 1998). His vigorous training in the wilderness and guidance of Venus may have promoted his skills until he revenged the death and created a great kingdom on earth. As a great sacrifice, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have realized that human beings were taking the sacrifice too far by offering human sacrifices. Under his rule, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl taught his followers the need to respect human life and body. He encouraged them to stop practices that involved human sacrifice but to engage in self-sacrifice as a means of service to other people.

Tollan (splendid city)

While traveling via Tollantzinco, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl founded little Tollan or the Tollan, where he reigned for years as a ruler and the high priest. Despite his prowess and great respect for humanity, his reign and the city are frequently threatened and actually invaded by other lesser gods, including Tezcatlipoca (Smoking Mirror). In this great city, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatls rule was characterized by a great dedication to arts. For instance, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have encouraged, and sometimes forced his people to appreciate and made artworks. It is during his reign that great sculptures and other works of art were developed, including depictions of mysterious gods and events, the great temples, pyramids, and other objects (Miller & Taube, 2003). The city was decorated with works of art, some of which have been documented by archaeologists.

Death and deification of the human body

Despite Topiltzin Quetzalcoatls ability to create a strong kingdom on earth, other gods, most probably led by Tezcatlipoca, destroyed his reign. This latter deity is said to possess some malevolent tricks and transformations that outdid the powers of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. Fearing his life, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl fled Tollan through a long flight that took him through Puebla and the Basins of Mexico. He is said to have stopped over Cholollan and other places and was with a band of his followers, finally settling at Tlillan Tlapallan where he is said to have cremated his soul before ascending to heaven (Carrasco, 1998). He sacrificed his body through cremation or by burning it, while his soul ascended to the heavens and converted into the morning star. Before leaving, he promised to return to the earth in royal dignity. According to Carrasco, the coming of the Spaniards was one of the major significant events in the later periods of the Mayan communities. Coming from the sea and having different physical features from the South American native tribes, the Spaniards were confused with the return of the old gods, specifically Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. The myth may have helped the Spaniards develop a close relationship with the Aztecs and probably earning them some respect and special positions as gods.

The connection of Mesoamerican Religion to the contemporary culture

Although the beliefs held in the Mesoamerican religion were actually full of false myths, some situations and events describe some sort of connectedness with the modern cultures and religions. For instance, consider the belief in the birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and the Judeo-Christian belief in the birth of Jesus. In both cases, it is apparent that connectedness between human and the deities are real and considered one of the most important parts of the religion. While the birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was sacred because he was born of a deity as the father and a female human as the mother, Jesus was born of a holy spirit as the father and Mary, a human female.

In both cases, the females are said to have been approached by a deity and made pregnant in a mysterious way- the mother to Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl swallowed a precious green stone while Mary encountered the Holy Spirit (Olivier, 2003). Secondly, the lives of the two deities, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and Jesus, are marked with some training to get some sacred career. Both were trained artists and religious teachers. In addition, they changed some religious ways such as the manner of offering sacrifices. Both Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and Jesus had some respect for humanity and called their followers to avoid causing harm to other people. Finally, both characters left their human bodies as sacrifices and assumed a supernatural form as a way of exiting the world, but with a promise of returning to create an everlasting kingdom on earth.

References

Carrasco, D. (1998). Religions of Mesoamerica: Cosmovision and Ceremonial Centers. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press.

Miller, M., & Taube, K. (2003). The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya. London, UK: Thames and Hudson.

Olivier, G. (2003). Mockeries and Metamorphoses of an Aztec God: Tezcatlipoca, Lord of the Smoking Mirror. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado.

The Mesoamerican ballgame was a sport played since the year 1400 B.C. by pre-Columbian people of Central America and Ancient Mexico. The game was mainly associated with rituals where winners were offered with prestige and wealth but losers paid an ultimate price as sacrifice to the gods. Major formal ballgames were mainly featured human sacrifice as the events were considered ritual.

There were different versions of the sport which were played in different places for example modern versions comprised of handball and kickball while the millennia versions comprised of hipball, trickball and stickball which were played in the ballcourts found throughout Mesoamerica. However, some versions of the ballgame is still played today in few local places especially among the indigenous population.

The rules that pertain to the ballgame are not clear but basing our judgment from the descendants, Mesoamerican ballgame can be compared to racquetball where by the main aim of the game is keeping the ball in play.

Striking the ball by the hips was a widespread and common version of the ballgame, however there were some versions which allowed the use of bats, handstones, forearms or the rackets (Clendinnen 2003). The ball used to play the game was heavy and dangerous as you find that even winners could come out of the game injured.

During the game, the players wore protective garments and yoke on their waist to protect themselves while the spectators did not wear anything to protect themselves from the ball since they sat at the heat of the arena where the game was played. Solid rubber was what was used to make the ball which weighed 4kgs (9lbs). However, the size of the ball was not standardized as it differed greatly based on the version played and also the period played. Women and children mainly played the game mainly for recreation.

The first Mesoamerican ballgame originated in low-lying tropical zones somewhere in the rubber tree. The oldest ballcourts were discovered in Paso de la Amada by archeologist on Pacific Coast.

However the first ballgame began in Olmec culture around 1400 BC with the earliest known rubber balls coming from El Manati which was a sacrificial bog along Gulf Coast in the heartland of Olmec. It is here that the archeologists found twelve balls; they however discovered that five of the balls were dated between 1600 and 1700 BC (Clendinnen 2003).

Ritual offerings were found at the site where the twelve rubber balls were discovered which indicates that the ballgame had ritual and religious connotations. Local villagers found a stone yoke at the site where the balls were discovered which leaves out a possibility that the rubber balls were not independently a form of sacrificial offering but mainly ritual ballgame.

The oldest and the first Olmec court known as rudimentary ballcourt dated from 600 to 400 BC; however, figurines ball players date back to 1250 BC. San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan which is a site near Olmec uncovered numerous figurines ballplayer. After the discovery of Olmec ball game items, the archeologists thought that the ball players were represented by Olmec colossal heads who were rulers.

The ballgame moved to central Mexico from tropical lowlands. Around 1000 BCE, the Xochipala-style figurines ballplayer were crafted though no ballcourts were discovered in Tlapacoya or Tlatilco a place where interring of the ballplayer figurines took place (Clendinnen 2003).

It is however possible that Guerrero, Tlatilco and Tlapacoya were the sites where the ballgame was played but on temporary courts or on courts which had perishable boundaries. Later on the ballgame spread out to Western Mexico people Mayans, Veracruz, Teotihuacans, Huastecs, Aztecs and Toltecs. In 1528, the Aztec team was sent to Spain by Spanish conquistador to perform for King Charles V.

There were several different variations of the ballgame which emerged over a period of time in Mesoamerica. The most common type of the ballgame required team players or individuals to use their hips to score and pass the ball after passing it through a ring. However, the modern alama the traditional name of Mesoamerican ballgame greatly resembles volleyball but there was no net where they could determine who has won the game if one team fails to turn the ball to the other side of the pitch differentiated by the net (Schwartz 2000).

Teotihuacan was another different variation of the ballgame; a wooden stick was used to hit the ball which is similar to modern hockey. In Aztec game, victory was achieved by hitting the opposite teams wall through a ring. However, the major reason why the games were played during the ancient period was for formal reasons such as religious ceremonies and for recreation.

Despite the fact that the ballgames differed, the courts where they were played remained similar in Mesoamerica. The 1300 stone ball courts in Mesoamerica were in the shape of “I” when viewed from above (Schwartz 2000). The ball courts ends were open leaving the play ground to the alley.

However, the size of the ball courts varied the length and width ratio was 4-to-1 which was used for over three thousand years. The smallest of all the courts were built at Tikal a site in Mayan while the largest court was in Chichen Itza also in Mayan. The ball court sections were unique with diagonal walls that allowed the ball to be easily banked. There were other courts which had vertical walls that made it hard to bank the ball.

There were however some major centers such as Teotihuacan and Mayan cities of Tortuguero and Bonampak which lacked ball courts despite the fact that the ball game iconography were found at the sites. The ball courts were also used for festivals, musical performances and wrestling matches which is a similar occurrence in our modern stadiums.

The balls were also in different sizes ranging from the size of beach ball which weighed six to nine pounds to the size of softball. The balls were made from rubber trees extracting latex from it and mixed it with Morning Glory vines juice (Schwartz 2000). However, human skulls were used to make the bigger balls; they wound rubber strips around the human skulls to make the balls lighter. The balls were mainly offered to the gods what they termed as votive offerings; many of the balls were found in sacrificial springs or bogs.

The player’s uniforms had countless drawings, paintings, figurines and stone reliefs. Simple loincloth is what the hip game players wore during the games occasionally adding leather hip guards to protect them from getting injured. There are however, some cultures that used to wear thick wooden, wicker or stone girdles covered in leather or fabrics. These types of clothing’s were called yoke (Schwartz 2000). The earlier archeologists mistook the yokes to be used by animals since they resembled animal yokes.

The stone yolks were however heavy and archeologists suggests that they were either used after or before the games mainly in contexts if ritual. Despite providing protection, the yoke and the girdle also helped in propelling the ball providing it with more force which the hips alone could not provide.

There were some players who however wore Palmas which were used for chest protection (Clendinnen 2003). The ballgame players also used gloves, helmets and kneepads to protect themselves from injury which is also a similar culture in modern hockey or ballgame games.

The kneepads are also worn by forearm players today in who comes from many different parts and areas in ulama (Schwartz 2000). Archeologists also discovered that the ballgame players wore elaborate headdresses but mainly for ritual contexts not for protection. Several Dainzu reliefs depict that capes and masks were also used by the ballgame players while Teotihuacan murals depict that men used to play the stick-ball in skirts.

In conclusion, the ancient Mesoamerican ballgame has many similarities with what is happening in sports today ranging from the garments to the pitch/ courts.

Some things like kneepads, helmets and gloves which were used by ancient Mesoamerican ballgame players is still a common act among modern hockey and ballgame players. The ancient ball courts were also used for different purposes such as music festivals and performances which is also a common practice in the modern world where the stadiums are used for different ceremonial occasions.

However, the ball courts unique vertical and diagonal designs make a big difference in the modern and ancient fields. The ancient Mesoamerican ballgames were not only played for recreation but mainly they were associated with rituals where winners were offered with prestige and wealth but losers paid an ultimate price as sacrifice to the gods. Major formal ballgames were mainly featured human sacrifice as the events were considered ritual.

Resources

Clendinnen, I. (2003). Ambivalent conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517-1570, 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Schwartz, S. (2000). Victors and Vanquished: Spanish and Nahua Views of the Conquest of Mexico. Bedford: Bedford/St. Martin’s Publishers.

Cosmovision can be defined as the specific view of the world construction and world ruling principles with the focus on the connection between space and time, cosmos and humans. In spite of the fact that people focus on the same elements of time and space in their discussion of the cosmos, cosmovision as the unique understanding of the world is different in cultures of such peoples as the Mesoamericans and Greeks.

The Mesoamericans created the specific system to understand the relations between the world and people where the cosmos was presented in three levels which were described as the overworld, the middleworld, and the underworld. The levels were closely interconnected, and all of them were presented in the daily life of the Mesoamerican people.

Thus, the world of men and the world of the dead were connected with the help of giant trees. Furthermore, different temples such as pyramids and temples in Palenque served to unite the overworld, the middleworld, and the underworld (Kelley and Milone 354).

This vision of the space was closely associated with the vision of the human body in the world’s development. The human body also was connected with the sacred forces of the overworld, and the human head, heart, and liver were the centers to reflect the forces of the three worlds.

The fact that the human body was the nucleus on the Earth also explained the vision of the Mesoamerican people related to time. There were three types of times: the human time, the time before the gods, and the time of the gods (Kelley and Milone 356).

The human body served as the nucleus because all these times were interconnected, and humans lived in the space filled with the supernatural forces associated with different times. That is why, the Mesoamerican people used calendars in order to fix the important cycles of three different time periods.

Cosmovision of Greeks was also based on the idea of the obvious connections between time and space. Greeks believed that the world was divided into the world of gods and the world of humans. Some gods also controlled the world of the dead. The world was created by gods or by Demiurge, the superior god creature, out of the chaos.

The world of gods and supernatural forces was inhabited with Zeus as a ruler, with the Titans, with the Giants, and with other gods from the Olympus as the place where gods lived to control the humans’ lives (Kelley and Milone 71).

The world of humans was opposed to the world of gods, but these worlds were also interconnected as the worlds of the Mesoamerican people because all the natural events and the aspects of the people’s daily activities were explained from the point of the gods’ impact.

Greeks divided the time into the period of the chaos, the period of gods and heroes, and the period of humans. The world of humans was discussed as a result of combining the elements of the Earth, Water, Air and Fire (Kelley and Milone 68).

To understand the principles of the changes in the day and night, Greeks also focused on studying the circular motion of planets and the sun. This knowledge became the basis for understanding the concept of time.

Referring to the discussed points, it is possible to note that the elements of cosmovision in Mesoamerica and Greece are similar when the interpretation of their relations and role for the humans and world’s development is different.

Works Cited

Kelley, David, and Eugene Milone. Exploring Ancient Skies: A Survey of Ancient and Cultural Astronomy. New York, NY: Springer Science & Business Media, 2011. Print.

What is meant by the terms “activities” and “practices” and why is their study so useful to archaeologists? Please cite at least one specific example for the course.

While people use the terms activities and practices interchangeably, the two feature a significant difference. While the term activities refer to the events and engagements, which people or human beings oblige to do or participate in their day-to-day interactions and life, practices refer to the customs or the already formed predisposition of code of behaviors, which the society or human race uphold to in their day-to-day interactions and socialization. The study of the terms is quite imperative to archeologists because they help them or rather aid in understanding the ancient ways of life as led by the then people showing how the evolutions to the status of behaviors among different communities and societies went on. A good example is the evolution of science in various communities. For instance, they declare science as having originated from the artifacts, which the ancient people invented. Through such innovations, the study of science evolved as more designs that proved sophisticated came up day-by-day, following the engagement of the people in producing more complex and creative designs.

What do you see as archaeological evidence for community practices/activities in the settings we’ve considered for this course? That is, what kinds of behaviors can we recognize, and what forms of archaeological data are materials of that behavior? Please site 3 specific examples, each from a different week.

In the setting considered under this course for instance Ancient Egypt, Pompeii, and other settings, the archeological evidence concerning the communities’ activities and practices is the way of their life’s, interactions, beliefs and customs, values, and ways of interactions among other, which the communities had with each other. First, the structures they built provide sufficient archeological evidence. Most of the structures were built in different designs compared to the current designs, which clearly illustrate some variations in the way the people of those old days lived (Berry 12).

It, therefore, provides evidence and therefore a good tool for archeologists to study and come up with the right conclusion. Another good illustration of the archeological activities is the old paintings found at Colonial Williamsburg. These paintings depicted the life of the African-American in the eighteenth century. These paintings further depicted the kind of experience the African-Americans went through for instance slavery. They also illustrated the plays and dancing that went on in these settings probably a rural setting. Therefore, through these paintings, one seems able to recognize certain behaviors for instance unity of the African-Americans who remained committed to serving one another further showing their love and support for one another revealing the direction of their lives towards a common goal. Proves of these behaviors provide some more archeological data that is documented and transmitted to the upcoming archeologists. The three examples are the early forms of worship, different landscapes, and the then slavery of the African-Americans.

What do you see as archaeological evidence for household practices/activities in the settings we’ve considered for this course? That is, what kinds of behaviors can we recognize, and what forms of archaeological data are material signatures of those actions? Please cite 3 specific examples, each from a different week.

What I see as archeological evidence for the household activities and practices in the settings given in this course stands out through the remnants of the blocks of buildings in which these people lived. There stand a number of artifacts believed to be the tools and forms of arts in the ancient period that provides a clear picture and hence the evidence of the household activities associated with the people. For instance, the paintings done by the African-Americans on the walls of their houses depict the kind of activities and practices they engaged in for instance dancing and playing. In addition, the Oyo Empire in the Nigeria photos illustrated a certain cultural heritage, which they practiced. Furthermore, the pictures of the temples and houses shown through the video depict the style of worship of the then people who acknowledged the presence of a certain being or powers, which they believed to be superior from where they sought their divine interventions.

Which topic or case did you find most thought-provoking this term, and why? You are not being graded on your choice, only on the reasons you offer in support of making that choice.

The case I have found most provoking is the community of households in the early 19^th century who occupied the enslaved landscapes at the James Madison’s Montpellier. I found this case more interesting and thrilling to study because of how it was organized and demarcated. It had three living areas or rather quarters of the slaves called the Homes quarter featuring the south quarter reserved for slaves that resided in the formal grounds of the home and the stable quarters made up of the operations of the slaves charged with the responsibilities of gardeners, craftsmen’s (Ashmore and Wilk 24). The last was the field quarter meant for field slaves. The gist behind the arrangements has been my point of interest in reading the materials. Therefore, through this information, I have been able to come up with the relationships that existed between the members of different communities and societies even in these present days.

What are the relative contributions of the archaeological record and historical documents for understanding households and communities in the settings we’ve considered in this course? Please cite at least 2 specific examples, each from a different week and between which the relative contributions have varied.

The records and documentation of these households and communities have contributed positively to the current way of life and approach to various issues pertaining to life. For instance, they have helped us in understanding our roots revealing what our ancestors used to practice. This knowledge, therefore, has enabled us to co-exist peacefully with one another knowing the importance of staying together well with our brothers and sisters. A good example to illustrate this is the African-American paintings, which illustrated how they lived as united slaves coexisting well through plays and dances. Furthermore, these documents provide us with a point of reference to how certain actions or inventions came to being by presenting to us the ancient arts showing how science revolutionized to the current time. Therefore, it provides us with benchmarks or skeletons which then assist us in coming up with a creative mind of coming up with a good idea. For instance, a good example is the ancient building and architectures in Egypt that have provided the current architecture with ideas on how to come up with better designs (Lehner 79). From such drawings of the ancient buildings, the modern architectures have borrowed from such drawings pushing them into coming up with more sophisticated others.

We’ve encountered a number of issues (ethical, practical, methodological, and/or interpretive) that face those who engage in household archaeology and archaeology of communities. What issues do you think archaeologists and others need to address most immediately?

It seems true that there have been issues concerning ethics, practice, methodology, and many others that have faced the archeologists studying household or community archaeologies. Despite these, there stand some issues, which the archeologists need to think and address immediately for them to assume a better position in their studies. One of the issues is consistency based on the big problem when it comes to keeping good records of the events as they unfold. Therefore, the information they document seems scanty and not coherent hence making it difficult for close monitoring and drawing of conclusions. It, therefore, comes in as an issue of importance that the archeologists should keep their documents and information in a good way that aids in close monitoring in order to avoid drawing the wrong conclusion by basing on the information recorded.

Furthermore, there comes also a need for archeologists to present their information in detail to avoid unnecessary gaps. This will ensure that confidence among the users of their information is maintained. Archeologists should also be able to provide the readers with the relationships that existed or what the practices and the activities the communities or the households engaged implied or rather their meaning. For instance, the language, kind of interactions, values, and even the marriage patterns of these communities indicate how much they were valued. Therefore, they need to provide a comparison of how the previous households lived with the current activities and practices that are being observed. This comparison will then be used to point out the rate of magnitude or differences that have been witnessed.

What do you see as archaeological evidence for (a) ritual and (b) economic practices/activities at K’axob and San Lorenzo?

Archeological evidence at San Lorenzo and K’axob is the remnants of bundles of dead people’s bodies. Such remnants clearly illustrate to the archeologists the kind of rituals these people engaged in and practiced in ancient times (Hare 98). When it comes to the economic activities/practices, archeologists can study the kind of terrains and soils or the food productions that were being used by the inhabitants in those areas. By clearly understanding some of the activities the people of San Lorenzo practiced, the archeologists can then identify their economic practices and activities. Therefore, it is important for archeologists to study all these practices and rituals in order to come up with the right conclusions.

Works Cited

Ashmore, Wendy, and Wilk, Richard. Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past. In: Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past. Mexico: University of New Mexico, 2010.

Berry, Joanne. Houses and Society. In: The Complete Pompeii. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2009.

Hare, Timothy. Between the Household and the Empire: Structural Relationships within and among Aztec Communities and Polities. In: The Archaeology of Communities: a New World Perspective. Routledge: London/New York, 2000.

Lehner, Mark. Villages and the Old Kingdom. In: Egyptian Archaeology. Wiley-Blackwell: Malden MA, 2010.

The difference between “the great god Quetzalcoatl and the hombre-dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl”

Among the Aztecs, the great god Quetzalcoatl is actually a deity. In this form, he is a creator god who ruled over the second era of creation (Carrasco, 1998). In addition, the great god Quetzalcoatl was the patron of knowledge, arts, and agriculture. He had the power over the sun and the solar system, having created the calendar and the world through cosmic dive. In fact, this god was one of the most powerful deities, as it was believed that he gave life to humans and animals in addition to providing them with the energy to harvest (Carrasco, 1998).

The great god Quetzalcoatl does not take human form but is depicted to have taken other forms such as wind (Ehecatl). In such forms, he announced the coming of seasons such as rains or drought. The god has a close relationship with cycles and other bodies such as Venus (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli). He also has power over life because Carrasco learned from the Aztecs that this god revitalized the bones of the dead after he revived himself from death (Olivier, 2003).

On the other hand, the hombre-Dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl may have been one of the lesser gods among the Aztecs and may have come later after the Great god. Unlike the great god, hombre-Dios Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is depicted to take human forms. For instance, taking the form of a human being, this god is said to have been born by a human being. The mother had swallowed a precious green stone that made her pregnant. The hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl revenged against his father’s death, which contributed to his heroic ascension to the great throne. In addition, in his human form, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have been trained to become a priest and a great warrior (Carrasco, 1998). Unlike the great god, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have organized an earthly kingdom among the Mayas. In this kingdom, the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl ruled until his ultimate fall, after which he fled from Tollan but with a promise to return. In fact, the fact that Carrasco was welcomed to the Aztec community as a ‘god’ is probably an indication of the peoples’ wait for the return of the hombre-diosTopiltzin Quetzalcoatl (Olivier, 2003). This is probably the reason why the Aztecs confused the coming of the Spaniards with the return of the god. In addition, unlike the great god, this god took the form of other animals such as the serpent rather than that of things like the wind (Carrasco, 1998).

The sacred career of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl

Birth and ritual training

Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was born of four different possible fathers, but it is believed that Mixcoat or the cloud serpent was the most probable father. Although his mother is not named in most times, Carrasco mentions that Chimalman was the most probable name for the mother (Carrasco, 1998). In his life, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was born in a sacred way, depicting his powers as a deity in form of a human. The mother is believed to have swallowed a precious and mysterious green stone before becoming pregnant (Olivier, 2003). The father was actually a deity, which depicts the connection between human and supernatural powers. According to Carrasco, it is probably through the mysterious birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl that the connectedness between mankind and deities is shown to exist among the Aztecs.

Model worrier and sacrifice

According to Carrasco, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have changed the way Aztecs made sacrifices by discouraging his followers from offering human sacrifices. Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was not only a great warrior but also a knowledgeable priest. According to Carrasco, it is evident that although Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was meant to be a great priest, his functional life began as a great warrior. The main purpose of assuming the warrior’s life was probably meant to allow Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl revenge for his father’s death. Although Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl’s real father is not well documented, it was believed that his father, a deity, was killed in a fight with his brother and that Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was determined to revenge the death (Carrasco, 1998). His vigorous training in the wilderness and guidance of Venus may have promoted his skills until he revenged the death and created a great kingdom on earth. As a great sacrifice, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have realized that human beings were taking the sacrifice too far by offering human sacrifices. Under his rule, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl taught his followers the need to respect human life and body. He encouraged them to stop practices that involved human sacrifice but to engage in self-sacrifice as a means of service to other people.

Tollan (splendid city)

While traveling via Tollantzinco, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl founded little Tollan or the Tollan, where he reigned for years as a ruler and the high priest. Despite his prowess and great respect for humanity, his reign and the city are frequently threatened and actually invaded by other lesser gods, including Tezcatlipoca (Smoking Mirror). In this great city, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl’s rule was characterized by a great dedication to arts. For instance, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is said to have encouraged, and sometimes forced his people to appreciate and made artworks. It is during his reign that great sculptures and other works of art were developed, including depictions of mysterious gods and events, the great temples, pyramids, and other objects (Miller & Taube, 2003). The city was decorated with works of art, some of which have been documented by archaeologists.

Death and deification of the human body

Despite Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl’s ability to create a strong kingdom on earth, other gods, most probably led by Tezcatlipoca, destroyed his reign. This latter deity is said to possess some malevolent tricks and transformations that outdid the powers of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. Fearing his life, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl fled Tollan through a long flight that took him through Puebla and the Basins of Mexico. He is said to have stopped over Cholollan and other places and was with a band of his followers, finally settling at Tlillan Tlapallan where he is said to have cremated his soul before ascending to heaven (Carrasco, 1998). He sacrificed his body through cremation or by burning it, while his soul ascended to the heavens and converted into the ‘morning star’. Before leaving, he promised to return to the earth in royal dignity. According to Carrasco, the coming of the Spaniards was one of the major significant events in the later periods of the Mayan communities. Coming from the sea and having different physical features from the South American native tribes, the Spaniards were confused with the return of the old gods, specifically Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. The myth may have helped the Spaniards develop a close relationship with the Aztecs and probably earning them some respect and special positions as gods.

The connection of Mesoamerican Religion to the contemporary culture

Although the beliefs held in the Mesoamerican religion were actually full of false myths, some situations and events describe some sort of connectedness with the modern cultures and religions. For instance, consider the belief in the birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and the Judeo-Christian belief in the birth of Jesus. In both cases, it is apparent that connectedness between human and the deities are real and considered one of the most important parts of the religion. While the birth of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was sacred because he was born of a deity as the father and a female human as the mother, Jesus was born of a holy spirit as the father and Mary, a human female.

In both cases, the females are said to have been approached by a deity and made pregnant in a mysterious way- the mother to Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl swallowed a precious green stone while Mary encountered the Holy Spirit (Olivier, 2003). Secondly, the lives of the two deities, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and Jesus, are marked with some training to get some sacred career. Both were trained artists and religious teachers. In addition, they changed some religious ways such as the manner of offering sacrifices. Both Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl and Jesus had some respect for humanity and called their followers to avoid causing harm to other people. Finally, both characters left their human bodies as sacrifices and assumed a supernatural form as a way of exiting the world, but with a promise of returning to create an everlasting kingdom on earth.

References

Carrasco, D. (1998). Religions of Mesoamerica: Cosmovision and Ceremonial Centers. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press.

Miller, M., & Taube, K. (2003). The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya. London, UK: Thames and Hudson.

Olivier, G. (2003). Mockeries and Metamorphoses of an Aztec God: Tezcatlipoca, ‘Lord of the Smoking Mirror’. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado.

Pre-historically, the communities that occupied the Mesoamerican were village agriculturalists with large ceremonial-politico-religious capitals. Guatemala is a region in the Mesoamerica that contains twenty three languages. In this region, the oppression of the poor is evidenced by how the rich treat the poor. The poor people are required to perform heavy duties with very little pay such that they are not even able to cater for their own lives. This causes the poor to live a very desperate life which makes them loose the little they own thus making them even poorer to the extent of serving as slaves to the rich (Menchu 2).

Another aspect that has been raised in the reading materials is the mismatch in the anthropological referenced schemes and the real conceptualized fieldwork. This is due to the anthropologists’ inability to relate the archeological materials created, used and disposed by the historical community to how the materials were in use and how the materials have changed with time. There is also inability to show how those materials to show how they relate to the societal organization. Ethnography encompasses the study of how people in the past may have lived and more so regarding their social structures, religious beliefs and also other aspects of cultural life (Hustrup 13).

From one point of view, there is an identifiable difference in the culture which is an implication analyzed on a society and that specific society which is an empirical entity. Culture is a practical occurrence of events which constantly face the risk of alteration with time and environment. The most probable way to deal with the radically differing culture is to take the consideration of one person rather than the whole community. This shows that the situation of culture is weathering away in the combined grouping of the society has reached its climax. For instance, the American public rituals have been described as ironic. This is because the conscious participant or observer is viewed as one of the valid public group displays that may have very little patience for their audience (Marcus and Fischer 45).

Sylvanus Morley, an ancient scholar, wrote about the Maya people in 1910. The cultural images and history that he presented while working on the Yukatek-Maya area have become vital in the creation of a prototype of the Maya people in general. The generalization of the people while studying one group may cause a spread of distorted information. This can be seen clearly in the writing of the Maya names by Landa who distorted their meaning and form. In this way, he distorted the Maya cultural tradition.

This happened because of the generalization of the Yukatek-Mayan terms. In the same way, the days of the week in the Mayan calendar have been branded with the names from the Yukatek-Mayan community, even though all the linguistic communities have their specific names. These Yukatek-Mayan names of days have found their way into the Maya of Guatemala even though they have their own names for the days (Montejo 45).

In anthropological writing, the understanding of development of a culture should be able to show the way in which the cultures develop themselves. This involves serious investigation taken from the lived space. This sphere of study is definitely made up of people and their actions. For that reason, it is clear that for an implied culture to be able to signify the analytical object of anthropology, a counterpart in the real world should have existed (Hastrup 19).

When comparing the contemporary experimental ethnography with the classic ethnography, a difference in the quality of eliciting the narrative point of view emerges. The old ethnographers were very effective in creating vivid idea of the fieldworkers’ situation and romanticizing it to show how exotic customs made sense. In this situation, some of the most interesting contemporary ethnography displayed the field workers’ situations as very unbearable and disturbing for the readers. The current exploration displays indigenous epistemology, rhetorical, aesthetic criteria and sensibilities. This is more related to the way the Greek, Roman, and European culture were previously related.

Works Cited

Hastrup, Kirsten. A passage to anthropology, between experience and theory. New York: Routledge publishers. 1995. Print.

Marcus, George and Michael Fischer. Anthropology as cultural critique An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago press. 1996. Print.

Menchu, Rigoberta. “The Family” In I Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. New York: Verso. 1992. Print.

Montejo, Victor. Voices from exile: violence and survival in modern Maya history. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press. 1999. Print.

First of all, it would be necessary to underline, that Mesoamerica, or Middle America, is a term that is often used by archaeologists to define a geographic region within whose frames a separate cultural arrangement burgeoned in Pre-Columbian times. Such eminent cultures as the Olmec, Classic Maya, Toltec, and Aztec augmented, flourished, and collapsed in this archaeologically famed area. In this episode, we look at the rise and expansion of compound nations and communities in this cultural region. It is necessary to keep in mind that Mesoamerica wraps a much lesser territory. It also seems to have displayed more educational unity over a 3000-year epoch than did the region from Anatolia to the Indus. In spite of these basic dissimilarities, although, some noticeably comparable developmental prototypes typify the early stages of farming and the later rise of civilizations in both the Old and New World areas.

Prehistoric civilization first appeared in Mesoamerica about 1200 B.C. between the Olmecs on the Gulf Coast of the current Mexican states of Veracruz and Tabasco. As it is argued, the Olmecs soon started enhancing their authority to other parts of Mexico, into Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador, even as far south as Costa Rica. It is about this time period, certainly by 1000 B.C., that we can say the Mesoamerican civilization area (or better yet, the Mesoamerican civilizational scheme) starts its own existence.

Over the past twenty years, lots of researchers have investigated the probable links between Venezuelan rock art and the Venezuelan ethnic groups, working at the issues of symbols in civilization. The researches have been directed as well toward the structure and substantiation of endings based on ethnographic works on the cosmogonic and cosmological schemes of the former Venezuelan Indians, with their legends and the Indians who are still alive. Whenever probable, this has been created by contrasting these ideas with the outcomes of archaeological and anthropological study mannered in this country from the XIX century beyond. These researches have also relied on bibliographical bases from raconteurs of the XVI and XVII centuries. Finally, we compared samples of rock art with a possible astronomical depiction, keeping in mind that the previous makers or actors of the rock art are no more amongst us, and, of course, we are also conscious of the fact that, in our analysis at the present time, we can only anticipate attaining a current explanation of those forms left as rock pictures and petroglyphs.

The most discernible characteristic of all Mesoamerican writings is the exceedingly complicated and symbolic form of symbols. They are often named “hieroglyphic” in analogy to Egyptian hieroglyphs as their signs are highly graphic. For this reason, a sign from Mesoamerican scripts is often called a “glyph”, as a short form of “hieroglyph”. Visually, Mesoamerican scripts resemble each other and share many similar glyphs. This is first and foremost because of the fact that lots of Mesoamerican glyphs bear similarity to real objects such as creatures, people, natural features, etc, although in a stylized manner. Often animals and humans appear as “portraits” in that only the heads of these creatures are drawn, but in few cases “full-body” glyphs are also used. Human body parts, especially arms and legs, are also used lengthily to designate action, or verbs if used as grammatical organizations. Other period glyphs come into view as multifaceted geometrical figures like circles, oblongs, cross-hatches, etc.

In addition, there was a greatly complex and conventionalized arrangement of pictograms that came into view in the Pre-Classic right through much of Mesoamerica. This means that symbols carved in, say, Oaxaca, could be understood by a well-informed individual (a kind of shaman) in the Gulf Coast or in Morelos. While archaeologists once decided this uniformity of symbols and icons was an invention of Olmec authority (literary, political, martial, or any grouping of these), now there is more of estimation that the Olmecs were only one of the many sophisticated people throughout the Pre-Classic and thus many diverse cultures might have led to the enlargement of this structure of signs.

In an ideal view, Mesoamerican signs and symbols can be characterized by their featured farming economic base, which often confirmations concentrated agriculture carried out from everlasting settled communities. Such communities are elements of regional schemes consisting of hierarchically arranged sites, with reserve procurement sites at the establishment of the pyramid and large community averages with traditional precincts and intermittent or enduring markets at the top. The societal arrangement was likewise hierarchical, with clearly marked social divisions. Once more, agents of reserve procurement and agriculturalists were the least powerful members of society, while artisans, merchants, military personnel, and a theocratic elite were the most powerful members. Religious and traditional symbols (the calendar and hieroglyphics) also typify Mesoamerican areas, but the allocation of these features falls short of the borders of Mesoamerica as presently instituted.

References

James, Susan E. “Some Aspects of the Aztec Religion in the Hopi Kachina Cult.” Journal of the Southwest 42.4 (2000): 897.

Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C., and Jeremy A. Sabloff. Ancient Civilizations: The Near East and Mesoamerica. Menlo Park, CA: Benjamin/Cummings Publishing, 1979.

MacLeod, Murdo J., and Robert Wasserstrom, eds. Spaniards and Indians in Southeastern Mesoamerica: Essays on the History of Ethnic Relations. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1983.

Sanders, William T., and Barbara J. Price. Mesoamerica: The Evolution of a Civilization. New York: Random House, 1968.