Arguments For and Against Medicaid: Persuasive Essay

Persuasive Essay

Often we forget about our disabled citizens who depend on Medicaid. Have we forgotten how passionate we were about our beliefs? We have citizens that are in facilities who depend on Medicaid and government assistance. If our government cut down the way Medicaid is funding, over 50 percent of our citizens will lose much-needed assistance. Also, it can effect closure of centers. Closures of centers mean loss of jobs and a higher unemployment rate. If our president cuts the was Medicaid is funding, we can damage our society as a whole. The government’s budget cuts will affect the care and support of mentally and physically disabled citizens. Our president wants to re-create how Medicaid is funded. Cutting back on government funding like Medicaid can affect people with disabilities, and put them at greater risk of losing their services. Without the necessary funding, this proposal could initiate a movement that encourages a move back to institutions in order to once again gain access to these services. Furthermore, many of those making careers as caregivers will end up losing their jobs. The government’s proposed budget cuts can affect mentally and physically disabled citizens because health care costs.

If our president decreases Medicaid funding, health care costs will eventually increase the cost of services. In the article titled “Cuts in Texas Medicaid Hit Rural Kids with Disabilities Especially Hard”, renowned NPR reporter Wade Goodwyn wrote in 2016, Medicaid budget cuts have already hurt those who take advantage of provided services. Reporter Goodwyn gives readers a child who was at risk of losing services provided by Medicaid. Goodwyn also used a real-life example of how loss of funding directly impacts a disabled child’s developmental growth, her family, and her caregivers. Reporter Goodwyn did a good job of supporting his argument because it is easy to read and understand, and it provides examples. The report also humanizes the topic by introducing readers to a child and her family who were impacted by the Medicaid budget cutbacks. His article also tells us the consequences from these budget cuts back and re-allocations will only continue to decrease the quality of life for our disabled citizens. It also shows that centers who employ the caregivers who provide these services are already beginning to close their doors. Since industry already suffers from a lack of adequate revenue when compared to time and effort required to support the disabled, making it hard for caregivers to support their own families. Increased cuts will lead to a decrease in pay, further stressing the employee, and which creates a job-related environment of high stress and limited motivation.

Many states have already being affected by multi-million budget cuts are currently seeing the impact of losing funding for their children with special needs, particularly in their rural communities. Julian Pecquet, a journalist with experience as a congressional correspondent, argues that cutting the government’s Medicaid budget will save $810 billion dollars and it can be done effectively over a period of 10 years, in his article titled “Ryan budget cuts Medicaid by $810 billion: plan would give states more flexibility to run program as they see fit.” While the article is counter-arguing the main claim, it is also stating that the budget cut will give states more flexibility to uniquely run individual programs and will protect low-income seniors. The article does offer a compelling counter-argument, but also stresses that while funding will decrease the healthcare costs will keep going up. Although credible and persuasive, Pecquet’s article is not doing a good job of supporting its arguments because it’s only considering a fraction of Medicaid recipients and doesn’t elaborate enough on what the future will look like. However, he very clearly shows how massive the amount of money proposed being taken from Medicaid recipients is.

A likely very, near-future consequence of cutting Medicaid funding could lead to re-institutionalizing our disabled, something that we once decided was unethical, inhumane, and fought so hard to end. In her article titled “Of Technological Targets and Budgetary Bombs,” social work educator and researcher Sharon Keigher argues that proposed Medicaid budget cuts will disproportionately impact disabled recipients because programs that are already in place are made up of a variety of services that go hand in hand. She uses quotes from credible sources, relevant examples, data, and statistics to support her argument. Keigher’s article does a good job of supporting its arguments because it tells of how the proposed Medicaid budget cuts will not only be detrimental to current and future recipients but to the national as a whole. It also addresses the facts behind proposed budget cuts and provides insight into potential future consequences.

The main counter-argument to this problem is by decreasing the funding typically allocated to those with disabilities, the government is able to save billions in expenses, it will allow for the creation of individualized care plans. The rebuttal to this line of thinking is that the government is looking to base their budget cuts on what was needed in previous years. With the disabled population on the rise, and will continue to rise, how can we accurately determine necessary funding when we’re calculating those amounts from years where the financial support wasn’t adequately satisfying the needs at that time. Add to the fact that our government is only considering this funding based on a fraction of those being supported by Medicaid, and without keeping potential future outlooks in mind. Finally, there haven’t been any guidelines put into place that would distinguish one disability from another that would allow for effective individual treatment plans.

Early intervention programs and services are closing their doors and losing their staff because they aren’t able to pay employees, and because of this, the disabled are suffering. This suffering that will only continue for a lifetime both for the child and the community because early intervention is necessary for development, especially for those with disabilities. Health care costs will continue to increase as services become unavailable and force many to lose their jobs. Although the idea of budget cuts might sound good at first and most states might be able to handle it for the first several years, it’s not really a sound plan because basing future funding on past spending only increases risk and promises poor quality of life for those with disabilities. Raising awareness is likely to face challenges due to this issue having many components, which leads to varying degrees of understanding (or none at all) from the public. An effective financial plan can be created that will not only allow proper funding for the mentally and physically disabled, but also limit attrition in the direct care workplace by keeping an eye on future and the needs of the growth of the industry, factor in the experiences from states already faced with the consequences of limited funding, and eliminate the need for institutions where we house those with disabilities.

References

  1. Goodwyn, W. (2016, November 3). Cuts In Texas Medicaid Hit Rural Kids With Disabilities Especially Hard. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/ 2016/ 11/03/500420007/texas-medicaid-cuts-hit-rural-disabled-kids-especially-hard4
  2. Keigher, S. (1995). Of Technological Targets and Budgetary Bombs: The Dangers of Depersonalized Budgetary Warfare. Health & Social Work, 20(4), 300-300. 6p. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.snhu.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edb&AN=9510271660&site=eds-live&scope=site
  3. Pecquet, J. (2012). Ryan’s budget cuts Medicaid by $810 billion: plan would give states more flexibility to run programs as they see fit. The Hill. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.snhu.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsggo&AN=edsgcl.284937953&site=eds-live&scope=sit

Analytical Essay on Medicaid Eligibility under the Affordable Care Act

Executive Summary

Problem Statement

Despite improvements following the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), the state of Mississippi has among the high rates of uninsured along with some of the poorest maternal and infant health outcomes in the country. Under the ACA, pregnant women with incomes of 138% of the Federal Poverty Level are eligible for Medicaid coverage of basic prenatal and postpartum services. Regardless of coverage, access to skilled health care professionals, especially among rural counties, is severely limited resulting in poorer care.

Background

Mississippi has some of the nation’s worst health indicators. Due to health disparities in the state, rural counties that are primarily comprised of African Americans face some of the largest barriers to accessing care. Higher rates of uninsured, poverty, lack of transportation, and a limited number of skilled providers have led to the highest infant mortality rate in the country. Skilled obstetricians and primary care physicians opt to work in urban areas, leaving women in small towns and rural areas with fewer options. Limited access to preventive care and health education are the main reasons for maternal chronic conditions associated with high infant mortality. Under the ACA Medicaid provides temporary coverage or may limit coverage during pregnancy, potentially interrupting care for women with chronic health issues. This is further exacerbated by the fact that many women who might benefit from Medicaid coverage of perinatal services are unaware of their eligibility.

Options

  1. Option 1: Increase access to expertise and perinatal care via the use of telemedicine in rural counties in Mississippi. This would mean establishing a stronger network and telecommunication system between physicians in rural and community health facilities and the academic health center in Jackson. Telemedicine provision is funded by the state’s Medicaid program and would dramatically improve access and quality of care for underserved rural populations.
  2. Option 2: Approve Medicaid expansion under the ACA to increase coverage for eligible low-income women in the state. Although increasing insurance coverage may have a wider reach, it would meet with the most political resistance and does not fully address the issue of limited access to skilled health care professionals in rural counties.

Recommendations

Greater cost-effectiveness, political feasibility, and administrative ease provide stronger evidence in support of the first option. While increasing insurance coverage for low-income women with state Medicaid expansion may have the potential to reach more women, improving access to skilled perinatal care in underserved counties will have a greater immediate impact and serve to provide more equitable and quality care.

To: Senator Derrick Simmons, Mississippi District 12

From: Karen Politis Virk, George Washington University, Milken School of Public Health

Subject: Infant Mortality: Rural and Racial Health Disparities in Mississippi

Date: April 29, 2019

Problem Statement

Medicaid eligibility under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) includes individuals with incomes at or below 138% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) (United States Health & Human Services, 2019). Several years since the proposal to nationalize state expansion, and the opposing 2012 Supreme Court ruling, Mississippi remains one of 14 states with no expanded Medicaid coverage (Kaiser, 2019).

Currently, under the ACA, Mississippi Medicaid is required to cover basic prenatal care and up to 60 days of postpartum care for eligible pregnant women. However, for some coverage is temporary and limited to pregnancy-related health services. Temporary coverage disrupts both continuities of care and the management of chronic maternal health conditions associated with higher rates of infant mortality. Additionally, women enrolled in qualified health plans (QHP) and new mothers may receive less coverage than if they were not pregnant. (MACPAC, 2014).

Mississippi has the highest number of infant deaths in the United States (CDC, 2018). Although the underlying issues are complex and multisectoral, many infant deaths are preventable. Large health disparities persist and primarily impact African Americans who comprise 38% of the population (US Census, 2017). Underserved, rural populations are especially vulnerable due to higher rates of uninsured and poverty, and poor access to care. Despite public funding dedicated to the issue, additional programs are required to address the root causes of high infant mortality in the state.

Background

Mississippi’s Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) is the highest in the country, reported in 2017 at 8.72 deaths per 1,000 live births compared to the national average of 5.9 deaths per 1,000 live births (CDC, 2018). Mississippi’s obesity rate is 38% among women of reproductive age which puts their infants at a higher risk of being born either prematurely or with LBW. Maternal obesity has been strongly linked to these two predisposing factors to infant mortality (McDonald et al., 2010). the most common risk factor associated with infant mortality in Mississippi is preterm birth (State Department of Health, 2017). African American women in Mississippi have an increased incidence of chronic conditions due to higher rates of obesity and have more preterm deliveries and LBW babies (The March of Dimes, 2016). As a result, African Americans in Mississippi have significantly higher rates of infant mortality, despite progress in the rest of population (State Department of Health, 2017).

Mississippi’s poor infant health outcomes are deeply rooted in systemic inequities (Brown, 1988; Almond, 2007). African Americans have higher poverty rates as compared to whites (32.3% vs.13.2%), and there is 23.1% poverty in rural counties compared to 15.9% in urban counties (Center for American Progress, 2017; Rural Health Information Hub, 2019). Fourteen percent of nonelderly (0-64) are uninsured, higher than any other state in the region (Kaiser, 2017). Mississippi is also among the non-expansion states with the highest number of uninsured individuals living in non-metropolitan areas. (Hoadley et al., 2018).

Inadequate prenatal care is a large risk factor for preterm birth and LBW as well as infant mortality (Cox et al, 2011). For rural Mississippians, the barriers are significantly greater due to low patient-to-provider ratios and lack of transportation (Warshaw, 2017; Hoadley et al., 2017; Fine Maron, 2017). Most skilled providers opt to work in metropolitan health facilities, leaving women in rural areas with fewer options and having to travel large distances to reach better care. Half of the state’s population lives in rural counties, mostly composed of African Americans, with the largest concentration residing in the Mississippi Delta region (US Census Bureau, 2017). A comparison of infant outcomes in this region with that of other counties in the state demonstrates the vast health disparities (Partners Healthy Start Initiative, 2012).

For those who meet the eligibility criteria for pregnant women, Mississippi Medicaid covers basic maternity care, including prenatal visits, vitamins, ultrasound, amniocentesis, childbirth delivery, and 60 days of postpartum care (Medicaid, 2019). Under the ACA, however, issues with temporary Medicaid coverage during pregnancy as well as coverage limited to pregnancy-related services pose greater challenges. Disrupted coverage may result in less care of chronic health conditions (Johnson 2012), and new mothers or women with a QHP may receive less benefits when they are pregnant (Kaiser, 2019). In Mississippi, Medicaid also offers a perinatal high-risk management program (Medicaid, 2019). But women are eligible only if a health care professional refers them to the program. As a result, women in underserved areas are less likely to be enrolled. Poor information access is another barrier for many who may not know they are eligible for Medicaid coverage during their pregnancy and cannot otherwise afford care.

Options

  • Option 1: To increase access to quality perinatal care for rural populations using telecommunications technology. Arkansas established a collaboration between the state’s Medicaid program, the main academic health center, and physicians to deliver perinatal services to underserved populations. By increasing access to expertise, education, and support via telecommunication, primary obstetric care showed marked improvement (Lowery et al. 2007; 2014). The program, which utilizes telemedicine and clinic networks to facilitate access to consultation services, also provides continuing education for rural practitioners. This allows physicians in academic centers to offer expertise to providers in rural facilities and helps to provide more equitable care for women throughout their pregnancy.

Telemedicine in the context of maternal health is gaining recent political support due to its cost-effectiveness. A similar system to Arkansas’s can be replicated in Mississippi via a collaboration between the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson, the state Medicaid program, and physicians throughout the state. A past study at the University of Mississippi provides further evidence that high-risk pregnancies can yield improved outcomes using telemedicine (Morrison, 2001). Current investment in perinatal care can be enhanced with the use of telemedicine, expanding access for rural underserved counties such as the Mississippi Delta region. Moreover, Mississippi Medicaid currently covers telemedicine for services that are the same as services provided by a physician in person (Ulmers, 2018). This would facilitate implementation of such a system into the existing framework.

  • Option 2: To expand Mississippi’s Medicaid coverage under the ACA to increase coverage among eligible uninsured women. Kentucky adopted federal Medicaid expansion in the early stages, effectively reducing the uninsured rate among low-income adults from 43% in 2008 to 13% in 2015 (Hoadley, et al. 2018). In 2016, Louisiana was the first southern state to accept expanded Medicaid coverage. Medicaid expansion, in conjunction with non-expansion Medicaid, expected to cover 37% of the state’s population with current enrolment rates, reported a 50% reduction in uninsured rates between 2013 and 2017 (Norris, 2018). Rural areas and small towns have particularly benefited from expansion, as they typically have a larger percentage of uninsured (Cole, et al., 2018).

Medicaid expansion in Mississippi would improve coverage among low-income women. About half of Mississippi’s uninsured are working in service industries and cannot afford to pay for their own insurance (Families USA, 2015). Approximately 167,000 uninsured adults with incomes between 100 and 138% of the FPL would be eligible for ACA Marketplace coverage (Kaiser, 2019). Additionally, an estimated 35% of low-income adults in rural areas would potentially benefit from expanded public coverage (Hoadley et al., 2018).

Recommendation

Poor maternal and infant health currently places a larger financial burden on the health system than that of increased investment in public funding or access to better care. Although the second option may have wider reach, under the current administration it will be met with greater political resistance. The state’s political landscape regarding Medicaid expansion remains unfavorable, similar to the situation in 2013 when you proposed state expansion legislature without success. Delays in obtaining approval for this legislature may also have negative consequences. More importantly, expanded Medicaid coverage does not address the issue of access to skilled providers or improve quality of care in rural communities. Two years after expansion in Louisiana infant mortality was reported at 7.8 deaths per 1,000 live births, indicating that coverage is not the only factor affecting outcomes (CDC, 2017). Expanded public funding can help reduce long-term costs associated with chronic disease by increasing the number of insured in the state. However, pregnancy-related Medicaid coverage of services alone cannot improve access to medical expertise and quality of care for underserved populations.

The first option is therefore the best and the path of least resistance. The Arkansas model is cost-effective, politically feasible, and can be accomplished with administrative ease by enhancing existing mechanisms. Telemedicine is highly utilized in many rural communities with limited access to health services. Strengthening the existing network of providers between the academic healthcare center and community and rural health facilities can significantly improve health equity and provide better quality of care. The Maximizing Outcomes for Moms through Medicaid Improvement and Enhancement of Services (MOMMIES) Act provides political support of Medicaid coverage using telemedicine to provide services for pregnant women (Wicklund, 2018). This may facilitate passing this initiative in Mississippi. Additionally, since most telemedicine services are covered under Medicaid, this can be incorporated into the existing framework of Mississippi Medicaid services for pregnant women. Dissemination of information promoting greater awareness of public funds available for low-income women during pregnancy is required for the success of this program in an effort to reach all eligible women in the state’s rural areas and small towns.

References:

  1. Almond, D. et al. (2007). Civil Rights, the War on Poverty, and Black-White Convergence in Infant Mortality in the Rural South and Mississippi. SSRN. Available at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=961021
  2. Brown, S.S. (1988). Prenatal Care: Reaching Mothers, Reaching Infants. Chapter 2 Barriers to the Use of Prenatal Care. Institute of Medicine (US) Committee to Study Outreach for Prenatal Care; Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US). Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK217704/
  3. Center for American Progress. (2017). Mississippi. Talk Poverty Report. Available at: https://talkpoverty.org/state-year-report/mississippi-2017-report/
  4. Centers for Disease Control & Prevention. (2017). National Center for Health Statistics. Infant Mortality by State. CDC Data. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/infant_mortality_rates/infant_mortality.htm
  5. Centers for Disease Control & Prevention. (2017). Division of Reproductive Health. Maternal & Infant Health. Infant Mortality. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/reproductivehealth/maternalinfanthealth/infantmortality-cdcdoing.htm
  6. Cole, M. et al. (2018). Medicaid Expansion and Community Health Centers: Care Quality and Service Use Increased for Rural Patients. Health Affairs; 37(6): 900–907. Available at: https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/pdf/10.1377/ hlthaff.2017.1542
  7. Cox, R.G. et al. (2011). Prenatal Care Utilization in Mississippi: Racial Disparities and Implications for Unfavorable Birth Outcomes. Maternal and Child Health J; 15, (7): 931–942. Available at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10995-009-0542-6
  8. Eudy, R. L. (2009). Infant Mortality in the Lower Mississippi Delta: Geography, Poverty, and Race. Maternal and Child Health J; 13:806. Available at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10995-008-0311-y
  9. Families USA. (2015). Top 9 Occupations of Working but Uninsured in Mississippi Who Would Benefit from Expanding Health Coverage. Available at: https://familiesusa.org/product/top-9-occupations-working-uninsured-mississippi-who-would-benefit-expanding-health-coverage
  10. Fine Maron, D. (2017). Maternal Health Care Is Disappearing in Rural America. Scient Amer Public Health. Available at: https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/maternal-health-care-is-disappearing-in-rural-america/
  11. Graham, J. et al. (2007). Association of Maternal Chronic Disease and Negative Birth Outcomes in a Non‐Hispanic Black‐White Mississippi Birth Cohort. Public Health Nursing J. Available at: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1525-1446.2007.00639.x
  12. Henry Kaiser Family Foundation. (2017). Mississippi: Health Coverage & Uninsured. Available at: https://www.kff.org/state-category/health-coverage-uninsured/?state=ms
  13. Henry Kaiser Family Foundation. (2019). Status of State Action on the Medicaid Expansion Decision. Available at: https://www.kff.org/health-reform/state-indicator/state-activity-around-expanding-medicaid-under-the-affordable-care-act/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22Location%22,%22sort%22:%22asc%22%7D
  14. Henry Kaiser Family Foundation. (2019). The Coverage Gap: Uninsured Poor Adults in States that Do Not Expand Medicaid. Available at: https://www.kff.org/medicaid/issue-brief/the-coverage-gap-uninsured-poor-adults-in-states-that-do-not-expand-medicaid/
  15. Henry Kaiser Family Foundation. (2019). Medicaid and CHIP Income Eligibility Limits for Pregnant Women as a Percent of the Federal Poverty Level. Available at: https://www.kff.org/health-reform/state-indicator/medicaid-and-chip-income-eligibility-limits-for-pregnant-women-as-a-percent-of-the-federal-poverty-level/?currentTimeframe=0&sortModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22Location%22,%22sort%22:%22asc%22%7D
  16. Hoadley, J. et al. (2018). Health Insurance Coverage in Small Towns and Rural America: The Role of Medicaid Expansion. The Georgetown University Center for Children and Families. Available at: https://ccf.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/FINALHealthInsuranceCoverage_Rural_2018.pdf
  17. Johnson, K. (2012). Addressing women’s health needs and improving birth outcomes: Results from a peer-to-peer state Medicaid learning project. Commonwealth Fund Issue; 1629 (21).
  18. Lowery C. L. et al. (2007). ANGELS and the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences paradigm for distant obstetrical care delivery. Am J Obstet Gynecol; 196:534. e1–534.e9.
  19. Lowery C. L. et al. (2014). The Evolution and Impact of Telemedicine in Arkansas. Health Affairs; 33 (2): 235–243. Available at: https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/pdf/10.1377/hlthaff.2013.1001
  20. McDonald S. D. et al. (2010). Overweight and obesity in mothers and risk of preterm birth and low birth weight infants: systematic review and meta-analyses. BMJ; 341:3428. Available at: https://www.bmj.com/content/341/bmj.c3428
  21. Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission (MACPAC) (2014). Chapter 3 Issues in Pregnancy Coverage under Medicaid and Exchange Plans. Available at: https://www.macpac.gov/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Issues_in_pregnancy_Coverage_under_Medicaid_and_Exchange_Plans.pdf
  22. Medicaid. Women’s Programs. (2019). Available at: https://medicaid.ms.gov/programs/women/
  23. Mississippi State Department of Health. (2017). Infant Mortality Report. Available at: https://mspqc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/2016-Mississippi-Infant-Mortality-Report.pdf
  24. Mississippi State Department of Health (2017). Infant Mortality Report. Available at: https://msdh.ms.gov/msdhsite/_static/resources/8015.pdf
  25. Mississippi State Department of Health. (2015). State of the State: Annual Mississippi Health Disparities and Inequalities Report. Available at: https://msdh.ms.gov/msdhsite/_static/resources/6414.pdf
  26. Morrison, J. (2001). Telemedicine: Cost-Effective Management of High-Risk Pregnancy. Managed Care. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/204a/bc029ec63f8bafc2450286da48ba83eea6be.pdf
  27. Norris, L. (2018). Louisiana and the ACA’s Medicaid expansion. healthinsurance.org. Available at: https://www.healthinsurance.org/louisiana-medicaid/
  28. Partner’s Healthy Start Initiative. (2012). Improving maternal and child health outcomes in the Mississippi Delta: Impact of the Delta Health. Conference Paper. Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266815070_Improving_maternal_and_child_health_outcomes_in_the_Mississippi_Delta_Impact_of_the_Delta_Health_Partner’s_Healthy_Start_Initiative
  29. Rural Health Information Hub. (2019). Mississippi. United States Department of Health & Human Services. Available at: https://www.ruralhealthinfo.org/states/mississippi
  30. The March of Dimes Prematurity. (2016). Premature Birth Report Card. Available at: https://www.marchofdimes.org/materials/premature-birth-report-card-mississippi.pdf
  31. Ulmers, M. K. (2018). Telemedicine in Mississippi. Mississippi Division of Medicaid. Available at: https://www.mstelehealth.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Mary-Katherine-Ulmers-presentation.pdf
  32. United States Census Bureau. (2018). Quick Facts Mississippi. Available at: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/ms
  33. [bookmark: _Hlk7429072]United States Department of Health and Human Services. (2019). Office of The Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. Poverty Guidelines. Available at: https://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty-guidelines
  34. Warshaw, R. (2017). Health Disparities Affect Millions in Rural U.S. Communities. Association of American Colleges News. Available at: https://news.aamc.org/patient-care/article/health-disparities-affect-millions-rural-us-commun/
  35. Wicklund, E. (2018). New Bill Targets Medicaid Coverage of Maternity Telehealth Programs. mHealth Intelligence. Available at: https://mhealthintelligence.com/news/new-bill-targets-medicaid-coverage-of-maternity-telehealth-programs

Mental Health, Medicaid, and Managed Care: Building a Unified System in Massachusetts

Summary

This case study depicts the revolution in the mental health care system in Massachusetts. The 90s of the last century were a turning point in the management, governance, and deliverance of publicly funded mental care. Massachusetts was the first state to introduce a statewide mental health managed care plan in Medicaid. When begun, it was the largest managed care program with capitated mental health care.

Massachusetts Department of Mental Health (DMH) had been given the trust to manage and treat the most seriously and severely mentally ill of the state, what called “priority clients” (children & adults), the department was first governed by commissioner Eilleen Elias who was the leader in the path of the reinvention of the system by the proposal of a managed care approach backed by her superior Charles Baker, suggesting that enrolling the Medicaid recipients in a private health plan would be better, and the reason behind that they would be treated, with a low cost than they would be by public suppliers in the state hospitals, which most of them date back many years ago.

On the other hand, the state’s lead Medicaid agency; Division of Medical Assistance (DMA) was entrusted the management of the managed-care contracts with private providers, it was the financial body for individuals who have Medicaid (poor, mentally ill…) and the administration body of Medicaid. Commissioning of the DMA was assigned to Bruce Bullen, who was trying to stop the fast growth of Medicaid costs.

Within the context of state fiscal crisis, legislation was approved in 1980s mandating a Medicaid managed care program to control speedily growing Medicaid costs. The DMH was required to stabilize the Medicaid budget without diminishing recipients’ admission to mental health care. In response, the Medicaid carried out a Managed Care Organization (MCO) to manage and operate the needs of Medicaid recipients. Managed care directed changes in acute care, both inpatient and outpatient, consolidating facilities and state hospitals, privatization of acute inpatient care, and shifted the resources of DMH, and those savings were reinvested, to expand emergency, and diversionary services; add new residential beds, and expand other community-based services. Restructuring of residential programming ensured that services meet consumers’ needs, rather than making consumers “fit” into various residential sites.

During the major fiscal, administrative, and political issues, the DMH and DMA were challenged to cooperate and work together in order to overcome the issue, as a result, they both worked toward integration of their systems. The joint planning specified in the framework agreement “Interagency Service Agreement” (ISA), capitalized on both agencies’ assets as to arrive to the One-Tier System of care, regardless of payment source.

As the agreement was about to be formalized, the Department of Mental Health welcomed a new commissioner Marylou Sudders. Now Sudders should decide whether to sign the ISA and before to do that she needs to be aware in weighing the outcomes of the agreement and whether it is representing the right decision. She would need also to assess the potential obstacles that could arise preventing the DMH from carrying out its mission, as well as the support the agreement might offer.

Evolution of DMH, from a traditional role to the CEO of the System Care

Historically, the DMH had been known for its central mission, which is providing the adequate medical services to the mental ill individuals in general and to the special kind of individuals with such difficult illnesses, like bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, which usually require special treatment and who need care at the general state hospitals. In other words the traditional job of DMH was taking care of serious mental ill and being the last resort for state ill people, through its hospital which has general acute medical care, and local services.

The department was mainly relying on state and public funds in providing its treatment to the priority clients, however, this system was clear that generate more burdens than its generate benefits to the state besides delivering low-quality care. In the mid-1980s the use of some alternative settings took place mainly, the integration in the system of “local services” in addition to the use of new generation of pills and drugs which alleviate the most severe symptoms of the disease. The local services were delivered thanks to residential care units, delivered by the community to prevent the need to the hospitalization, and group homes who provide support for individuals who live on their own, the out-patient care indeed contribute in a huge decrease in the total cost of the state and induces considerable savings (number of state mental hospitals had shrunk, only seven remaining and savings increased by almost 45 %).

However the hit of the crisis on the state budget pushed a wide cut, which hits in particular the alternatives for the mentally ill, and inducing more reliance on the private providers in a system of full independence on the state-run hospitals, the motive of such reliance comes from the federal government’s health insurance program, where the latter reimbursed the state half of the cost deemed medically required for those eligible, three-quarters of the department’s clients were believed eligible for Medicaid. Four of the seven remaining state mental hospitals were ready to provide the inpatient care and serving the clients who require long-term, acute treatment when no other option is in place.

The reimbursement of DMA excludes the cost of hospitalization in state-run mental hospitals while reimbursing half of acute mental care delivered in a private hospital. As to move Medicaid repayment acute care out of the state hospitals, the department put in place “Replacement Units” at the general hospitals, these were specific inpatient psychiatric units, which operation costs would be covered by Medicaid partially only, DMH used this units as enticement to hospitals, it used Medicaid money to subsidies a share of replacement beds, as to maintain higher rate. In addition to this units, the Designated Emergency Programs (DEPs) open its door with a role which was standardized from a call day and night to handle mental crises, maintaining short-term “crisis beds”, and providing screening. Those new functions allow the privatization of the care and serve as a tool to DMH to triage clients. Due to this privatization, the fear about the destiny of the state most poor and ill clients was raising.

As a response, Elias and it department and thanks to the funds collected from the closure of many state hospitals and the usage of replacements units were able to fund the expansion of the community-based treatment- outpatient services; day treatment centers, residences, and clubhouses which closely supports its clients where they live and ensuring proximity of the mental health care services and as a result preventing unnecessary hospitalization. Elias believed that to deliver a fair services to all the clients a One-Tier System between her department and DMA should took place.

DMH’s role, once the enforcement of the agreement took place was pronounced more around the setting of the policies and procedures to follow in a system of managed care for mental health, it was responsible in setting the standards for the services as well as the establishing the criteria for medical exigency. As a public body, the DMH played more on protecting the interests and delivering particular mental health, rehabilitative, and social support services for persons with serious mental illness—a population that historically has been discriminated against by private insurers and managed care organizations (yet a managed care approach can enhance the quality and safety of general medical care and meet the continuing care needs of the mentally ill). Therefore, the DMH was proceeding to maintain management of its specialized continuing care system and by clearly establishing oversight authority (through Medicaid) over the contracted acute care program (despite the recognized need for further integration)

DMA – State’s lead Medicaid Agency

To go toward such a model- One-Tier System, the “managed care” deemed fundamental to equitable supply of publicly-funded mental health care, first, reducing the efficiencies of the management of the acute care in order to reduce the costs and the department’s expenses, second, the effective usage of the existing funds, which was much less than inflation in order to respond and meet the clients’ needs. The initiative of managed care program for Medicaid-reimbursable mental health started in 1992 as a response to the state budget crisis and the wide spread of concerns about the swift acceleration of Medicaid costs, Bruce Sudden made his division to lead the beginning of the program and alleviate the “budget buster” and cap its growth. The managed care program sow success, the DMA budget was over $200 million for mental health and serving 650,000 Medicaid beneficiaries across the state, the savings touted by the administration of the Medicaid agency were met and they were directed to move patients from expensive facilities to less costly outpatient ones.

Traditionally the division existed as the mechanism through which the state’s money go to arrive to the providers of services to the Medicaid beneficiaries, it was a source of security and stability to the efforts made to contain the rise in costs and it was critical to the organization and the system since it was able to effectively negotiate the best private insurance contracts. DMA was the single state agency responsible for administering Medicaid as provided under Title XIX of the Social Security Act.

The access to the Medicaid-reimbursable for mental health care in Massachusetts was offered by Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs), a medical insurance group providing health services through the arrangement of care due to individuals, health insurance, and health care plans by health care providers, notably hospitals and doctors, at that time, the Primary Care Clinician Program (PCC) did not include a mental health component, which pushes the DMA to contract and create a managed care organization, Mental Health Management of America (MHMA) responsible about the Medicaid mental health beneficiaries of the PCC program. The MHMA was a tool to get in touch with the mentally ill who got the inpatient health care and controlled the network of hospitals who were eligible to deliver inpatient mental care to those clients. In addition, the MHMA used the DEPs as a front door to triage the clients who need hospitalization, the latter needed both authorizations from the DMH’s emergency staff and from the MHMA.

However, the PCC and MHMA were providing similar services, the overlap in providing the mental health care was complete. Indeed the former head said, there were conflicts and confusion between payments and tasks, we did not know who is paying for what and who was actually the commissioner.

Both agencies as they were working together to integrate Medicaid acute care with the DMH’s continuing care systems for the DMH-eligible population, they soon realized that differing service expectations hindered further development. For example, (1) the DMH’s role in coordinating linkage between acute care in the managed care organization and DMH services was imprecise; ambiguity existed concerning the mental health authority—was it the managed care organization or the DMH? (2) the DMH and the managed care organization developed overlapping networks of hospitals and replication of case management services; (3) the DMH and the managed care organization lacked a shared database for joint planning and monitoring; and (4) acute care referral decisions increasingly were made solely on the basis of payment source.

Rise of the Agreement “ISA”

The win/win situation resulted from the managed care was not sustainable, the objective of the effective use of the funds could not be achieved as the efficient allocation of resources was difficult to realize, the result was a dual system overlapping the activities of each other’s, they were no sharing of the data between the two agencies, and continuity of care between MHMA and the DMH (MHMA was steering Medicaid eligible recipients towards PCC instead of HMOs, with the belief that HMOs was not experienced enough in dealing with the seriously mentally ill), in addition to the organizations of the staff and managers.

The production of the savings by both the Medicare and Medicaid was not efficient, on one hand, the DMH used those funds with no advice of the DMA, on the other hand, DMA notices the mismanagement of the funds and strove for the minimal possible contact with DMH in implementing it contracts- Managed care contracts.

Commissioner Elias trust that a collaborative initiative is inevitable in other to solve the issue, a second iteration, after the implementation of Medicaid, managed care programs/contracts, the commissioner is asked now to put effort in order to unite the two systems of care- unified systems and bring back the DMH to the scene and conserve it publicly services to the seriously mentally ill clients.

Indeed the negotiations was raised between DMH commissioner Elias and DMA commissioner Bullen and began in the summer of 1994, the discussion concluded on the usage of a single managed care organization in conducting all the services, Elias intention behind such a framework is the ability to contract with all DMH clients and not only who were eligible for Medicaid. The first step towards such a collaboration was a Memorandum addressed to the commissioners and their staff, the highlight of the second step was the elaboration of the “Purchasing Specifications” by DMH, these specifications (reviews of field staff and advisory group) was accepted and grouped by DMA into a “Request for Proposals”, which was out in June of 1995.

Once the negotiation started, the DMA made it clear from the start that for an accepted agreement would be only upon taking the lead on the management of the contract, so as to unify both department voice in negotiating effectively with the managed care organization. The DMA was perceived then as the entity capable in handling the managed care and succeeding in a perfect and successful mental care health in particular and health care in general. It was able to purchase more health services, negotiate best rates with providers, and had access to a national database which allowed to distinguish some extra payers for the client’s expenses.

The ISA contributed in changing the relationship between the two agencies, now DMA sells services which DMH is agreeing to buy, the DMA in words of the agreement manages process of competitive bidding, rate negotiation, execution of contracts, contract management and monitoring, payment, and federal reporting and reconciliation.

On the other hand, the DMH’s scope of control was settled by the ISA, the latter transcribed several points standardizing the services of the department to mental health clients; DMH now is responsible on what should DMH procured taking into account the quality of clinical services and fiscal considerations. DMH was required to provide viable, community-based continuing services to its clients by maintaining a comprehensive network with inpatient mental health services for non-acute types of individuals and in-home and community-based ranging from day programs, housing services, residential treatment to children’s services, outpatient services, and care management.

The agreement’s benefits were recognized, (1) the savings would be generated from lower rates achieved through the procurement of services, and maximizing benefit eligibility determination and revenue collection in avoiding the duplication of services, (2) these savings will be used to invest in more community-based continuing care services, hence preventing unnecessary use of acute services, enhance the quality of clinical and utilization management, as Bullen noted: “…expansion of community-based services would provide the support needed to keep people out of hospitals”.

Regardless of the advocates of the ISA, obstacles, and objections facing ISA were exposed by “the Area Directors”. The first concern was about the replacement units and its priority clients, the Area Directors feared that a managed care organization would not understands the central role that those units played, especially for those without Medicaid. The second concern, which was more serious and focused on the DEPs, the arrangement initiative will let the “front door” of the department to the MCOs, which will result in overrunning the residential and inpatient care programs with patients.

Sudders and the ISA: sign or not

Elias was not lucky to witness the outcomes of what she had been putting in place in terms of efforts and negotiation with DMA commissioner Bullen, nevertheless, the attacks that she went throughout her commissioning and the skepticism of many of her staff, with the departure of Elias and the arrival of commissioner Sudders, the first decision which would face is the signing of the ISA, the fruit of 2 years of dedicated and hard work in unifying the departments, allocated by the ex-commissioner.