Category: Korean

To what extent was Stalin Responsible for the Korean War?

In assessing the causes of the Korean War, it is of paramount importance to understand what Stalin and key players had to lose in Korea. The extent to which Stalin was responsible for the Korean War requires an understanding of the unique post-World War II (WWII) situation, which led to the expansion of Communism and Democracy. Since 1910 Korea was not unified under its own accord; the country had been annexed by the Japanese Empire, after ‘years of war, intimidation, and political machinations. By the end of WWII, the deteriorating Imperial Japanese Army could no longer withstand the all-encompassing power of the Red Army as they marched into Korea. Truman, fearing the Soviets would spread their ideological influence, hastily sent American troops to South Korea. He proposed they establish the 38th Parallel, to which Stalin unexpectedly acquiesced. By 1948 superpowers had vacated Korea, leaving Kim-Il-Sung in the northern Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Syngman Rhee democratically elected in the southern People’s Republic of Korea (PRK).

There are significant factors that need to be considered in order to determine the extent to which Stalin was responsible for the Korean War. This essay has been divided into three sections, in an attempt to interrogate the extent to which this was the case. The first section will assess whether Stalin enabled Kim with the means to launch an offensive against the PRK and whether it was the outcome of unprovoked aggression from the Soviet Union, intent on extending its influence in Asia. Secondly, it will examine whether a Civil War between the North and South was inevitable. Finally, it will consider Stephen Ambrose’s hypothesis, that the American input was a consequence of the NSC 68, domestic pressure, and Truman’s personal agenda of containment. It will also explore what is perhaps the most convincing perspective, the argument that the sheer number of troops and arms provided by America transformed the conflict into a prolonged war.

Stalin – The Enabler

The citizens of Korea and their leaders were not content with the divide imposed upon them; both States desired to unify the country, but on their own terms. Christine Bragg argues that Stalin’s acceptance of the 38th Parallel was the consequence of a combination of Stalin’s fear of the American monopoly on Atomic Weapons, alongside the weakness of Soviet forces against the US army, and his hope that Truman would give him a share in the occupation of Japan. Therefore, Bragg contends that in accepting the Parallel, Stalin was setting himself up for a future conflict between the Koreans. The common conception amongst Historians is that neither side could unify without the backing of a superpower nation. Vladislav Zubok and Constantine Pleshakov assert the view that Kim could not start the war without Stalin’s approval, and with that, Soviet supplies, training, and planning. In a report to Vyshinsky, Shytok stated: ‘Kim said that he himself cannot begin an attack, because he is a communist, a disciplined person and for him, the order of Comrade Stalin is the law.’ This illustrates that Kim would not engage in any military operation against the PRK without Stalin. Consequently, from March to April 1949, Kim traveled and stayed in Moscow, in order to persuade Stalin to condone a war effort, claiming ‘that the ‘revolutionary situation’ in South Korea was ripe.’ David Williamson postulates that Stalin, at this point, was not entirely convinced that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) would win the Chinese Civil War, hence an American-backed nationalist government would hinder Soviet efforts to unify a Communist Korea. Odd Arne Westad argues Stalin possessed some contempt for Korea and distrust that Mao would win; Kim returned home empty-handed.

On August 29th the Soviets achieved their first successful Atomic bomb test. Mike Sewell argues, that in the wake of the successful test, Stalin grew significantly more confident, believing America’s loss of the monopoly would make them less likely to intervene. Moreover, there was a popular notion that America should desert South Korea and Syngman Rhee. Senator and Chairman of the Senate Relations Committee, Tom Connally, claimed Korea was not ‘greatly important’; Connally’s views were consistent with the Truman Administration, with Acheson in his speech to the Press Club, January 1950, intimating that the ‘defensive perimeter’ did not extend to South Korea. Truman subsequently liquidated all positions in East Asia, leaving no American troops on the continent’s mainland, preferring the US bases that were on strategically placed islands. Stalin analyzed Acheson’s speech and a top-secret National Security Council (NSC) study, which compelled him to inform Kim: ‘according to information coming from inside (US) the prevailing mood is not to interfere.’ Bragg suggests the fall of China to Communism further evidenced the lack of interest from the US in Asia. This view is backed by John L. Gaddis, Zubok, and Pleshakov, who also believed Stalin concluded that the US viewed Syngman Rhee as expendable. Max Hastings observes, that at no point in the 5 years that followed did the Russians show any desire to stake Moscow’s power and prestige upon a direct contest with the Americans for the extension of Soviet influence south of the Parallel. Gaddis further argues, that the biggest difference for Stalin was his conviction that a ‘second front’ was now feasible in East Asia, which could be created by proxy war, minimizing the risk to the USSR. These interpretations reinforce the idea that Stalin was cautious to ensure that his intervention in Korea would serve as little consequence as possible, on a global front. Overall, Stalin’s presumption that America would not intervene, alongside the view that there were greater Soviet plans for Eastern Asia, instilled confidence and the belief that ‘in light of the changed international situation’ there would be little to no damaging repercussions.

Building on Gaddis’ interpretation of Stalin’s conviction, Kathryn Weatherby and Christine Bragg both argue the DPRK was a satellite of the Soviet Union. As Korea bordered Russia, having the DPRK as a satellite state would prove to be a huge asset to Stalin. This perspective was shared by the CIA; ‘Soviet policy in Korea is directed towards the establishment of a friendly state which will never serve as a base of attack upon the USSR.’ Moreover, a Soviet Ministry of Internal Affairs officer, Leonid Vassin, claimed Kim-Il-Sung was ‘created from zero’ by the Soviet Union, as it was the Soviets who founded the North Korean Workers Party (NKWP) providing Kim with the vehicle to gain widespread recognition and popularity in Korea. Thus, Kim seemed incapable of acting on his own accord, requiring Stalin’s approval to initiate an invasion of the Republic of Korea. This outlook is backed by David Williamson, who argues that Kim needed Stalin’s help in order to have a major invasion. In a conversation to Stalin, Kim says:

The Korean government understands that without further economic and cultural aid from the Soviet Union it will be difficult for the DPRK to restore and develop its national economy and culture. The assistance of the Soviet Union is required for the further development of the Korean economy and culture.

This arguably provides compelling evidence, illustrating Williamson’s argument to be credible. Odd Arne Westad considers Stalin’s quick acceptance of the 38th Parallel to demonstrate his contempt for the Koreans. Gaddis further observes that shortly after Stalin gave Kim the ‘green light’ he encouraged Ho Chi Minh to intensify the Viet Minh offensive against the French in Indochina, arguing victories in both locations (Indochina and Korea) would maintain momentum from Mao’s Victory in China the previous year. In summary, Gaddis states that Stalin ‘had never abandoned his commitment to world revolutions,’ further reiterating the interpretation that China’s successful conversion to Communism provided Stalin with a huge confidence boost.

Martin McCauley argues, that in providing the North Koreans with a staggering volume of offensive weapons, Stalin condoned and actively promoted an invasion of the South. Without the aid, Stalin provided, Kim would not have had the military capacity to invade the PRK. After the Soviets vacated Korea in 1948, they left behind military hardware and continued to regularly provide Kim with arms. On 30th January 1950, Stalin invited Kim back to Moscow, and it was at this meeting Stalin confirmed his support for Kim. Stalin is recorded to have asked Kim, ‘Are you short of arms? We shall give them to you.’ This interaction evidences Stalin’s eagerness to launch an offensive, and willingness to support Kim. After the meeting, Stalin called for the immediate fulfillment of all Kim’s arms and ammunition requests and provided the DPRK with Soviet military planners, who believed they could advance fifteen to twenty kilometers a day and win the war within 3-4 weeks. By the time the DPRK invaded the PRK, they had twice the number of soldiers and artillery; seven times the amount of machine guns; six and a half times the number of armored vehicles, and six times the number of planes as the PRK. Mike Sewell asserts Stalin was so confident of success and of the weakness of the US reaction, that he did not order the return of his delegation to the UN. Regardless of whether it was his confidence or just the boycott that meant he did not attend the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on 25th June 1950, the act of not attending, and hence not vetoing, directly resulted in the engagement of UN forces in Korea, consequently initiating a war.

Through Stalin’s use of proxy wars and satellite states, he intended to secure a ‘buffer zone,’ analogous to what he had orchestrated in Eastern Europe, using Korea as a mere piece in his Eastern Asian jigsaw. This is evidenced by Stalin simultaneously supporting the communist efforts of China and Indochina. Hence Stalin’s primary concern was the geographical risk to the USSR, which possession of the DPRK was quashed. Moreover, Stalin’s assertion that America would not intervene in the situation induced him to enable Kim Il-Sung to attempt to unify the country under Communist rule. The arms provided to Kim gave the DPRK the upper hand against Rhee, giving them the strength, support, and confidence to launch an invasion of the south.

Korea – Competing Regimes

Bruce Cummings asserts that the cause of the Korean War was not, as the US declared, an example of the expansionist aims of the Soviet Union, but a Korean Civil War. McCauley labels Kim Il Sung as the driving force behind the conflict. This view was shared by Molotov, who exclaimed that the invasion of PRK ‘was pressed on us (USSR) by the Koreans themselves.’ Moreover, Khrushchev later stated his opinion that the ‘North Koreans wanted to prod South Koreans with the point of a bayonet’; Molotov gave the account: ‘Stalin said it was impossible to avoid the national question of a united Korea.’ Mike Sewell argues that by the time China fell to communism Kim had become extremely impatient, promising Stalin that the ‘attack will be swift and the war shall be won in three days.’ Kim evidently pressed Stalin until he conceded. Zubok and Pleshakov argue that all Stalin had done was merely approve of the North Korean aggression. Furthermore, Gaddis claims Korea was of little significance on a global front to Stalin, it would not make a huge difference to him whether it was a communist state or lost to the South Koreans. After Stalin’s initial reluctance, he condoned Kim’s apparent thirst for war, but warned, ‘if you get kicked in the teeth, I shall not lift a finger.’ This consolidates Zubok and Pleshakov’s view that Kim’s constant pestering led to Stalin conceding, that all Stalin provided was his approval. However, this is perhaps not a convincing argument, this essay has already established the impact of the Soviet Union on the scale and nature of the conflict.

In parallel to the DPRK, Rhee’s government was, in the words of the CIA, a discredited, unpopular regime.’ Sungjoo Han claims ‘civil liberties were in near-extinction.’ However, as an American-founded ‘democratic’ state, Acheson pressed the PRK to hold an election. Rhee only won 40 seats, with the other 120 going predominantly to leftist parties, all of whom, Ambrose claims, were calling for the reunification of Korea, even willing to compromise on North Korean terms. Rhee was losing support from within his government. Han observed, that two months after Rhee’s inauguration, the Police seemed to be the only group demonstratively loyal to the Government. In a report on the status of Korea before the war, the CIA labeled Rhee and Kim Koo as ‘demagogues bent on the autocratic rule – and described the PRK as a ‘full-blown police state.’ This was a view that even the first secretary of the South Korean Embassy in Washington, Han Pyo Wook, conceded to. When faced with criticisms of Rhee, he exclaimed ’sure, he’s dictatorial compared to Truman.’ Hastings argues, that if Kim had played the waiting game, he could have had a far better chance of obtaining political control of the South, unifying the country under a communist regime. After the war, a former senior South Korean officer remarked, ‘if Kim really wanted to get the South, by far his better course would have been to do nothing,’ alluding to the fact that by 1950 Rhee’s regime was in deep internal political trouble. This view was embodied by the CIA who stated ‘it is probable that a Rhee Government if left to its own devices, would play directly into Soviet hands.’ Rhee seemed to care little for the support of the South Korean peoples under a democracy to maintain his power; a few more years of discreet subversion might well have ensured its collapse from within.’

However, Han argues the Korean War provided Rhee with the perfect opportunity to consolidate his power. This view is supported by Hastings, who argues Kim gave Rhee what he could never have gained on his own: a just cause and a banner of moral legitimacy,’ thus reiterating the idea that Rhee desired a war, in order to further his supremacy. Han further develops this argument by observing that South Korea, being under a state of mobilization, permitted the Rhee Administration to get away with many irresponsible acts in the name of ‘wartime necessity’ to further bolster his power. This is evident during the war when atrocities such as the National Defence Corps (NDC) Scandal were merely swept under the carpet: South Korean draftees were sent on a ’300-mile ‘death march’ and approximately 300,000 men deserted or died along the way.’ Gaddis argues that the Americans were skeptical, fearing that the unpredictable Rhee might ‘march north’ and drag the US into a war they did not want, hence contributing to the withdrawal of US troops from Korea. This highlighted the American concern that Rhee would attempt to initiate the conflict. Although Kim Il Sung initiated the conflict, McCauley argues Kim invaded the south before ‘Rhee had girded his loins to invade the north.’

In isolation the view that Kim-Il-Sung’s invasion of South Korea gave the PRK more power is convincing. Syngman Rhee’s government was destined to fail. The theory that Rhee was an advocate for a civil war as the best way to preserve his rule, does not stretch too far from reality. Consequently, it could be argued that the responsibility rests on Rhee’s shoulders; Kim was equally as much to blame, for convincing Stalin to aid the war effort and initiating the invasion of South Korea. However, this essay has already established Rhee alone had not had the military capacity to invade North Korea and any attempt he would make would be quashed almost immediately. The speed at which the DPRK invaded and captured Seoul demonstrates Rhee was on the military back foot. It was the backing from the US and UN that pushed the North Korean forces back to the Parallel and beyond. Likewise, without Soviet support in military planning, finance, and arms provisions, the DPRK would not have had the confidence to invade the south. The internal Korean factors were significant with regard to the outbreak of the Korean War, but individually they were both too weak to act convincingly on their feud. However, it could be argued the tensions in Korea were a direct consequence of the imposed 38th Parallel, orchestrated by Truman and Stalin.

Cultural identity can be defined by different aspects of a culture, including but not limited to, language, food, and clothing styles. I will be focusing primarily on traditional Korean cuisine, why it is interesting and how this helps other people better understand Korean culture. I chose this topic, traditional Korean food because I think that it is one of the biggest contributing factors to making up the Korean culture as a whole. I also chose this topic because I love Korean food, and dishes like bulgogi beef, bibimbap, kimchi, etc., and wanted to learn more in-depth about the food culture. To this day traditional Korean food is popular amongst not only Koreans but also Western society. Usually, with time, traditional food grows out of style or isn’t consumed daily or even as often, but the food culture within Korea has remained fairly static and even grown to be popularized recently in the U.S. That is not to say that food culture hasn’t changed and has been influenced by more modernized, western type foods, but traditional food is still a huge part of their food culture.

Traditional Korean food is interesting because of its uniqueness, compared to other cultures’ foods. The types of food within the traditional cuisine are connected to Korea’s agriculture and its unique farming methods and terrain. Interestingly enough, to this day traditional farming methods are still used to make traditional Korean food. Another interesting fact about Korean food is the health benefits that traditional Korean meals contain. Since the diet is mostly vegetable-based, the body receives important nutrients and vitamins that help with a balanced meal. There is always a wide variety of vegetables provided with meals including, radishes, bean sprouts, and cabbages. All of which are unique to Korea’s agriculture. Vegetables also help with digestion due to their high fiber content. But not only that the fermentation, a unique cooking style in Korea, of vegetables, like cabbage and radish, provides the body with healthy bacteria that aid the digestion system in breaking down lactose. Also, unlike most other cultural cuisines, in Korean cuisine, all the courses are served at one time. This allows the person consuming to choose from different dishes throughout the entirety of the meal. In Western culture, dishes are brought out one at a time in stages, usually starting with an appetizer, then the main course, and finally the dessert. This is to avoid the dishes from getting cold, but within Korean society, this problem is tackled by having the consumer cook or grill their own food at the table when they are ready to eat. Korean food is also known for its freshness, in addition to being able to cook your food when you are ready to eat, the food is served raw and even sometimes still moving when it gets to the table, another unique characteristic of Korean food culture.

Since traditional Korean cuisine and eating are such a huge part of Korean culture it is important in understanding Korean society. “Korean cuisine is the customary cooking traditions and practices of the culinary arts of Korea. Korean cuisine has evolved through centuries of social and political change. Originating from ancient agricultural and nomadic traditions in Korea and southern Manchuria, Korean cuisine has evolved through a complex interaction of the natural environment and different cultural trends.” (Wikipedia, 2019) Traditional Korean food tells us a lot about Korean culture because of the originality of the types of food, the change in food, and the way that the food is prepared and served. Korean food ties into other huge cultural aspects, including family, respect, society, sharing, and health. Food brings people together; it is culturally appropriate that families gather around a table to share a meal but eating together also extends out to eat with coworkers or friends. Basic tradition is sharing a meal, that is one of the reasons that such huge meals are served, they are catered to be for a larger group of people to share. The sharing of food with family, friends, or coworkers and the culture of eating together also help us understand Korean culture. With traditional Korean food comes the traditional dining rules, which include, allowing elders to sit and eat before you do, not leaving the table until the elders do, blowing your nose at the table, not tipping, not eating your rice with chopsticks, etc. These dining traditions and values help us better understand that respect for elders and respect for tradition are important in Korean society. Also, Korean food is the health aspect that was talked about earlier, but since ancient times Koreans believed that food and medicine served the same purpose of improving the wellness of those that are sick. Traditional Korean food is at the very root of lots of different aspects of Korean culture and thus helps us understand it that much better. There are lots of interesting facts and uniqueness about traditional Korean food that is unlike any other cultural cuisine and that is why I chose this topic.

Works Cited

1. “5 Interesting Facts About Korean Food – New Shilawon Korean Restaurant 뉴신라원 – Honolulu.” NearSay, https://nearsay.com/c/419883/270561/5-interesting-facts-about-korean-food.
2. “Adjusting to Korean Life – Cultural Differences When Dining Out in Korea.” Adjusting to Korean Life – Cultural Differences When Dining Out in Korea | Global Overseas Adoptees’ Link, https://www.goal.or.kr/content/adjusting-korean-life-cultural-differences-when-dining-out-korea.
3. “Aesthetics of Korean Foods: The Symbol of Korean Culture.” Journal of Ethnic Foods, No Longer Published by Elsevier, 14 Sept. 2016, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352618116300853.
4. Information Service. “KOREA.NET.” Food: Korea.net: The Official Website of the Republic of Korea, http://www.korea.net/AboutKorea/Korean-Life/Food.
5. “Korean Cuisine.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 22 Sept. 2019, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_cuisine.
6. “Korean Diet: Characteristics and Historical Background.” Journal of Ethnic Foods, No Longer Published by Elsevier, 15 Mar. 2016, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352618116300099.
7. South Korean Eating Culture – BIG BERRY – Medium. https://medium.com/bigberry/south-korean-eating-culture-sharing-is-caring-1ec1bdc282c1.
8. “The Value and Meaning of the Korean Family.” Asia Society, https://asiasociety.org/education/value-and-meaning-korean-family

Laura Mulvey’s ‘Male Gaze’ theory suggests the media present women through the viewpoint and interests of a heterosexual man and as a result, denies women an identity as strong as their male counterpart. The theory expresses in the media, women’s aesthetic value is only important. The Male gaze theory is present within forms of popular Korean culture, as the media portrays the traditional gender inequality upheld in East Asia. I will analyse Korean popular culture concerning the ‘Male Gaze’ theory by examining Korean pop music, music videos and music broadcast shows and suggest the effect this can have on the audience. In the areas I will examine, there is a prevalent sexist portrayal and objectification which reinforces Korea’s patriarchal system and lack of gender equality. The businesses, music labels and music shows, want to capitalise and monetise the sexist portrayals of women by using the ‘Male Gaze’ to their full advantage and in doing so, Korean media reinforces Korea’s patriarchal culture and hinders gender equality.

Catering to the male gaze, Korean TV broadcasts use camera angles, framing and lighting which emphasise the bodies and de-emphasise the identity of the performers. The cameras are a literal ‘gaze’ to guide the viewer to stare at the female singers’ bodies in a way that is voyeuristic and sexual, along with subtly erotic choreography and lyrics. Designed with a male point-of-view in mind, these TV performances cater to the male gaze theory. As Doane states in her studies, “the woman’s beauty, her very desirability, becomes a function of certain practices of imaging—framing, lighting camera movement, angle” which is demonstrated in the Korean pop singers performances, these tactics are used to capture the male gaze and make the singers seem more aesthetically desirable and therefore boosting their popularity and sales. Furthermore, Korean pop singers are treated differently than a western singer, for one they are referred to as an ‘idols’, a word which implies a god-like status for an audience to lust and gaze over, and unlike in the west, idols have to not only sing and look flawless but also hold a level of skill in dancing and acting. This treats K-Pop idols as a commodity, designed specifically for the ‘Male Gaze’.

However, it has been argued ‘’K-pop girl groups are positioned between the twin dangers of promiscuity and chastity’’ as they are forced to fulfil multiple male fantasies and ‘gazes’ at once by being visually sexy but still having the innocent stature that South Korea expects for a woman. As an example of Doane’s argument is the girl group KARA’s performance of ‘Pandora’. The music broadcast show MBC uses the camera to emphasize one body part over another, pronominally legs, this isolation of the girl’s body can be viewed as objectifying and serving the ‘male gaze’. Mulvey claims this close-up focus of the body which is seen in KARA’s performance turns the girls into a “cutout or icon” and in doing so destroys “the illusion of depth” in the performer and performance, as they are just viewed as an object for a male to gaze on. This also allows the girl groups to sell a fantasy narrative to their viewers as if the camera angles are a first view perspective where male fans feel like they are present and their ‘gaze’ through the TV is reality. In the performance the choreography highlights the desirability of a female body, alongside outfits that resemble a corset with an open jacket, which they shake off, giving a fantasy to the viewer that they will soon undress completely.

Additionally, throughout the performance, the girl’s hands slide along their bodies in a way that is another person’s hand which, for the ‘male gaze’ a viewer can interpret as their hand. The camera emphasises the sexualised choreography, at times blurring the background so the viewer’s main attention is on one girl and her provocative movements. As the ‘male gaze’ theory suggests, women are secondary to men when it comes to media, so this objectification in music shows conveys the theory by not showing other aspects of their performance. Overall, the result of the camera work on South Korean singing shows normalises objectification of their female performers as their record companies capitalise on the ‘male gaze’ who know the popularity a male audience can bring for their female singers. By screening their singer’s body parts in a manner, which for a male audience, can hold a sensuous interpretation, supports Laura Mulvey’s theory of the ‘Male Gaze’. However, this normality threatens to build a society that is comfortable sexually objectifying women on national television and teaches males that women can be treated as an aesthetic object and young women are faced with conventional beauty are desirable characteristics from these staged cameras, which could hold a contribution to the long issue of dieting, plastic surgery, depression, and youth suicide seen in South Korea.

In South Korea, the consumption of paedophilic fantasies through popular culture is normalised, music companies monetise this in their female singers by having them act innocent to feed specific ‘male gazes’ which lust for an obedient, younger wife. South Korea ranks as one of the lowest countries in the Global Gender Gap list for the largest gender gap for wages and working conditions and Mulvey illustrates societies’ patriarchal subconsciousness shapes our watching experience. Therefore, this correlates to an overly sexualised music market in South Korea. Marketed with the heterosexual male fans in mind, a female idols job in South Korea is to conform to a subservient role that feeds the ‘male gaze’. Sexualization in the Korean music market involves picking attractive performers who will become an object of their fan’s fantasies, whilst presenting their overly sexualized or innocent songs. Mulvey’s main argument implies popular culture uses women to supply a pleasurable visual experience for men and this is what South Korean music labels profit of. Through personalities, outfits and language choices which music labels force their female singers to portray themselves through, female singers appear infantilised, clueless and reliant on men when it comes to love.

Oh argues that when a woman is read as sexual she becomes a political hindrance but chaste women support “the patriarchal ideology that says a woman should be a good wife and a wise mother” and therefore popular media pushing Lolita-like girl groups to become popular, as they not only support the gender imbalance, but also the ‘Male gaze’ that fantasise about girls who are clueless when it comes to love. An example of this is Twice song ‘Heart Shaker’ with pastel outfits, young pigtail hairstyles and cutesy voices which sing about their lack of knowledge when it comes to love, the idols are subject to the visuals of a young girl. As Twice is the most successful female idol group, this could suggest that the innocent approach is most popular for girl groups as they knowingly contribute to the overall inferiority which women in K-Pop and Korean society face. To please the subconscious desires of the male audience, music companies appeal to the ‘Male Gaze’, by presenting their female singer’s sexually in either a slutty or innocent manner, nonetheless ready to please the audience.

Female K-Pop idols are a product, acting submissive, provocative or Lolita-like for their fans and the South Koreas patriarchal capitalist society. Chapman argues ‘the propulsive fantasies of K-pop produce a gulf between onscreen heroics and the tangible life of any-viewer-whatsoever’ this suggests fans can build on what they see in music videos or showcases and insert themselves into an ideal narrative where themselves and the female idols are lovers. An example is ‘Samchon-fans’ which in Korea are older male fans. They actively seek female idols as many of them fill a ‘Lolita’ role, cute and innocent girls, which the older men gain sexual gratification from if they cannot find that role in their everyday lives. The emergence of an older ‘male gaze’ is said to be ‘’the male reclamation of the dominant position that has long been theirs, made far more potent than the teenage obsession that has been more commonplace in South Korea’’ this insinuates female idols fulfil the ‘Male Gaze’ as they fit the patriarchal ideology which Korean men find satisfying to watch. Ultimately, South Korean music labels push their female singers to perform with the ‘Male Gaze’ in mind and profit of the fact that they can mould their girls into a variety of personalities which will ultimately attract the most amount of male attention. Overall, driven by profits, the K-pop industry plays into the ‘Male Gaze’ to help fulfil male fans’ fantasies and adhering the consumer desires, female idols become subjective to the ‘male gaze’ and labelled as submissive or erotic to fans treated who treat their existence as a commodity.

Another form of popular culture which brings idols and their fans together is music videos. The choreography, camera angles, lyrics and outfits presented in music videos underline Laura Mulvey’s ‘Male Gaze’ theory as many have been created purposely to entice a male audience to watch the young female singers or backup dancers with aesthetic value. The treatment in these types of music videos reflects the ingrained patriarchy and gender imbalance that South Korea is infamous for, where even in the 21st century many treating women as second-class citizens, suffering discrimination and objectification by men. Referencing the music video ‘Who’s your mama?’ will give insight into how the head of the most profitable Korean music company presents themselves and other women in their music video and how they conform to the ‘Male Gaze’ theory. J.Y Park, the main singer in the song, is also head of JYP Entertainment, one of the most successful entertainment companies that manage girl groups. Women, as suggested in the ‘Male Gaze’ theory, are objectified in this music video. We can see the ‘Male Gaze’ theory in action at the beginning of the music video as J.Y.P walks into the gym and shows his reaction to what would be regarded as a very attractive woman, as a result, he shows only the reaction to her breasts and behind, as opposed to her face. This suggests J.Y.P is tailoring to the ‘Male Gaze’ as throughout the music video he is the main character and so it can be assumed the close-up angles of the women’s bodies is his first-person ‘gaze’ for the audience to also admire. A lot of shots in the music video never show the women’s face, only focusing on their bodies, which J.Y.P openly points and looks at which highlights how the media show women through a male’s perspective and openly objectify them. In the music video women wear tight gym outfits and bikinis which show a lot more flesh than J.Y.P who at one point wears a suit. This denotes in this music video women are viewed as sexual objects while men hold a position of power over them, as suggested by the business suit. This highlights the ‘Male Gaze’ theory and the gender inequality that South Korea faces as some women are still, in the 21st century, expected to be homemakers while their husbands work respectable jobs. In this aspect, the ‘Male Gaze’ is harmful to both men and women. When repeatedly exposed to this portrayal of women through the ‘Male Gaze’ it endorses the self-objectification of women as it sends a message of inferiority to men and the importance of appearance. The stereotypes show through the ‘Male Gaze’, a woman with all perfect appearance and characteristics, could affect women’s self-confidence and limit their career decisions and future possibilities.

This essay has argued that South Korean music companies tailor their female idols towards a male audience in mind which supports Laura Mulvey’s ‘Male Gaze’ theory. South Korean music companies force their female idols to act prude yet visually erotic to cater towards more male preferences and ‘gazes’ which in turn, more public exposure and album sales. The way women are presented during musical showcases or music videos suggest, with the camera angles and styles, women are an object to be looked upon by their male audience. The effect of this on both men and women is that it leads to self-objectification and mistreatment on women, which is harmful in Korean society which has an issue with gender inequality and suggests within the musical sphere of Korean culture, the cycle of objectification continue for much longer. Further research might examine the full extent of the ‘Male Gaze’ in Korean pop culture as the chosen examples do not represent the whole K-pop scene. However, it is plausible to assume that the mainstream media in South Korea wishes to objectify their female performers and in turn, feed the ‘Male Gaze’.

References

1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2krSBqL0w1k
2. http://jarryn.com/res/JFS_3.1_Ha_dist.pdf
3. file:///C:/Users/jessi/Downloads/Laurie_TowardaGenderedAesthetics.pdf
4. file:///C:/Users/jessi/Downloads/Laurie_TowardaGenderedAesthetics.pdf
5. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40034353?seq=3#metadata_info_tab_contents
6. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23357427?read-now=1&seq=12#page_scan_tab_contents 940pg
7. Doane -https://www.amazon.co.uk/Femmes-Fatales-Feminism-Studies-Psychoanalysis/dp/0415903203

Side Dishes – Kimchi and Danmuji

This Korean food lately had a lot of attention from the world, which makes Korea now one of the top country that is very well known in this aspect of their food tradition. One of the food tradition is a side dish, named ‘kimchi’. The meaning of ‘kimchi’ is a spicy pickled cabbage, which mostly they eat with the main dish. Spicy pickled cabbage is the most well known as a side dishes by the global, even to just eating the kimchi with rice. Not only that, there are various types of kimchi other than using cabbage. This various types of kimchi also will let the traditional table settings become full of side dishes. The person who eat the formal Korean table will enjoy the harmony of eating various vegetables which they believe that eating more vegetables every day will become more energized and healthier.

Other than that, ‘danmuji’ also one of the most popular side dishes other than kimchi. Danmuji is basically a yellow pickled radish, where most of them they enjoyed with noodles. In fact the origin and history of these two is quite interesting because one is originally from Korea but one more originated from Japan. When we talk about history of kimchi it means we talk about history of Korean soul because in essence it is a living history and the most important kimchi is truly the embodiment of Korean culture. While danmuji also called as “takuan” in Japan is not original Korean culture foods but it was very famous which is created by Takuan Soho.

The effects of food globalisation on these two foods is had been exported to many countries so that other country can enjoy the way of eating of Korean tradition. Actually, this scenario happened due to a lot of request by the Korean food lover’s across the world. In fact, South Korea imported more than 275,000 tonnes of kimchi in 2017. These kimchi and danmuji tend to be one of the top side dish food that have become favourite among the global.

Kimbap

Word of kimbap is actually came from kim and bap, kim means seaweed while bap is rice but it also called as ‘gimbap’. Kimbap is a Korean dish and also one of traditional food in Korean, it is actually made from cooked rice that had been wrapped in dried seaweed. It is often called Korean sushi because the appearance both of it is almost the same, usually the ingredients of kimbap in the roll are cucumber, fishcake, meat, imitation crab, spinach, danmuji, egg and so on.

Kimbap is one of the famous take-out or packed meal in Korea, because it is well wrapped and does not use any liquid ingredients that makes it really easy to enjoy the food and can avoid from getting messed. Thus, it also make Kimbap known as a convenient food because of it portability which is easy to bring during picnics, outdoor events and more.

There is a lot of contention about the origin of Kimbap. Actually, there is two theories about the origin of kimbap. First, it is originated in Korea which is the creation of kimbap is because of the old tradition eating cooked rice (bap) and vegetables wrapped in seaweed (gim). Second one is it claims that kimbap is derived from Norimaki, in which it is a type of Japanese sushi. In all probability both are correct, given the long history of both peaceful and violent contact between Korea and Japan. Ssam or gim has been recorded in references as existing from the time of Goryeo, and the use of laver as early as the Silla period. The use of laver as a wrap probably transferred from either Korea or China to Japan, where it eventually evolved into sushi, and was then transferred back to Korea as that form.

Along with the recent Korean Wave which is K-dramas and K-pop, Korean food has also garnered a lot of attention and gained significant popularity. Little do people know that there is a relatively large population of Korean expats here in the Malaysia. As a result, the impact of globalization on the Korean culture foods happened here where there are many restaurants in Malaysia now are served kimbap and other certain Korean dishes even if the restaurant is not meant to serve for Korean cuisine. Furthermore, in Malaysia also there are a lot of Korean food lovers who always seeking for the best place to enjoy Korean meals.

Rice cakes

Other than that, the food that is well known from the Korea is spicy rice cakes. It can also be known as tteobokki (ddeobokki), a cylindrical, chewy white rice cakes called tteok are stir fried in a delicious spicy gochujang based sauce. Tteokbokki is a traditional Korean street food which can be usually purchased from street vendors also called “pojangmacha” in Korean. A savoury elements are added to the sauce by way of anchovy stock, dried kelp and a splash of sesame oil.

This rice cakes can also be toasted in a cast iron pan or even charred over a grill, slightly crunchy on the outside and still stay pleasantly chewy and soft on the inside. This type of food are well known also from the Japan, which is called Yaki Mochi. Mostly people enjoy roasted rice cakes with sweet sauce such as brown sugar sauce or honey. This non-spicy rice cakes is often eaten by people who don’t eat spicy food and people who prefer sweet, soft and chewy foods. It is one of the most famous Korean street-foods, tteokbokki is being eaten as a snacks, for Korean people, which can be at the afternoon or midnight.

If we look at the history of tteokbokki, there are many different stories about it in which is regarding to when the first ttekbokki are created in the history. According to bibliographic data, the first tteokbokki ever created in Korean history is during Josean dynasty as written in the book called “Siui Jeongso” in the late of this dynasty. In the other hand, some said that tteokbokki already exist before the Three Kingdoms period, it means the history is longer than what we were expected and considered.

Besides, during Joseon dynasty there is a medical officer, Jeon Sunui who writes a book titled “Shingnyo chanyo” which contain the information on how to cure people through food and the word “tteokbokki” found in that book. Actually, tteokbokki is one of the food that proposed by him that had been used to cure people. Tteokbokki also one of the Korean royal court cuisine during Joseon dynasty but it is slightly different from our version of tteokbokki, their version was called “Gungjeon tteokbokki” or Palace tteokbokki. Gungjeon tteokbokki was in brown coloured and tasted plain compared to our version of tteokbokki which is red and spicy. Just like the name given, gunjeong tteokbokki is the main example of Korean haute cuisine it is the combination of tteok, meat, vegetables and some seasoning.

During 1950s, due to the Japanese influence in Joseon dynasty gochujang was introduced and since then tteokbokki became red and spicy. Gochujang is Korean spicy paste made of chilli peppers. It’s believed that the history happened also called as food globalisation which is the origin style of tteokbokki had changed because influence of Japan. In addition, most of people said the main transition from plain to spicy tteokbokki occurred when it is happen after the independence day of Korea. This is the reason why tteokbokki modern version were sold in the street vendors is in red colour and it tasted spicy.

The impact of globalisation on this food is tteokbokki has become one of the instant and convenient food like instant noodle that is sold in any markets. It is been wrapped in airtight packaging and sold in most of every country markets. The most interesting is that the product got a good response in many countries as we can see there were many videos of “tteokbokki food review” in social media.

Bibimbap

Other than that, the main dish that is traditionally popular among Korea and have become one of the most attractive dish that attracts the world is called ‘bibimbap’, which it is truly a unique dish. Most of the people are so used to it until that they forgot the uniqueness of the dish, but there is nothing in the world that is a messy mixture of ingredients like bibimbap. Bibimbap is a very colourful dish with various colourful vegetables, rice and also served with an egg for the toppings, which are mixed with the addition of gochujang (red chili paste), or sometimes they serve separately, making the texture very different from what it was in the beginning.

Furthermore, its taste is very unique. This is because the mixture of the ingredients gives this dish a taste that is of a different dimension altogether and also can actually taste all of its individual ingredients. This is where the mystery of bibimbap lies. This dish truly reflects the character of the Korean people. There are many types of Korean dishes that involve mixing and harmonization.

Here some briefs about the history of bibimbap. Bibimbap is only about a century old, but it derives from Goldongban, a meal that use the concept of mixing up all the things you got including rice, vegetables, meat also the ‘special’ sauce. It is far older, emerging sometime during the Joseon dynasty. Goldongban had a ritualistic, and potluck, component to it. It was eaten on the eve of the Lunar New Year, allowing people to clear out their pantries at the year’s end, throwing whatever was left over into their rice bowls, tossing it together, and considering it as a dinner.

Abstract

I used the qualitative method of discourse analysis to identify the behavior of “insider ownership” in the Korean market. Insiders’ ownership information immediately before IPOs is collected from IPO registration statement filed. This discourse analysis discusses that Korean IPO firms are required to report about insider ownership which is linked to direct ownership in the Korean Market.

Introduction

Insider ownership is classified into either ‘Direct ownership,’ where controlling shareholders and their family members have only direct ownership of a firm, or ‘Indirect ownership,’ where they control a firm through affiliated firms in the same business group in addition to their direct ownership. Three variables for insiders’ ownership level were used: aggregate insider ownership, including both direct and indirect ownership, direct ownership of controlling shareholders and their families, and indirect ownership through affiliated firms’ ownership.

The insider ownership changes are examined in three ways: changes in insiders’ aggregate ownership, changes in ownership by controlling shareholders and their family members, and changes in affiliated firms’ ownership. As a result, with non-positive ownership increment, firms with positive ownership increment exhibit significantly lower first-day returns for total insider ownership, 20.66 percent for direct ownership, and 25.10 percent for indirect ownership, respectively.

The results show that the increase in ownership significantly increases probability of insiders’ share selling after lockups in total and direct ownership are much larger than the ownership-level variables, confirming our conjecture that the change in controlling shareholders’ pre-IPO ownership is more informative than the simple ownership level with regard to their strategic behaviors.

Findings and Conclusion

The discourse analysis results agree with the Pre-IPO Ownership and identify the impact of insiders’ ownership records on strategic behaviors to improve their wealth during the Initial Public Offering process. We speculate that possession outline prior to IPOs, IPO under pricing, insiders’ secondary providing, and proportioned share sales are all linked together and generate a positive results for the owners and the Korean Market. The findings determine that controlling shareholders with direct ownership have stronger incentives for wealth development than those with oblique ownership thru affiliated companies with the aid of promoting their shares for the duration of the Initial Public Offering process. Those findings examine the effects of insiders’ ownership tiers and ownership adjustments to share-promoting behaviors after expirations, are positive. The results determine that insiders’ possession level is definitely related to under pricing, linked with the discourse results. Insiders’ ownership also increases their direct possession in pre-IPO period growth with the possibility of insiders’ proportion selling after expiration. In addition to the probability, the quantity of shares offered is also appreciably higher when insiders increase direct ownership earlier than IPO and the share expenses increase for the duration of the expiration period. The results mean that the result of controlling shareholders’ ownership is an important factor related to insiders’ ownership in IPO markets together in Korea .

Korean K-pop is very famous. As seventh chapter discuss about the music pop culture. The vital pop culture reviewer made a candid declaration in describing Korean K-pop that Koreans are not virtuous in imagination or creativity. According to Hung if Lee is right then the promise about rolling Korea into ‘creative economy’ by President Park Geun-hye’s can result in trouble, because Koreans creativity is not good.

But apart of creativity Koreans are good in business such as in advertising, promotions, and packing. It describes that even in K-pop band Koreans don’t have their own Korean artists for instance, songwriters, dancers. They are inspired from European performances, for example, “K-pop boy bands TVXQ and Big Bang are Europop-influenced acts” (Hong, 2004). The reasons that Koreans don’t have their original bands or teams of pop culture and also for that they don’t have their original sounds (in music) is that the Korean pop scene got a poor start on account of restriction that smothered melodic ability and inventiveness.

For a basic period during the 1970s, rock music was restricted in Korea. The result in boycott, the Korean pop solid didn’t ingest any impact from entire 1970s sound movement, including “classic rock, punk, glam rock, and heavy metal” (Hong, 2004). In 1972, Park reacted to the risk of attack any responsible ruler would: by restricting miniskirts, long hair on men, rock ‘n’ roll. That practically precluded mods, rockers, and radicals- approaching dangers to national security. Instead of these tactics they also have some rules as if they can’t wear clothes on which English letters are written, otherwise they will get detained and this rule is recalled by Wi Tack-whan, head of the Korean Culture and Tourism Institute. Even, they can’t get guitar with them because they consider it as a weapon. A tragic victim of the bans was Korean psychedelic rocker Shin Joong-hyun, sometimes called the “Godfather of Korean Rock” (Hong, 2004).

Similarly, effectively every significant Korean pop vocalist from the 1950s to the 1980s, Shin figured out how to love to rock by tuning in to the American Powers Korea System (AFKN) radio communicates. Shin was most likely the last provisional Korean pop artist to be known outside his nation of origin. For instance his cover song that viral on social media was in “1970, his cover of Iron Butterfly’s “In A Gadda Da Vida,” a live performance that can be seen on YouTube, is a revelation, sung with more vibrancy than the original”(Hong, 2004). But later, Shin’s work also gets restricted because he refused to write the song for the Park’s government and then they (government) start suppress his songs. This issue goes longer until 1979.

In addition to, Shin said that “he was tortured and put into a psychiatric hospital” (Hong, 2004). Author said that she feels for Shin as when she came to Korea in mid-1980s the music was quite different from K-pop that type of music was very rare even, it doesn’t relate with American pop. Korea had almost no melodic character for a significant part of the twentieth century. Even though in wars, Korean singers became entertainers for U.S. Army.

Introduction

The airline I have chosen is Korean Air. I have chosen Korean Air for several reasons, but the most important one is the quality of the airline. During my tenure in the military, I used Korean Air on more than one occasions, specifically during my tour in Korea. In my opinion and in customer retrospective, Korean Air presents some awesome customer service when it comes to international flights. Korean Air (KE) is the country’s largest airline. Based in Seoul, the airline flies non-stop domestically as well as international destinations across world. The airline was founded as a state-owned company in 1962 under the name Korean Air Lines and was privatized in 1969 (Research, 2019). It operates a wide range of services from air cargo to domestic and international passenger flights. Korean Air also operates an aerospace business that develops military and unmanned aircraft.

Airline Position

Airlines operates various ‘service quality inspection systems’ to evaluate and manage efficient service quality. The results of service quality inspections conducted by service quality experts in numerous service locations and flight inspections conducted by all employees upon their business trips are reported to the CEO and related departments and used as real time service quality enhancement data. In particular, the domestic/international airline quality monitoring conducted by all employees is used as a major means when establishing our differentiation strategy. These studies were intended to improve instead the airport quality management and passenger satisfaction narratives required recognized theory indicating conventional relationships amongst the people of interest.

Based on the results from various social postings, Korean Airlines has been consistently keeping their consumers happy. The airports that are hubs for KA have also maintained the desire to be in the forefront of airline quality. The airline consistently updates all their pages associated with their business to ensure that consumers are aware of changes. Korean Air is also involved in aerospace research and manufacturing. This involvement has opened the doors for the airline to promote themselves in a better light, and gives them the publicity they need for those that are trying to make the world a better place to live in. Korean Air’s aviation unit has also manufactured planes for the Department of Defense.

Korean Air meets international environmental standards according to ISO14001 certification in four sectors. Korean Air takes pride in its commitment to environmental protection, including action steps that protect biodiversity and management of ozone-depleting substances in order to cope with environmental pollution. To reduce this impact, Korean Air has implemented various initiatives aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and improving fuel efficiency. These measures can also improve cost savings, and our strategic purchases of carbon credits can in turn boost the company’s competitive edge compared to other airlines. Korean Air has implemented various initiatives aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions, improving fuel efficiency and strategically securing carbon credits, among others.

In-Flight Services

Korean Air offers many in-flight services. As a two-time winner of the prestigious Mercury Award, Korean Air completes their international cuisines with top-quality beverages that fit the distinctive qualities of its passengers’ final destination. Korean Air also offers comfortable clothing to change into for those long transcontinental flights. It seems they have thought of everything to make flying a wonderful experience considering the lights are fully adjustable and brightens to accommodate your eyesight. The airline also offers wake up services for those flying that would like to stay on a sleeping schedule while traveling. The airline offers many amenities to its customers that other airlines don’t, to include personal showers. It seems as if everything that a traveler could possibly need, the airline offers. Unaccompanied minor services, disability, services and other special services are offered by the airline in order to accommodate the passengers in the best way possible.

We provide healthy and delicious food from fresh ingredients. Jedong Ranch sits on 3,700 acres of South Korea’s lush Jeju Island and has been operating since 1972, when it was purchased by the former chairman of the airline’s parent company, the Hanjin Group (Baskas, 2018). In addition to ensuring the airline is stocked with farmed raised foods, the ranch also produces bottled water for Korean Air passengers. Each year, greenhouses produce majority of the vegetables used on the airline for first- and business-class in-flight meals. The objection of Korean Air is to ensure the quality of food matches the quality of service they provide to their customers.

Measure of Quality

With a vast amount of competition, companies must ensure they are properly competing for their customers best experience. Often poor customer service will cause businesses to lose customers to those that are continuously improving customer relations and listening to their customers. Every companies that understand the need to provide exemplary experiences sometimes don’t get the proper feedback on customers experience because they do not notate it. In order to improve service, corporations must understand customer satisfaction and customer expectations go hand in hand. Gauging customer satisfaction can be done by asking for feedback from your customers using questionnaires. The collected data from the questionnaires can then be analyzed. Based on the results the quality of service can then be assessed and then possibly worked on. Most corporations are always looking to improve on things related to overall service quality and customer loyalty. The results of some studies often indicate no significant difference between customers’ travelling expectations and the actual quality of services provided.

Summary

Providing high service quality and building strong relationship are the key drivers of one company’s survival and competitiveness. Numbers of researchers have applied service quality and relationship marketing theories and concepts to airline industry. Service quality is a consumer’s overall impression of the relative inferiority/superiority of the organization and its services. It is hard to control the perception of service quality. Comparing to product quality, service quality is more difficult for consumer to evaluate. Korean Air has ensured that it does everything to meet the standards of their customers. Based on reviews form multiple sites they have ensured there are multiple repeat customers. If given the chance, I would fly Korean Air again.

Fans of Korean dramas are familiar with the many tropes that characterize that particular genre of storytelling. One of the most common involves the mother of a young woman who goes to see a shaman for help with her (typically) career-oriented daughter who just does not seem to want to find a husband. The daughter is perceived to have an abrasive and disagreeable personality and is quickly ageing out of what her mother deems “marriageable age.” The mother visits a shaman or a fortuneteller to beg for news on prospective marriages that may be on the horizon, or to ask what she can do to “fix” her wayward daughter. The shaman prescribes a cure, to which the daughter unhappily submits, even though she is a modern woman who no longer believes in shamanistic rituals. Despite her modern misgivings, she is likely a filial daughter, but even if she is not, her mother is not above blackmail or bullying, so there is no point in resisting (although there is usually some form of light protest). This is typically followed by a series of comically disastrous blind dates (set up, undoubtedly, by the mother), which result in a temporary estrangement between the two. Reconciliation occurs only when a romance develops between the daughter and (presumably) the only male on earth her mother finds unsuitable for one reason or another (usually economic, but sometimes related to some other type of status), as the mother will not remain silent in the face of the “ruin” of their family.

However, the audience already knows that the mother will eventually accept the unsuitable male, if only because he is her daughter’s “last hope”, though it is also standard that he actually had the aforementioned wealth and status all along. This information will only be revealed to the mother at the last minute (as this is what generally drives the narrative), though the audience likely knew about it the whole time. By the end, they all realize that everything the shaman initially predicted came true, though not necessarily the way they wanted or expected. This story has variants, of course. Sometimes the mother is visiting the shaman for a wayward son, for example. In this variant, the son may also be career-driven, but his inability to find a partner is almost never regarded as the result of his disagreeable or abrasive personality, even in cases when he actually is decidedly both disagreeable and abrasive. Sometimes it is the girlfriend or the boyfriend visiting the shaman for their partner, though in this variant, the shaman is more likely to predict or uncover something unexpected. In one memorable drama, for example, a goblin who remembers all of his past lives, portrayed by the highly regarded actor, Gong Yoo, goes to a shaman with his (much younger) wife. The shaman proceeds to tell him about his past lives, but not the ones he remembers. Rather, she describes several of Gong’s previous roles. While the characters all scoff at her supposedly “incorrect” readings, the audience is aware that the shaman has been right all along. Importantly, regardless of the angle the drama takes, the shaman, though often used as a comedic interjection into the story, is always correct in the end.

Another common trope in Korean dramas involves the process of preparing the traditional ancestral rites, or jesa. These ceremonies, which are ancient rituals practiced as part of a Confucian patriarchal framework, are regularly held in honor of the dead in Korean households. There are three main variants of jesa rituals. Koreans typically hold one ceremony on the anniversary of the family member’s death, usually the paternal grandfather of the eldest son in a family. The paternal grandmother would be honored at that time as well if she has also passed, but she would not get her own ceremony. Families also hold tea ceremonies to honor their ancestors up to five generations back during the four major Korean holidays, and there is a third ceremony that honors ancestors beyond five generations. The important thing about jesa ceremonies is that the rules are complex, the preparation is excessive and tedious, and men are the main focal point. However, in this highly patriarchal system, the women of the family do the majority of the work. Therefore, media and entertainment portrayals of jesa rituals will often highlight the woman’s frustration with her husband for either expecting her to do the work in the first place, or not standing up for her and instead allowing her mother-in-law to bully her into doing all of the work. As this is a common source of family and marital discord in many actual Korean households, drama viewers generally understand why the wife is upset, even if the drama is not explicit in portraying her reasons. Unlike the portrayals of shamans described above, most of the enactments of jesa rituals in dramas are taken more seriously, though there are occasions when the opposite is true. Still, whether used as a comedic interlude or as a somber and important part of a storyline, these ancient shamanistic rituals and Confucian folk traditions play an important role in Korean media today, despite the efforts of other religious organizations, most notably Christian religions in recent years, to end the practices in Korea. I will apply two anthropological approaches, specifically structuralism and feminist anthropology, to determine how we might analyze the phenomenon of the continued practice of shamanism and folk religion in Korea and why it remains popular, particularly in the media, despite efforts to eradicate it.

The religions and religious traditions that are considered native to the Korean Peninsula have deep roots and ties to the Korean political landscape. The earliest known religious tradition in Korea is a founding myth describing the life of Tan’gun, a mythical king who was said to have ruled over Korea for 1500 years, and who established morals and traditions that continue to be practiced to this day. Early Koreans believed in a form of animism in which all objects and living things have a spiritual life force. These beliefs led to regionally focused folk religions that engage the spirits of the Korean ancestors, and over time transitioned into what we generally refer to as Korean shamanism today (though not all of these traditions involve shaman). As Laurel Kendall describes, “Broadly speaking, shamans are religious practitioners who engage the spirits on behalf of the community, either through encounters during soul flight or by invoking the spirits into the here and now of a ritual space, conveying the immediacy of these experiences with their own bodies and voices.” (Kendall, 2009, pg. xx) Most Koreans regard shamanistic folk religions as the traditional religion of Korea, but while remnants of shamanistic practices remain in most households, the majority no longer practice it extensively or exclusively. Today, South Korea is considered a secular nation, with approximately slightly more than half of its population claiming to practice no religion at all. The rest of the country is divided similarly between Christianity, Catholicism (which is viewed as something entirely different from Christianity, a distinction that is significant in Korea), Buddhism, Confucianism, Shamanism, and a handful of other religions and spiritual traditions as well. (Koreanet) This diversity is not a current development, as the Korean religious landscape has a history of being both extremely diverse and uniquely harmonious. The introduction of other religious traditions in Korea happened early and often, and as shamanism in Korea has never been particularly organized or uniform, the practices and ceremonies they perform today have been highly influenced by, and ultimately integrated into, practices of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism. This is largely due to prolonged and repeated interaction, often in the form of conflict, with other people from the Asian continent. Although the popularity of traditional shamanism and other folk religions have slowly but steadily declined over time, even agnostic and atheist Koreans continue to observe certain relics of these ancient practices. An example of this is the aforementioned Jesa rituals. Most Koreans, regardless of their faith, continue to observe their ancestral rites, although many of them admit that they no longer adhere to all of the original, complex rules, and many Korean Christians have switched to merely holding a Christian memorial service (Kim, 2015).

Buddhism, which grew a following in Goryeo during the Three Kingdoms period (when the three kingdoms of Silla, Goryeo, and Baekje were each ruling over different territories on the Korean peninsula, not to be confused with Unified Silla or the Goryeo Dynasty), came into prominence after the Silla dynasty conquered Goryeo and Baekje and created Unified Silla. During this time, the Silla kings made Buddhism a state religion and the people equated their kings to the Buddha himself. The reasons for this were largely political rather than religious, as Buddhist ideology was more supportive of the concept of a strong, centralized government than Shamanism. The Silla kings recognized the potential of Buddhism to help them strengthen their claim on the peninsula. “This is the origin of the well-known Korean Buddhist tradition of hoguk pulgyo; literally, State-protective Buddhism” (Chung, 2017). As Buddhism became stronger and more complex throughout the Silla Dynasty, multiple schools of Buddhist thought, collectively known as O’gyo, emerged. While many of the different schools of Buddhist thought had strong followings during this time, the ones that allowed for continued shamanistic practices were the most popular. This may have been the reason why Sŏn Buddhism ultimately emerged as the dominant school of Buddhist thought on the Korean peninsula, but regardless of why, it is still the most widely practiced form of Buddhism in Korea today. Buddhism continued to thrive on the Korean Peninsula even after the fall of Unified Silla and the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty. Remarkably, Buddhists in Korea had built several large temples and monuments and had even established their own thriving economy. This strength and financial independence gave the Buddhists political power that transcended the Silla Dynasty and lasted well after its downfall.

The establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty did not immediately have an impact on the influence of Buddhists in Korea. As I previously mentioned, Buddhists were financially independent from the state, and their membership was high. Confucianism’s influence in Korea emerged initially as a philosophical tradition, and its early sphere of influence in Korea was largely tied to the thought and practices of the Korean government. (Grayson, 2002) Buddhism and Confucianism co-existed with relatively little conflict for the early years of the Goryeo Dynasty. However, this began to change as the aristocrats in the government, who were almost all influenced by Confucian thought and ideals, began to feel threatened by the continued presence of Buddhist thought in the government. This conflict came to a head during the reign of King Kongmin, who had come under the influence of a Buddhist monk named Sindon. The conflict led to the death of Sindon, and after Kongmin also died, the government was in a state of turmoil that ended the Goryeo Dynasty and resulted in the establishment of the Joseon Dynasty. During this time of upheaval and conflict, Confucianism began to take hold of more than just the government. “The supplanting of Buddhism by Confucianism was part of this socio-cultural trend and continued throughout the first century of the new state. Although changes took place gradually rather than abruptly, by the end of the fifteenth century a new Confucian state and society had emerged” (Grayson, 2002). The first king of the Joseon Dynasty, T’aejo, was an adherent to Confucian ideals, but he did not actively suppress Buddhism in Joseon. After T’aejo’s abdication, however, his son T’aejong began shutting down Buddhist temples and seizing property. T’aejong’s successor, his third son, Sejong, was widely considered one of the brightest and best Korean monarchs. He was a strict adherent to Confucianism who carried on and increased the suppression of Buddhism that had begun during his father’s reign. Despite his Confucian beliefs, however, Sejong returned to Buddhism at the end of his life, dying in a Buddhist temple that he had built within the walls of his royal palace. Confucianism continued its dominance over the religious life of Koreans until the end of the Joseon Dynasty in the 19th century, though it was in decline for a long time along with the government (Grayson, 2002).

‘Money is an idol. Agriculture is the place that preserves eternal sacred value since it maintains human life….” —Unknown: “A 1923 editorial quotation in the Korean magazine Kaebyok under the title of ‘The Fate of New Korea and the Status of the Peasant’

To give one of many definitions of Agrarianism, a short one is defined by Canadian Norman Wirzba as “a way of living and thinking as to protect serve and celebrate life” (Wirzba, N.pg 8). Since the Industrial Revolution, the complexity of taking a natural substance and distributing it out to the people has been a complex undertaking to those in positions of authority. Agrarianism in contrast to most capitalist ways of thinking, says that to benefit collective society, there should be less emphasis on the ‘I’ in regards to current land use instead would focus on the ‘we’.

To properly argue agrarianism in a cultural and in a political sense, the subject of food production will be interpreted through an alternative cultural perspective. Agrarianism and its interaction with urban and capitalist forces on the Korean peninsula will be discussed and tuning into the history regarding the sustainability, reliability,and self-sufficiency of food production; through enacted policies and mainstream ideologies of the time. As well, advocating those policies with agrarian philosophical theories both within Korean culture and comparing to recent environmental agrarians.

The discussion of Korean agrarianism the begins with the Korean agrarian response to the reliability of economic structures in the 1920s and ’30s with a history of political class conflict and the stance agrarian advocates took in policy discussions. The Japanese had a very large impact on the Korean peninsula at this time, as they had invaded and created a vassal Korea from 1910-1945, bringing with them western forms of agricultural capitalism. The purpose of this was to maximize the efficiency and output of the production of foodstuff, rice, in particular, using Korea as a breadbasket for the Japanese markets. However the reliance on this economic strategy strained the agriculture sector on the Korean peninsula causing friction and resulted in an economic imbalance between the wealthy landowners and their peasants; an example of this was a 1925 governmental report showing “…that those with over [2.45 acres] of land had an average surplus of 5,582 won, whereas most landless tenants had negative income balances.”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg. 790). Aswell the proceeding Great Depression caused by reckless western capitalism, recessed Korean rice value massively, affecting those poorer farmers who had invested so much of their toil into procuring the product only to be rewarded with debt, while the landowners were largely unaffected by the debt crisis. This economic outcome seems to fall into the same industrialism that Wendell Berry speaks against as “placeless and displacing”(Wirzba, N. pg 46), in the sphere of influence of a capital seeking system not tethered by a Korean cultural structure but dominated by a foreign cultures ignorant desire for more and so not for the benefit of the land itself, therefore, leading to unfairness and as displayed here, instability and social friction.

Due to the social unrest between the socio-economic classes, the arguments of the major Korean political ideologies of the time, split in three ways, all centering around the idea of self-sufficiency. One formed around a communist framework which placed a large emphasis on the rural field worker, attempting to organize and encourage unions, however, they were not popular among rural conservatives and their practices promoted agrarian thought only as a “step toward a future proletarian revolution”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg. 972), after this period they would utilize modernization techniques to accomplish a Marxist utopia. Another view was one of capitalist centrism which centered on urbanites who diagnosed the problem of unrest in rural areas as a “lack of education and enlightenment”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg. 972) showing a lack of care and a sense of lowly otherness when it came to matters concerning farmers. The concept of agrarianism at this time in Korea however according to Gi-Wook Shin had a very diverse following at this time with some advocates professing “[a desire for a more well organized religious version, some wanting a more utilitarian version of utopian villages or some more radical proponents agrarianism attempted to form their own agrarian society removed nearly entirely from Korea.]”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg. 973) To defend all of those positions at face value would be foolish as they seemingly contradict one another, but despite these divisions that existed in the agrarian community, according to Gi-Wook Shin “all [agrarians] held a strong anti-capitalist, anti-urban [belief]…[as well as an outlook similar to] Japanese Confucian tradition, which revered the peasant as the basis of the world under heaven…, [thus] provided the conceptual underpinnings for Korean agrarianism.”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg. 973).This is particularly interesting, as spiritual notions were very much inherent and ingrained in Korean society and the push from a majority of agrarians to instead reform the moral structure of Korean society to place a larger focus on spiritual and moral power is similar to the idea of the soul presented by Norman Wirzba. Within his reasoning, he uses the Christian idea of the soul not as an otherworldly essence but a physical moral barometer grounded in the present and he extends this idea by way of cultural practices to the land, through “ager”(Wizba, Norman pg 108). Although in various forms, Korean agrarianism presented itself as a way of living and when the prospect of capital came to the forefront of the conversation it appears some had forgone their roots grounded in a deep connection with the earth and allowed the urbanization of Korea at the expense of both the worker and the fields being worked upon. The underlying message of these advocates who had espoused that all of Korea’s land/rural workers are the true backbone of Korea and therefore must be treated with dignity and not as a limited means to an end is not something to be overlooked.

In terms of the sustainability of agriculture, post-1945, the Korean peninsula was free of Japanese interference but faced a crisis as a complete nation due to conflicting political ideas. This had lead to the fracture and break off the North into a communist dictatorship aligning with Soviet Russia and the South maintaining Western democratic ties and aligning themselves with the United States. While the old agrarian ideals of the 1920s and ’30s were still advocated for, they were not as fiercely fought once they were brought into the political dialogue, the South policies in particular towards rural and agricultural issues soon became infected with a western capitalist ethos and fell victim to industrialization. An example of this fall from the agrarian advocates of the 1920’s, is the way the South Korean government handled environmental policy particularly in the redistribution laws that were drawn up with American counsel in 1948, which according to a Report “AGRARIAN REFORM ACTIVITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA” which states gave the National Land Administration of Republic of Korea the power to:

“transfer of a large portion of Japanese landholdings to the newly established National Land Administration for sale to Korean farmers with a limit of [2.45 acres] per purchaser. Appropriate legislation, however, was not enacted until the end of 1949, and only the outbreak of the Korean war in June 1950 spurred the government to implement the program….Certain exemptions, however, from the redistribution law, allowed at the discretion of the government, apparently permitted South Korean landlords to buy additional large tracts of Japanese land and to oppose successfully further redistribution. As a result, the redistribution of former Japanese lands has been completed on paper but not in fact.” ( Pollock & Schrock pg. 4, 5)

This had flown directly in the face of past Korean agrarian movements such as The Korean and Peasant Society which had promoted and encouraged the use of “collective farming and purchase of consumer goods to achieve village self-sufficiency [successfully] establishing 180 mutual credit unions by 1933.”(Shin, Gi-Wook pg.796). Another distortion of the self-sufficiency collectivist ethos occurred in the establishment of the New Village Movement in 1971. This movement was socially organized by the government due to increasing unrest over income intake of urban workers compared to rural workers. Its mission was to “Seek to achieve food sufficiency and pacify the countryside…through infrastructure projects [including] the construction of roads, agricultural initiatives that distributed new types of fertilizer and strains of seeds…and political indoctrination classes that taught villagers how to “improve” their lives.” (Park, Albert pg. 3)

However, this plan was not as beneficial to the rural farmer as the government made it seem instead of allowing for the rural farmers to maintain sufficiency with the government It unitarily imposed its development program on and tightly monitored and controlled local communities because it believed that it was the only modern rational entity that could determine the “correct” content and direction of reforms.

To conclude, if the Korean agrarian thought of the 1920s and ’30s had been properly maintained through history, by way of the methods of sustainability, reliability, and self-sufficiency of food production it would have given a greater freedom to pursue policies in which government, values the environment as an intrinsic part of our histories and rural workers become natural necessity.

References

1. Wirzba, N.(2003). The Essential Agrarian Reader: The Future of Culture, Community, and the Land. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.
2. Park, Albert. (2013) “The Politics of Designing Agrarian Affairs in South Korea.” Korea Economic Institute, 2012 pp. 1-12 http://www.keia.org/sites/default/files/publications/aps_albertpark_final.pdf
3. Shin, Gi-Wook. “Agrarianism: A Critique of Colonial Modernity in Korea.” Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 41, no. 4, 1999, pp. 784–804. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/179429.
4. Pollock C,Daniel & Schrock L, Joann . “AGRARIAN REFORM ACTIVITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA”,SPECIAL OPERATIONS RESEARCH OFFICE, The American University, 5010 Wisconsin Avenue, N,W, Washington, D, C. 20016 pp. 1-25 www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/463387.pdf

Abstract

The Filipino youth were aggressively affected in the advent of the Korean craze in the Philippines. Korean Culture’s rising popularity worldwide is called Korean Wave. Outside Korea, the Korean popular culture that spread mainly by the use of mass media is now enjoying high popularity and this is how the Korean Wave occurs (Yu, 2008). The rising Korean sensation is also known as Hallyu, a Korean pronunciation of the Korean Wave defined by the Korean Tourism Organization (2004) as the resulting cultural phenomenon of South Korean pop culture that spreads all over the world (Kim & Ryoo, 2007). Korean Wave (Hallyu) includes Korean dramas, music (k-pop), movies, celebrities, mobile applications, food, appliances, cosmetics as well as fashion. This paper will not focus on the Korean Wave effect in the music, television drama preference of Filipino Youth, but will only be limited on fashion taste. To add more data and information, a survey was conducted, computed, analyzed and concluded.

As Filipinos have become so open to welcoming different culture, it has become easy for them to adapt and be influenced by various cultures. Since Korea has started its global emergence by spreading its culture, Philippines has been one which captured it. Thus it has led to the different effects and impacts in the fashion outlook of many Filipinos.

We need to look at clothes in the historical and social context in which it is made in order to understand fashion. We need to revisit our history in the Philippines, for example, to know how our clothes have evolved, or how clothes have changed society.

The Philippine Fashion Outside influences

The Tagalog men in Central Philippines wore baro, which is Barong Tagalog’s predecessor, while women wore baro in matching colors at saya made of silk. The use of textiles had make marks on the social status of Filipinos. Women who are in the upper social class would wore silk while those in the lower class wore materials that is made with pounded white bark fibers.

Along 1970’s fashion has evolved. Bell bottoms remained a staple of fashion, usually in bright colors and scarves paired with polos. Women’s short dresses were sequined. The laid back vibe of the era led to a more casual look’s popularity. Bakya, a kind of footwear, and the denim – shirt ensemble became popular.

By the 21st centuries, different styles came up from different eras. The Filipinos were exposed to various fashion styles and brands in the advent of new technology and social media in 2010. There became more choices for the people as shopping malls and clothing apparel started dominating the market. Thus, the fashion sense of Filipino has varied. Social has become a platform for finding inspirations through Instagram, Facebook, Tumblr and other social media contents.

The Dawn of Korean Fashion Inspirations

Filipinos are known to be highly adaptable when it comes to different race of people, their cultures and any situations. Filipinos are also easy to be influenced by certain culture of different country. Korean culture is one that Filipino people admired and being influenced by it. It all started in Korean music and the popular k-drama which some Filipinos are often to listen and watch. That sometimes this people tried to dress up like how their idolized actresses and singers do for their fashion style.

The influential movement of “Hallyu” has particularly begun since 2003. The rapid production of different telenovelas in the Philippines was the first success of Korean influence according to Dr. Crisanta Flores. As Philippine Television continues to adapt Koreanovelas, there is no doubt that it was gaining immense popularity among Filipinos. The Koreanovelas caught Filipinos’ attention because in Philippine TV it brings something new and fresh. According to the term paper written by Ahmer Glenn M. Escobia and Johnson Dexter A. Esin entitled, “Korea’s Philippine Invasion”, the Korean fans among the Filipinos developed not only an interest in Koreanovelas or K-Pop music, but also a similarity to Korean fashion. This trend in Korean fashion exploded among students who love being hip and chic with the new. They may even look strange at times, as long as they tried to imitate Korean hair, style of clothing, and shoes.

Korean Global Presence in the Philippines

There seems to be no difficulty with Korean Hallyu entering the global arena. It can be said that it has a mark in the media blitz file and popular culture. The barely fact that it was so easy to be accepted by going after its technicalities, rapid production, plot, story and most importantly, the artists and their fashion and personality, then this phenomenon has already been welcomed.

While Korea is still regarded as an endeavoring country with the aim of lifting its unresisting beauty of heritage and the leaving history, time and revolution, it has already set its point to find its relevance and contribution to the global competitiveness.

Positive Effect of Korean Fashion style in Philippines style of Designing

Korean Fashion style has also positive effects in Philippine style in fashion. Filipinos tend to be more creative in choosing styles that are inspired by Koreans that helps them to improve their way of wearing clothes. According an article, that the rough and muscular image of boys became a glamorous and more feminine one and the girls they became much more fashionable in terms that they incorporate what they wear through their music (Paredes, 2017). Filipinos are more inspired in designing clothes that are colorful, looks presentable and classy. They tend to try something new and fashionable even designers in the Philippines are challenged in making more interesting fashion style. Korean style also challenges Filipinos in their creativity using their skills in making their clothes to go with the trend using old garments which is their way on being economical. (Camarillo, 2013). Also, some markets in the Philippines are having a good result of selling clothes that are inspired also of Korean style.

Korean fashion style was influenced by Filipinos in some other way, according to one or the related literature there are positive views Korean dramas influence Filipinos in Korean fashion style. It also shows a survey that despite if this positive influence some Filipino students said that they will conserve their culture, and they also thought that Korean style doesn’t suit them that much and to their culture. (kim & kim, 2015) . Filipinos used to a change in fashion style like in clothes or even hairstyle just to look like the Koreans and need not resort to wasting a lot of money just to attain the Korean look. This is also a negative effect to the Philippines; people don’t think about or it doesn’t matter how much money they spend just to have Korean style or clothes. (igno & Cenidoza, 2016). According to one Capelin not only fans of Koreans are being addicted to Korean fashion but also it extends to the Filipino people who are not fan.

Based on the data gathered by Inquirer Research, Korean is the largest group of foreign that visited Philippines. According to a study by the market research firm, TNS Global, titled “Filipino Perception of Korea and the Koreans” they found out that Filipino culture were attracted in Korean culture out of three including United states and Japan. Korean Fashion has a big impact to Filipinos because according to the results Filipino always tend to find something new like the styles of Korean clothes, people aim to achieve Korean looks.

“Korea the Land of the Morning Calm, a country that is rich for culture and traditions, has a colorful history and rapid industrialization, has greatly affected the next generation of ours and will still continue to influence us in the long run, whether if it’s for good or bad the fact that the Korean culture has done a great job on giving new colors to our culture and traditions, that will be written accordingly in our history books.” (Yap, 2011)

According to a blog by Heraposh, an individual is not necessary to become a kpop fan to follow through the Korean fashion trend. It was stated in the blog that the versatility offered by Korean style is what captured the taste of Filipinos. It caters a wide range of kinds of tops, bottoms, dresses, accessories, shoes and bags. Whatever your profession or style preference is, Korean trendy clothes is free-spirited and has an on-the-go attitude which is an easy strut.

The Invading Effect of Korean Style in the Philippine Fashion

In the context of a research paper “What is Culture” by Helen Spencer-Oatey, Culture is that one thing that creates a distinctive characteristic from the rest in the world. Filipinos are known by their colorful and lively culture. This includes traditions, language, arts, music, and so on. Most provinces also have their own identification of folk dances in which they exhibit the elegance and beauty of how they do things, how they dress, how they see things in different ways.

However, based on an article published by SunStar Philippines on May 17, 2016, the traditional textile industry in the Philippines has struggled. It was a thriving industry before, but now it’s barely keeping it afloat. What has become a declining economic activity once a flourishing industry, whose cultural traditions seem to have faded.

Due to the attitude of the Filipinos that is easily influenced by foreign marketing, the Korean Culture products have a negative effect on the entertainment industry in the Philippines since it is a threat to local entertainment and to the Filipino identity in their own cultural products.

A research paper by Merry Yrawda, “The Effects of Korean Fashion to the Filipino Youth”, aims to determine the fashion preference of youth particularly in the latest fashion trends; to assess how “Hallyu” has affected the taste of Filipino youth based on their culture; to understand the negative effects of the culture from South-Korea to the youth by the exportation of culture in the Philippines. Based on the results of the research, the mean presented a perfect 5.00 as a response from the youth who chose to run the Filipino culture in their style. On the other hand, a mean of 1 came from the response of being ashamed of the Filipino Fashion style, to resort [image: ]on dressing up like Koreans.

An archive from a blog entitled, “The Influence of Korean Wave to the Filipino Youth” also aimed to assess the preference of the Filipino Youth in terms of Korean influence on music, movies and fashion as well. Moreover, they have also covered the effect of Korean influence in the taste of Filipinos to their culture.

Upon their research, they have stated that the present generation is far different from before because they are easier to adapt with the new trends and culture. They are highly influenced by being exposed to various kinds of music, television and their fashion taste. The youth have found more interest and excitement on the Korean stuffs. Moreover, they have also observed the dominance of Korean style in malls, schools, recreational places, parks and tourist spots. According to them, this information were gathered from the outlook of the students in Mindanao State University- Iligan Institute of Technology toward Korean Wave.

Most of the respondents of A35 fan of k-style or not, 34 out of 40 are using the Korean style as their fashion preference and all the 19 girls in respondent answer yes while the remaining 15 that answered yes was boys. 31 out of 40 students in this section are comfortable in using Korean clothes. 27 out of 40 respondents answered yes that K-pop and k-dramas changed their way of wearing clothes, that means the some of the student who says no are just using k-style as their preference and not being influence by k-dramas or K-pop sings. 34 respondents answered yes that they were inspired in Koreans way of wearing clothes and just 6 of them are not inspired by it. 27 out of 40 students answered yes that they considered Korean fashion more than the usual way of wearing clothes in the Philippines. 40 or majority of the respondents said that Philippines should have more Korean markets. 24 answered yes that they spend a lot of money buying Korean clothes and the remaining 16 answered no. Majority of the class are buying Korean brands than the local brands 30 answered yes they do and the remaining 10 answered no.

Summary and Conclusion

For the past few years Korean culture was dominated the Philippines entertainment scenes, like the K-pop, K-drama and even the K-style. Students and even old ones are interested in Korean styles. Koreans inspire Filipinos to try something new with their style or the way they wear clothes. Based on the data gathered researchers can say that Korean Fashion Style has an immense impact in the Philippine, both positive and negative impact. While Filipinos are having more attention in Korean novels every time, they are adapting it and unconsciously doing things like they are seeing in Korean novels like the way they wear clothes. The outcome to the Filipino that is influenced by Koreans style they started making groups and dressing up like a real K-pop groups. This kind of situation that Philippines tried to adopt in Koreans have also negative impact in the country, based on the articles that we gathered most of the results of having Korean clothes or Korean fashion style in the Philippines has an impact in culture. Philippine culture is slowly fading away and Korean invasion was spreading in the country. Even Filipino are buying clothes from foreign brands more than in local brands that’s why Korean culture product has also negative impact to our local brands markets. Filipino are starting to forget the culture that they have, they do appreciate more the style and fashion of Koreans.

But if there are negative impacts there are also positive effect of Korean invasion in the country. For most of Filipino designer they are more inspired on designing clothes with more creative and beautiful colours of apparels. Filipinos who are selling Korean style clothes are also having large income in their stores. Base on the data gathered of the researcher’s majority of the 40 students are making Korean style as their preference in wearing clothes that also cause them to spend a lot of money just to buy Korean clothes. It also shows negative impact because most of them choose to buy foreign or Korean clothes than the local brands. Filipino can do whatever they want when it comes to the things they inspire, but to forget Filipino culture has a big difference.

List of References

1. Santamaria, Carlos (2012). Korean ‘Hallyu’ and the Pinoy invasion. Retrieved from https://www.rappler.com/entertainment/12681-hallyu-growing-in-ph
2. Yrawda, Merry Kay (2013). The Effects of Korean Fashion to the Filipino Youth. Laoag City, Philippines.
3. Escobia M., Esin, J. (2013). Korea’s Philippine Invasion. Retrieved from http://koreasinvasion.blogspot.com/
4. The Influence of Korean Wave to the Filipino Youth (2013). Filipino Youth’s preference for Korean Wave in the latest fashion. Retrieved from http://batangpinoyintroduction.blogspot.com/2013/03/the-influence-of-thekorean-wave-to.html
5. Korean Fashion: Why Is It Popular In The Philippines? (2018). Prevalent presence of korean fashion in the Philippines. Retrieved from https://heraposh.com.ph/blogs/style/korean-fashion-why-is-it-popular-in-the-philippines
6. Camarillo, g. (2013, March). Retrieved from https://www.termpaperwarehouse.com/essay-on/Korean-Culture-Invasion-L-Positive-And/232301igno, & Cenidoza. (2016). Beyond the “Fad”: Understanding Hallyu in the. International Journal of Social Science and Humanity, 725.
7. Kim, & Kim. (2015). THE INFLUENCE OF KOREAN DRAMAS TO THE FASHION STYLE OF. 1.
8. Paredes, M. G. (2017, september 30). Retrieved from https://www.ezmall.asia/influence-korean-clothing-us-filipino/
9. Yap, D. (2011, december 12). Retrieved from https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/109439/filipinos-attracted-to-korean-culture-k-pop-koreanovelas?fbclid=IwAR0EVGp-hV938QeYO7kU7U8M2dw3lYapCy4qLUWRSIB4VKJ4MWzTtdCHl0I