Category: Islam

Introduction

Real Estate Investment Trust (REIT) refers to financial security that can be traded and principally invested in the real estate ventures. The investment can be direct or indirect in regard to properties and mortgages. REITs differ, for example, there are equity REITs and Mortgage REITs. Additionally, there are conventional REITs and Islamic REITs. Islamic REITs are mostly in use in countries that operate under Islamic Laws. The conventional and Islamic REITs are similar in many aspects. Nevertheless, Islamic laws govern Islamic REITs. The general structure of conventional and Islamic REITs are the same. The observation of Sharia principles in all aspects of Islamic REITs brings about the only difference. The government monitors the operations of Islamic REITs too. In many countries, the Islamic REIT (as a way of investment) has increased significantly. However, the performance of Islamic REITs during economic downturns has not been determined. It has not been determined whether they perform better than the conventional REITs.

This paper identifies and discusses the effectiveness of Islamic REITs during economic downturns. This occurs by comparing two conventional and two Islamic REIT. The two conventional REITs are British Land and Vornado. On the other hand, the Islamic REITs are Ezdan and Deyaar. The period under consideration is 2007-2012. During the global financial crisis, both conventional and Islamic REITs registered negative performance. Many REITs underperformed even before the global financial crisis began. However, there are indications that REITs performed better after the global financial crisis ended. This study provides an insight into how Islamic REITs performed compared to the conventional REITs during the pre, during, and post-global financial crisis.

Pre Global Financial Crisis

Under this examination, the period before the start of the global financial crisis is between the years 2007 and 2008. The yearly averages of all the four REITs during this period were volatile. Three of the REITs recorded a positive return on assets. However, Deyaar did not record a positive return on assets. However, the table has not indicated the figures of Deyaar during this period. British Land recorded the highest returns on assets (16.4124%) followed by Ezdan (11.4377%). Vornado recorded 2.8141%. In 2008, Ezdan recorded the highest returns on assets (22.4061%). British land and Vornado recorded -10.7689% and 1.7999% returns on assets.

By these results, the conclusion may be that Islamic REITs offered better returns on assets compared to conventional REITs before the global financial crisis. The possible reason for the better performance of Ezdan during the year 2008 may be due to increased investment. It is not known whether it is the features of Islamic REITs that made it perform better. In case investment in Ezdan increased during the period, then it had the ability to improve performance and hence offer superior returns to investors. British Land and Vornado underperformed in the year 2008. Again, it is not known whether it is the features of conventional REITs that led to the underperformance of the REITs.

The net profits after tax indicate that the conventional REITs performed better than Islamic REITs in 2007. British Land and Vornado registered 465.188 million and 568.906 million in 2007. Ezdan recorded a net profit of 154.1515 millions in 2007 after tax. However, in 2008, Ezdan and Deyaar recorded the highest net profits compared to British Land and Vornado. British Land and Vornado recorded -3137.57 millions and 395.043 millions net profits in 2008. On the other hand, Ezdan and Deyaar recorded 372.8322 millions and 298.1763 millions net profits in 2008. The reason for the poor performance of the Islamic REITs in 2007 could be that they had just been formed two years back. This also indicates that the Islamic REITs performed better compared to the conventional REITs before the global financial crisis. However, the performances of the Islamic REITs are not with high margins. This could be due to Sharia principles that do not expect REITs to take part in risky ventures. In terms of share price, the conventional REITs offered higher returns to investors in the two years. In 2007, British Land was valued at $7.4139 per share while Vornado was valued at $3.2435 per share. In 2008, Vornado was the highest valued REIT with a share price of $2.1174.

During The Global Financial Crisis

This refers to the period between the years 2008 and 2010. During this period, all the REITs reported the worst returns on assets except Ezdan. British Land recorded -38.3763% returns on assets while Vornado recorded 0.5104% return on assets in 2009. However, Ezdan recorded a 46.9219% return on assets in 2009. In 2010, when the crisis was ending, British land recorded 16.31% returns on assets while Vornado recorded 3.1835% returns n assets. This indicates that during the start of global financial crisis, the Islamic REITs performed better than conventional REITs.

In 2009, the profit after tax for British Land and Vornado were -6668.39 millions and 106.169 millions respectively. The profits after tax for Ezdan was 2383.339 millions while Deyaar recorded 8.2095 millions after tax profits. These also indicate better performance of Islamic REITs at the start of the crisis. On the other hand, as the crisis neared an end in 2010, British Land and Vornado recorded 1820.038 millions and 647.883 millions. However, Ezdan and Deyaar recorded 33.3286 millions and -627.542 millions after tax profits respectively. The share prices of all the four REITs were low in 2009. However, the share prices of the conventional REITs were higher than those of Islamic REITs.

Post Global Financial Crisis

After the global financial crisis (the period after the year 2010), the return on assets of conventional REITs were higher than those of Islamic REITs. British Land and Vornado recorded 12.3005% and 3.2336% respectively. However, Ezdan and Deyaar recorded 1.066% and 0.5256% respectively. These show that the Islamic REITs performed poorly after the global financial crisis compared to the performance of the conventional REITs. Additionally, the after tax profits of the conventional REITs are higher than that of the Islamic REITs. British Land and Vornado recorded after tax profits of 1307.221 millions and 662.302 millions in 2012. These are higher than the after tax profits that the Islamic REITs recorded. Ezdan and Deyaar recorded only 94.8642 millions and 10.2565 millions as after-tax profit in 2011. This may be due to increased confidence of conventional REITs. In addition, the share prices of the conventional REITs in 2011 and 2012 are higher than are those of the Islamic REITs. Thus, the conventional REITs are a better investment option after the global financial crisis.

Data

The data used in this analysis was obtained from Bloomberg website.

Returns on Assets.

Profits after Tax.

Share Price.

Conclusions

The effectiveness of Islamic REITs as a viable investment option during economic downturns has not been determined. The paper aimed at determining the effectiveness of the Islamic REITs during economic downturns by comparing their performance with the conventional REITs during the global financial crisis. The comparison involved division of the crisis period in to pre, during and post global financial crisis. Before the beginning of the crisis (2007), the conventional REITs performed better than the Islamic REITs by comparison of the returns on assets. However, in 2008, Ezdan had higher returns on assets compared to the conventional REITs. The after tax profits of the Islamic REITs were higher than that of the conventional REITs in 2008. In conclusion, the Islamic REITs performed better compared to conventional REITs before the global financial crisis. However, during the global financial crisis (2009- 2010), both REITs performed poorly. Nonetheless, in 2010, the Islamic REITs performed poorly compared to the conventional REITs. After the global financial crisis, the conventional REITs performed better compared to Islamic REITs. These results indicate that the Islamic REITs are not sound investment options during economic downturns.

Introduction

Afghanistan has for many years been the convergence zone for the two neighbouring continents of Asia and Europe. These two civilizations were and are still divergent both in ideology and religious doctrines. These differences were evident as the two tried to take control of Afghanistan (Fiscus, 2004). It is due to its strategic position that Afghanistan drew such interest from the West and the Arab world in equal measure. It is in this country of many mountains, which these two cultures met and clashed to pave way for the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of one of the superpowers; the Soviet Union. Afghanistan has a long history with its people originating from different cultures, converging there before the emergent of Islamic religion and culture (Aspaturian, 1996). Before the 1^st Century Buddhism was the dominant religion and Islam was practiced by only a few native Afghans who lived in small enclaves and isolated. Many other people invaded Afghanistan ranging from Greeks, Aryans, Turks, British, and Russians; all wanting to take control of Afghanistan. It is believed that between the period 1800 to 800 BC, Afghanistan (then called the Land of Aryans) was home to the first practice and belief of Zoroastrianism (Cordesman, 2002). At one time even Alexander the Great tried in vain to conquer Afghanistan. It is the resilience of the people and harshness of the terrain that made it difficult to conquer the country that borders Pakistan to the South, Iran to the West, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan to the east (as was demarcated by the British colonialists to separate the country from British India in 1893) (Roy 1990). It was not until the 7^th Century that Muslim Arabs invaded the region and took possession of Western Afghanistan dislodging all other cultures like the Kushans who occupied the region. By 709 AD Muslim Arabs had conquered most of Afghanistan and administered Islamic Religion. Most of the local population slowly converted to Islam turning Afghanistan into one of the strongest Muslim countries (Aspaturian, 2006). It was during this period that the country was annexed into territories controlled and ruled by warlords who had the executive authority to govern the people. The warlords became effective agents of spreading and strengthening Islam. These territories were based on tribes and different clans. Afghanistan during this period extended into what is today Pakistan to northern India with its capital as Kabul. The territory went through so many wars as different groups fought for the occupation of the area. Before the Afghan-Soviet war of 1979, there was the Anglo-Afghan war of 1839-1842 and 1878-1880 as the British attempted to colonize the country (Bonosky, 1985).

Afghan as it is known today, came into existence in 1747 during the reign of Pashtun Ahmad Shah who had changed his name to Durran (pearl of pearls), to establish Afghanistan as the Durrani Empire. The Durrani Empire ruled over the Afghans for over a hundred years before the attacks by the Persians. The current borders of Afghanistan were determined by the British by the 19^th Century following the Anglo-Afghan wars of the 1800s which lasted until 1919 (Lia, 2006). The British who were now exercising dominance of the world fought to colonize Afghanistan for this long time. It was until 1920 that King Amanullah assumed power and defeated the British that Afghanistan gained its independence and became a sovereign country.

Afghanistan was now completely ruled by its people. But this was not without challenges as many rulers governed undemocratically. Many of its rulers who had an interest in taking over the governance of Afghanistan were either assassinated or overthrown. These rulers came to form the native Afghan Abdali tribe which comprised of Popalzay and Barakzay clans (Collins, 1985). Up to 2001 when the Taliban took over the reins of the leadership, eight monarchs had been assassinated from 1919 to 1979 and the rest overthrown. In 1979 a communist leader Dr. Mohamed Najibullah took over the leadership with the support of the Soviet Union but was later deposed by the Taliban in 1989 after Russians withdrew from Afghanistan. Talibans, who were supported by Saudi-born Osama Bin Laden, ruled the country up to 2001 (Aspaturian, 2006).

The only ruler who enjoyed a long period in the reign is King Zahir Shah, ruling from 1933 to 1973, but his brother plotted and overthrew him in a bloodless coup. After five years the entire King’s family was executed during the Great Saur Revolution led by the communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan which took over the government. Communist system controlled Afghanistan for consecutive governments (Butterworth and Zartman, 1992). It was during this time that Communism was at loggerheads with Capitalist West-leading into what was later known as Cold War. It was a war of ideology where the fight for dominance antagonized the US and her British allies on one side and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) on the other. As a strategy to wage the war on proximity, the US began to fund and train anti-government forces going by the name Mujahedeen forces.

Using Pakistan as the focal point and training ground US alienated the government against its people using disgruntled Islamic elements who opposed the communist system. On the other hand, the Soviet Union had planned to expand its borders to the South making part of Afghanistan her territory. Although the Soviets had annexed some parts of Afghanistan before, they had no outright attack on the country. It was through the imposition of the communist regime that Afghan people felt their sovereignty and rights had been violated and lodged a rebellion against the Soviet-supported government. With the secret support of the US, the rebels were audacious in their attacks (Afghanistan War, 2008). Soviets knew her territory had been invaded by foreign antagonistic powers and had to exert their authority. What resulted was a conflict and confrontation that was fighting for ideological dominance, and the battleground was Afghanistan. Citing the 1978 Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Good Neighborliness Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan, which led to millions of people fleeing the country (Arnold and Vizirani, 1985). More than five million people fled and lived as refugees into the neighboring Iran and Pakistan (Collins, 1995). It was these refugees who later converged and formed rebel groups ready to attack the establishments of Afghanistan. These were the Talibans and the Mujahedeen. The US-trained Mujahedeen rebels contributed to the killing of 15,000 soviet soldiers that led to Soviet pull-out ten years later in 1989. It is the Soviet attack on Afghanistan that led to the formation and taking root of the Taliban.

Soviet War in Afghanistan

When the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, they underestimated the harshness of the terrain, the torture of the scorching heat, and the effect of hostile neighbors. The religious differences between the Soviets and the Afghans contributed immensely to the unity of the people against the occupation. Afghan neighbors were all ready and willing to help defeat the enemy. The Soviets were seeking to expand the territory to the South on the pretext of supporting the communist regime (Afghanistan, 2010). In April 1978, the communist government led by Mohammed Najibullah was formed after the former leader was overthrown in a coup. At a time when Cold War was at its peak, the communist leader Soviet Union sought to expand its dominance and territorial boundaries. Among the appropriate strategies was toppling the government of Afghanistan and installing a government that would respect and follow the communist system. When Dr. Mohammed Najibullah took over power he built new schools, expanded the space on freedom of expression, and even liberated girls. This was in total disregard of what people believe to be Islamic doctrine. With the leader having gone against the wishes of the people it was easy to appeal to them to rise against the government. A new system was in place but the people considered it authoritarian and therefore opposed it. Dr. Najibullah did all these after changing the constitution moving Afghanistan from a Muslim state to a communist state. His system of governance was opposed by many warlords and the rebels who had excised regions of entire Afghanistan. The rebels were supported financially and in military training by the US (Collins, 1995). The US was opposed to the Soviet’s expansion of her regions. The only sure way to stop this was to establish a common enemy who was the Soviets and Najibullah’s communist government using the warlords and the rebels who were opposed to the coup and imposition of communism in Afghanistan. There was a common enemy that brought together very unlikely friends: Afghanistan and the US. The government of Najibullah was very unstable as the rebels gained strength and prominence. Having imported the system of governance that was being opposed by the Soviet Union, it was only necessary for Afghanistan to seek support from the country. It was in December 1979 when Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev authorized his troops to move to Afghanistan and the Soviet soldiers started moving into Kabul (Galeotti, 1995). The rebels understood their country and ground terrain very well. They knew how to survive. When the Soviets arrived who were strangers and underestimated the harshness of the environment and people they faced very dire consequences (Afghan War, 2009).

More so, there was an unlikely friend of Afghanistan who was willing to help them to overcome the overbearing enemy; this was the US. It was not in the interest of Afghanistan that America got involved in the conflict. But America took up the Afghan war as a proxy to test the military might of their enemies without burning their fingers. Then US President Jimmy Carter was well aware of the war and the implications of the war to the world’s stability and world politics. It was at this time when these ideological powers were fighting for dominance in what was called the Cold War. The US did not commit her troops like the Soviets but funded the Afghan opposition known as the Mujahedeen (freedom fighters). Carter’s successor Ronald Reagan continued financing and training the Mujahedeen without direct involvement in the war. On the other hand, America was condemning the Soviet Union for invading Afghanistan dealing a psychological blow to their confidence in war (RIA, 2010). While the Mujahedeen were being used as puppets to fight the war, the effects were taking a toll with the flooding of unchecked arms landing in the hands of the local people of Afghanistan. With indomitable spirit and help from the US, Afghan rebels led by the Mujahedeen were determined to win the war. Among the popular warlords was the Ahamad Shah Massoud who launched a deadly attack on the Soviet troops through his guerrilla tactics (Reuvenerny et al, 1996). As the war continued many of the Mujahedeen crossed over to neighboring Pakistan from where they used to launch attacks. However, it was this proliferation of small arms and uncontrolled flooding of weaponry that gave rise to the Taliban and its leader Osama Bin Laden (OSA, 2010).

As the US continued to secretly fund the Mujahedeen, they on the other hand condemned the Soviet Union for flouting international laws by invading a sovereign country. With the help of Britain, the US piled pressure on the Soviet Union. As was expected religion was a key factor in fanning the war. It was the sympathy that used to get to the hearts of the people (Meher, 2004). The Mujahedeen were able to depict the war as an attack of the Muslim religion. Many Muslims from neighboring countries and the entire Arab world thronged Afghanistan to wage war against an unpopular and secular communist regime. Among these sympathizers was Saudi-born Osama Bin Laden. Through his army known as Al-Qaeda, Osama’s effort was felt by the Soviet Soldiers. Then Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev contemplated withdrawing the troops from Afghanistan (Arnold, 1995). The cost of the war was very high and there were no immediate benefits that could be associated with winning the war. On the other hand, the Americans were achieving their prime goal of cutting communism dominance to size using the Mujahedeen. It was not until February 1989 that the Soviet Union failed to sustain the war and decided to pull out of Afghanistan leaving a weak Najibullah regime that was in opposition to its people (Hilali, 2005). It was on this belief that the government of President Najibullah had invited foreigners to wage war on its people that exited religious sentiments and hence won the support of other countries, especially from the Muslim world.

Post-War Withdraw Syndrome

After the Soviets pulled out of Afghanistan the country was in total disarray. The focus of the American and her Western partners was shifted to economic troubles facing their countries and no one bothered to consider the post-war reconstruction of Afghanistan. Afghanistan had been ravaged by the war and her people were bitter. However, the Afghan rebels led by the Taliban did not launch revenge attacks on the Soviet Union as was expected. They turned their anger to friends who had deserted them when they needed them the most: the US (OSA, 2010). Without a rule of law and no organized government, friend-turned-foe Osama Bin Laden turned his wrath to the American establishments while referring to religious sentiments that foreigners were using Afghanistan to their wars. Being a predominantly Muslim country it was easier to recruit people to protect their country against another attack from anti-Muslim governments. Topping the list was America not because of Afghanistan but because they had used the country to launch for their benefit. Fearing the Western culture from infiltrating the Afghan society, the Taliban had to oppose any relationship with non-Muslim countries (Meher, 2004).

While the war did not directly benefit the Afghan people it was a war that saw US ideological victory prevail against the Soviets, who were extending their dominance in the Persian region. Due to oil-rich resources a lot of outside forces were seeking to have their influence felt in the region. However, there was no clear way to deal with ‘hangovers’ of war that the people of Afghanistan, many of who were still living in exile, suffered. The warlords were left to fight for dominance in Afghanistan which now descended into total anarchy as different warlords continued to outdo each other. However, this time a lot of arms that were used during the war were coming in handy to help the people to wage the war against each other (Liakhovskii, 2007). In 1992 President Najibullah escaped and found refuge in United Nations grounds in Kabul after the internal war became intensive. Afghan people were now fatigued by a decade of war were yearning for peace. A group of young people and refugees using stockpiles of arms littering rugged Afghanistan came in handy to provide much-needed security. This was the Taliban led by Mullah Omar who promised to give security but used reserved interpretation of Islamic laws. This was necessary both psychologically and religiously to undo the damage already caused by the government of Najibullah who was still hiding in the United Nations compound (Lia, 2006). Taliban’s influence grew immensely and strict adherence to the conservative Islam. With the Najibullah government having been toppled, the people were yearning for something different and something they could identify with. Taliban being Muslims and soldiers provided the mix that appealed to the people. However, the application of the Sharia Law was not in sync with international laws and practices and therefore the governing Talibans always found themselves on the receiving end from the international powers. Back at home, the Taliban were able to convince the people that the same forces that had killed her people and sent most of them to exile were again crouching to impose their government. With a bad history of communist regime led by President Najibullah, it was easy to convince the people that these Western ‘infidels’ (as they called them), were not out for any good of the Afghan people. Those who opposed the regime met severe punishment from the Taliban (Cordesman, 2002). Thieves were executed in what was seen as strict adherence to Islamic law. The regime demanded that women should be fully covered reversing the order by the Najibullah government to liberalize women, they also banned music and television (Hilali, 2005).

The mujahedeen had won the war but the US took the credit for winning the ideological war at the prime of the Cold War with communism. The US abandoned their allies who they had used to wage against a common enemy. The result was a country that had been ravaged by war was left in a desolate state. After Americans left Afghanistan, the Soviet Union continued to support the regime Najubullah until the Soviets disintegrated in the year 1992. With established guerrilla forces and weak government, the resultant was the long protracted guerrilla war against the government forces (Heller, 1980).

During the Soviet invasion, many people went into exile and many more were killed by the Russians who supported the communist regime. There arose a leadership vacuum and the rise of warlords controlling different areas of the Afghanistan nation. There was bitterness from the Mujahedeen that was used to topple the Soviet dominance in the region but were neglected. This bitterness was fanned by US desertion when the country required rebuilding and regaining stability after many years of war (Grau, 2002). But the Americans were nowhere to listen to the rather frustrated people of Afghanistan. Those elites and intellectuals living abroad had a lot of resentment not only against the country that had brought war into their land (Soviet) but also the one that turned their country into a battleground ruined it beyond repair (US). The chaos and disorder that erupted after the post-Soviet invasion in Afghanistan led to the rise of the Taliban; out to fill the vacuum of governance with no stable government being in place. Those Afghans who lived outside the country knew that Afghanistan had been destroyed not because they were benefiting from the war but because of their strategic position in the region. Due to geographical location and proximity to the US enemy: the Soviet Union, it was easier to launch an attack from Afghanistan (Girardet, 1985). After the war, Afghan people were counting losses out of a war that had left their country more divided. The US never bothered to help to rebuild the country that had been ravaged by war, and it was this technology and expertise that now came to haunt the US administration many years after pulling out of the Soviet-Afghan war. Of the Taliban, the rise can therefore be traced back to the remnants of Mujahedeen soldiers.

Islam role Soviet-Afghan War

Supported by refugees from Pakistan and sympathizers from Saudi Arabia, Talibans were able to prove that the attack on Afghanistan was not the only attack on their country but also an attack on the Islamic religion. While the communist government tried to radically change the ways of life of the people of Afghanistan, the Taliban reacted with the opposite force. The Soviets who had invaded Afghanistan for occupation made the Najibullah government act as though it was betraying the people of Afghanistan. It was therefore easy to strike sympathy and get support from the people as long it was against the oppressive Najibullah government (Galeotti, 1995). Taliban being the one who dislodged the communist government from power, they had worn the trust of the people and it was therefore easy to convince them to support Mullah Omar’s government. However, the loyalty of Osama Bin Laden and his army of Al-Qaeda had supported Mullah Omar during the war and later supported the Taliban government after the Americans pulled out leaving a country devastated by war. The bitterness was building against the people who used the Afghan people to fight against themselves. Americans had abandoned the people who they used to win the war against the Soviet Union (USIA, 2010). The Mujahedeen and the Taliban supported by Osama’s Al-Qaeda knew that they had been used and damped and therefore they wanted to retaliate against the non-Muslim. The Talibans were able to convince the people the reason why the Soviets had attacked them and why the Americans used them had everything to do with changing their religious beliefs. The Talibans convinced the people using symbols that God was on their side to fight the invaders; this ostensibly guaranteed them a place in Heaven. Talibans convinced the people that the reason why the Americans had used them and dumped them was that they did not profess the same faith. By stroking the cord religious beliefs it became easy to see all other non-Muslims as being potential enemies who needed to be eliminated at all cost (Urban, 1990).

When Dr. Najibullah took over power, he brought with him changes that were not in sync with Islamic beliefs and practices. Moreover, Najibullah associated with Soviet leader Leonid who lodged war on Afghan people. Imposing the communist regime the Afghan people felt they were losing their identity. The identity of Afghan people is more Islam than any other religion. Since the 7^th Century AD when Islam was introduced, the people of Afghanistan have taken it as the culture; a way of life. Therefore preaching something that was not in line with the beliefs and practices of the people was enough to cause resentment among the people. The Afghan people knew that anyone who associated with their enemy was indeed their enemy; hence the opposition against the government of Najibullah. The US government aimed to clip the spread of communist ideology in Asia. Since Afghanistan had been the latest catch of the Soviets, it was necessary to lodge the attack on them. The Afghan people through the Americans were helping them defeat an enemy and therefore the Americans became good friends to the Afghan people (TSI, 2010).

The formation of Mujahedeen had no intention initially to have a religious bearing. But by stoking religious sentiments it was easy to win the hearts of the people of Afghanistan. After winning their trust then it could have been easy to use them to fight the war. The people felt obliged to protect their country. This was born from the influence the leaders had on the people through the use of symbols and the belief that the leaders could communicate with God (SWA, 2010). By so doing there was a good reason for commitment against the people who had occupied their land: the Soviets. When the Soviets withdrew, the same hatred was directed to the Americans who had used their resources to train the Mujahedeen.

Using Islamic Discourse

During the Soviet-Afghan war, political leaders used religious sentiments to legitimize their actions in the name of redeeming the people from invaders. These invaders had caused untold suffering to the Afghan people (Soviet invasion, 2010). To maintain identity and attract bilateral financial support from the Arab countries, the Taliban imposed strict Sharia Law. This meant they were to oppose anything that is western-oriented. From the type of food to the way of life, Afghan people were changed and felt different and only wanted to be identified with the Muslims. Anything that was not Islamic was considered to be unwelcomed (Liakhovskii et al, 2007).

While religious connotations may not have defined the enemies, it was one of the factors used by leaders to quench their thirst for ruling over people. The strategic use of Islamic language and practicing of Islamic religion exclusively brought the Taliban leadership into conflict with all other people especially from the Western countries of Europe and America (Roy, 1990).

The strategic use of Muslim language among the people facilitated the mobilization of the people. Adoption of the Muslim language made political players more attractive to the public and to the donors who were willing to donate money to the people of Afghan to rebuild their country that had been destroyed during the war. Less enthusiastic or strict regimes like Najibullah’s regime attracted the sympathy of trade allies especially the Soviet Union but led to opposition of the people it expected to lead. This made the government Najibullah lose legitimacy after the defeat of the Soviets in 1989 (SIA, 2010).

Religious rhetoric and politics of Afghan

Islam was introduced in Afghan in the seventh century. Before this time many religions were associated with the Afghan people that were a conglomeration of people from different cultures. After the capture of Herat and Ghaznavids, Arab Muslims established Islam as the only religion allowed in Afghanistan (Soviet invasion, 2010). The Afghan geographical position being among many Arab states has helped to increase the strength of Muslim identity.

Leaders used symbols that were claimed to be connected to Prophet Mohamed and therefore enjoyed the legitimacy of ruler-ship. During this era, it was difficult to separate religion from politics and political leadership. For example, Roman Catholic Church was fighting to control the world. Islam was as well not only a religion but also an influential factor in determining the leadership of a country. Religion was both a unifying factor and a divisive factor (Butterworth and Zartman, 1992). Any region that opposed Islam was attacked with brutal force. It is from this strong history that the people believed that the Muslim religion just like any other religion of the time had direct authority from God. Anybody who opposed these doctrines did not deserve to live.

Opposing invading power was interpreted through religious standards. Soviets being colonizers were not enslaving people but professing different faith. This in retrospect meant that the Soviets aimed to convert the Afghan people into other religions, probably Christianity. This was reason enough why the people felt passionate enough to oppose the invasion. When the Soviets imposed a new system of government that was in line with Quran teachings, the people were convinced indeed a plot had been hatched to ruin their country (SIA, 2010). There need for urgent resistance. Afghan people have vehemently resisted attempts by foreign governments to occupy the land. Some of the areas in the South of Afghan have never been occupied by the Soviets or the British (Roy, 1990).

Leaders used Islam and Islamic symbols to mobilize support against annexing parts of Afghanistan into their territories. Being a poor country lacking in urbanization, established concrete networking men of religion and the tribal structure, have contributed immensely in making Afghan a religious country. The revolt that preceded the Soviet invasion was informed of the attempts by the then communist government to convert the locals into Marxists (Reuvenerny et al, 1996). The intended conversion had a lot of economic implications, effects on the Islamic faith, and strain social relations with other Arabic countries. This attempt was met with resistance which later led to Soviet invasion to save the reign of the protégé President Najibullah. After the Soviet invasion, most of the Muslims were either persecuted or fled the country. Those who remained fought the Soviet soldiers as the Mujahedeen (Runion, 2007). Those who fled the country regrouped and formed what came to be called the Taliban. The people who truly, without any hidden agenda, helped Afghan overcome the Soviets were the refugees from Pakistan and Saudi Arabian sympathizers. This is what formed the Taliban and which still roam the vast hilly lands of Afghanistan (Urban, 1990). The common denominator in all these countries was the Islamic faith. It was therefore easy to unite the people using a language that could be identified with liberation. The struggle was both against invaders and advocates of the non-Muslim faith.

After the Russian defeat in 1989, the Talibans dared to impose Sharia Laws that reduced the movement of women, outlawed education, restrictive Islamic dress code, limited entertainment, and severely punished crimes mostly by severing their limbs or stoning them to death. However, the association of Talibans and Osama Bin Laden put them at loggerheads with the West. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the Taliban had grown roots controlling the bigger part of Afghanistan (Roy, 1990). The opposition was more based on religious doctrines than political differences. By the mere fact that Najibullah’s government was being supported by the Russians was reason enough why the people should have opposed the regime: a regime that had watered the beliefs of the Islamic religion. There was, therefore, a need to fight to preserve the identity that was under constant threat from what they called infidels (Sayeed, 1995).

Fall of the Taliban

When America’s twin tower of the World Trade Center was attacked in 2001, all fingers were pointed at Osama Bin Laden and his group Al-Qaeda. However, the people of Afghanistan knew the same people who had used and dumped them during the war were back. It was again time to invoke religious sentiments against the Americans (Reuvenerny et al, 1996). It was a technique that worked until the Talibans were deposed as the strikes from the Western Allied forces rained on hilly Afghanistan. The people though still believe the invasion of the US is no different from the one of the Soviet Union in 1979, and Hamid Karzai is no different from President Mohamed Najibullah during the Soviet Union attack (Runion, 2007). Riding on this tide the Talibans are enjoying the protection of the Afghan people in mountainous regions of the country.

Conclusion

As a way of life, Islam and Islamic religion are difficult to separate from politics. Unfortunately, politics sometimes breeds into war opposing the same principles that a religion would want to have a cohesive society devoid of conflicts. However, conflicts are part of life and they make life complete (Fiscus, 2004). While life issues are intertwined, religion and politics are inseparable. In most cultures whoever is the leader of the country must have the approval of the religious leaders. It can though sources of chaos if for example the religious leaders do not desist from retrogressive and hate that characterize a broad spectrum of politics. Some political leaders come from a religious background and therefore clouding furthers the distinction between religion and politics (Roy, 1990).

Afghanistan before, during, and after the Soviet-Afghan war did not behave any different. The dominant religion and Islam were so integrated that no one could tell the distinction. Before Dr. Najibullah came to power, many leaders had been executed while in power, and others overthrown. Most of the tribal factions in Afghanistan were ruled by militants whose origins could be traced to the clergy and religious leaders. There was therefore the connection between the people ruling and the Islamic ideology; political connection between the clergy and the political leaders. As a system of governance, they were therefore in competition with themselves and the outside world (Sayeed, 1995). However, the challenge was how to create a political model that was in competition with their rivals in the Western world. When Najibullah became the president supported by the Soviet Union, he brought the different doctrine of allowing for freedom to women and changing the constitution. This was seen by the tribal leaders as an affront to the religious beliefs that defined the Afghan people (Roy, 1990). The people revolted in opposition to the new system of governance. While Islam is a religion that preaches peace it has been infiltrated by elements that purport to be Muslims but use the religion to cover their evils (Heller, 1980).

While trying to define the ideology, the Afghan people had to separate religion from politics. Sufficing to say that there is no distinction between Sharia law and Islamic ideology. But Islamism is not clericalism; which is different from the religion and its beliefs. The secular practices were now being put in religious circles. Many Islamic countries have mixed the two where there is no distinction between Islamic fundamentalism and true religion (Roy, 1990). However, there was no problem with whichever system of governance, as long as it is employed and able to guarantee rule of law and order for its people. In the case of Afghanistan, Sharia Law had brought harmony and peace for the people (Butterworth and Zartman, 1992). A country that is governed by law must practice personal freedom and limit despotic powers. The Sharia Law that was practiced was aimed at ensuring economic equality. It was the invasion of Soviet troops and imposing of the communism that annoyed the people turning them into violent rebels who could sacrifice their lives to protect their religion and sovereignty (Girardet, 1985).

If the resistance in Afghanistan had not overwhelmed the Soviets to pave way for their pull-out, then it could have become one of the Russian Provinces after the conquest. The resistance played an important role in preventing the occupation of Afghanistan by the Soviets. By incorporating the religion in Madrasas meant that people could learn the tenets of their religion from a very tender age making it difficult for them to change their thinking along the way (Heller, 1980). The Islamists recruited people from schools and other government institutions. These people professed the faith of the Islamic religion. It was difficult to say which of the two was causing problems: whether it was the religion or the Islamic fundamentalists. This was where the resistant elements got intertwined with the religion. However, the central aim is to redeem their country out of the hands of the invaders. It was a time when the end justified the means. Whatever faith the fighters professed what was important was to defeat the invaders. By defeating the invaders the people associated with the group that had brought them victory.

References

Afghan War (2009). The Soviet-Afghan War: How the superpower fought and lost. Web.

Afghanistan (2010). Lessons from the last war.

Afghanistan War (2008). War in Afghanistan – History behind the US War in Afghanistan. Web.

Arnold A. and Vizirani G. (1985). Afghanistan: the Soviet invasion in perspective New Delhi: Vizirani Gulab.

Aspaturian V. (1996). The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan: Three perspectives Los Angeles: University of California.

Bonosky P. (1985). Afghanistan – Washington’s Secret War New York: International Publishers.

Butterworth C. & Zartman W. (1992). Political Islam by Charles Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

Collins J. (1985). The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan: a study in the Use of Force in Soviet foreign policy. Lexington (Massachusetts): Lexington books.

Cordesman A. (2002). The Lessons of Afghanistan: War fighting, Intelligence, and Force transformation. Washington DC: Center for Strategic Studies and International Studies.

Fiscus J. (2004). War and Conflict in the Middle East: America’s War in Afghanistan New York: The Rosen Publishing Group,

Galeotti M. (1995). Afghanistan: The Soviet Union’s Last War. London: Frank Cass and co. ltd.

Girardet E. (1985). Afghanistan: the Soviet war. Beckenham: Croom Helm ltd.

Grau L. (2002). The Soviet-Afghan War: how a superpower fought and lost.Valentin Runov: Lawrence, University Press of Kansas.

Heller M. (1980). Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan: Motivations and Implications. Tel-Aviv: Tel-Aviv University Press.

Hilali A. (2005). US-Pakistan Relationship: Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan. Burlington, Ashgate Publishing Company.

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Liakhovskii et al (2007). Inside the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan and the Seizure of Kabul, 1979. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Int’l Center for Scholars.

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OSA (2010). The Origins of the Soviet-Afghan War: Revelations from the Soviet Archives.

Reuvenerny R. et al (1996). The Afghanistan war and the breakdown of the Soviet Union. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Center for Global Business.

RIA (2010). The Russian invasion of Afghanistan.

Roy O. (1990). Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan London: Cambridge University Press.

Runion M. (2007). The History of Afghanistan. Westport: Greenwood Press.

Sayeed K. (1995). Western Dominance and Political Islam: Challenge and Response Albany: State University of New York Press.

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USIA (2010). US invasion of Afghanistan.

Introduction

Although terrorism has no universal criminal law definition, it is widely known to bring horror and deaths to countries it is exercised at. Some people deem terrorism to be a farfetched issue that is used by the government to cover their own deeds. However, there are several dismaying Islamic organizations with their agendas that this essay will talk about. The Federal Bureau of Investigation divides terrorism into two groups, “one of which is domestic terrorism and the other is transnational” (Sauter, 2005, p.53).

The Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine is an Arabic military organization that had gained the name of a terrorist organization by the activities it exercises. The United States, the European Nations, Japan, and other countries have claimed the organization to be dangerous and terrorist. Their main purpose is to replace the state of Israel with an Islamic state via destruction and terror.

The Militia Movement is a domestic terrorist political movement. The group is paramilitary and acts within the United States. The members became active during the middle 1990s when disagreements with political leaders took place. After that, the groups extended in number and managed to spread within the 50 states of America. They believe the federal government limits their freedoms, bearing armor in particular – the Second Amendment. The quantity of the Militia Movement is about 60,000 people.

Comparison

Ideology

The ideology of the PIJ movement is Pan-Islamism. They believe that all the Islamic nations have to be gathered together in one theocratic state. Islamic fundamentalism is what they adhere to. They strive to go back to the fundamentals of their religious beliefs and appeal to all the Islamic nations to resort to Quran and Sunnah (Emerson, 2006). Although modern times suggest the usage of modern technologies and trends, the Islamic world seems to adhere to fundamental beliefs tightly throughout generations and nations. Moreover, the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran is considered to be a great breakthrough of Islamic fundamentalism. Anti-Zionism is what PIJ considers to be the central idea or one of the central ideas. Anti-Zionism is against Israel.

The ideologies of the Militia movements are largely conspiratorial and are exercised for the sake of the community, as they believe. They believe that the democratic values presented by the United States government give them the freedom to express the citizenry’s views through violence. Moreover, some of the groups of the movement regard the government as a tyrant. They express the thought that it is illegal to limit local government rights, issue gun control, and impose taxes as this threatens the liberties of American citizens (Levitas, 2004).

Organization

PIJ has been established in 1981. Being initially based in Egypt, it moved to Gaza Strip from where they were exiled and settled in Lebanon. In 1989 their headquarters is based in Damascus until today. They operate in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel largely. Iran is the one to support PIJ financially together with a little share from Syria. The organization is actually a small group; however, the followers who believe and struggle for the same ideology are numbered in thousands. The groups are organized particularly to execute armed attacks. Surprisingly, PIJ does have branches that provide services to civilian women and young people.

The Militia movement is a gathering of paramilitary groups that consist of 10-30 members, which is not a lot but enough to get together and share ideas in order to build up a plan of terrorist actions. Militia umbrella groups failed, however. Nevertheless, the members from different groups can meet and share expertise. Although the average age of the members is 40 years, the recent use of the Internet for recruitment has brought a large influx of youth.

Tactics

PIJ tactics known to the entire world is suicide bombing. Moreover, the organization, being a terrorist and violent one, has showcased guerrilla tactics during the start of the second intifada – kidnappings, explosions, and even ambushes. The goal of PIJ to destroy Israel and establish an Islamic state has brought them to bloody and truly horrible means of pursuing the goal; except for suicide bombing, they use rocket attacks that significantly derail the peace process. Unlike the Militia movement, PIJ does not have an extended network of social services; it focuses on violent attacks largely.

Starting with the Militia movement, it has to be said that their tactics are very interesting as it ranges from rescuing barricaded criminals up to saving people being turned out of their house. They deem their necessity in contradicting the tyrant government that issues its laws and threats the citizenry. The most famous tactic was ‘militia confrontation’ when the groups identified ‘victims of the government’. Interestingly enough, the Militia movement established such an agenda after Ruby Ridge and Waco. There were many more situations to remember that proved the Militia movement to be extremist and violent in reinforcing their ideas. Moreover, in 2000 militia groups stood for the Indianapolis Baptist Temple until the actual church members asked them to leave because of the terror danger. The Militia movement confronts the government all the time and a slip of mistake or just an accident may cause a tragedy next time if they are not stopped on time.

Summary comparison of JIP and Militia Movement

The two organizations are obviously harmful to both society and the political orders. It is completely clear that PIJ is a disaster to the society of Israel. They not only present a threat to the peaceful being of the citizenry, but PIJ also happens to be an implementation of utmost egoistic features. Unlike the Militia movement, PIJ brings deaths of peaceful people and ids. They exercise suicidal bomb explosions just for the sake of proclaiming Islam a major religion. This is the main difference between the two organizations – the number of lethal termination as a cause of their activity. Militia movement does exercise violent methods in order to achieve their goals, though there have not been any serious consequences of their activity. Both organizations do not see the evident mistaken sense of what they are doing, though they are absolutely confident they are fighting for something they deserve. While the Militia movement approaches their pursuits somewhat lawfully, though violently, PIJ is a total contradiction to everything natural, human, and societal. Bombing suicidal attacks by PIJ and pseudo-rescuing agendas of Militia are totally different in their concepts. While one organization deems the government to be threatening democracy, the other one is a total tyrant for the neighboring nation. The two organizations have different motifs – religious and political and exercise different methods that are stipulated by the countries’ traditions.

Law Enforcement Challenges

In the fight against terrorism, there are several main challenges that have to be overcome. One of the primary problems in the war against terrorism that the government faces is the exchange of information. During the twenty-first century when technologies are a brilliant means of passing on information, the law enforcement problem has to carry on very thorough research on the security of the data because sharing info on terrorists may be dangerous – leaking of info is possible (Bunt, 2003). The law enforcement challenge is the National Intelligence Strategy and Plan. The government has faced an economical problem in financing rural areas – the crucial ones – in order to keep an eye on seaports, airports, etc. to watch the borders crossing.

As per the law enforcement in the scope of internal terrorism, the democracy of the country does let it act against its own citizens. Since every American citizen has a right to freedom, it becomes nearly impossible to contradict their own constitutional rights when talking about the Militia movement. The members of the Militia movement rely on the Second Amendment of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. So, the legislature has to take thorough care of the laws’ amendment in order to ensure future understanding by the citizens of their rights correctly.

Conclusion

Terrorism is a disaster that strikes the world and does not let the development of democracy spread around the globe. The two organizations explored in this essay are non-governmental groups that exercise violence or the threat of violent activities. Both of them act illegally and inhumanly towards other nations or the government they actually are supposed to serve. Although the Militia movement has not had the death involving consequences, the slightest mistake could have driven many deaths of innocent citizens. The ideology of the PIJ and the Militia movement contradicts the obedient and adequate views on the political and religious order within a separately taken country. However, there is no one to decide on the supremacy of one nation over the other. And there is hardly an organization that can undermine the democratic values of a free and lawful country.

References

Bunt, G.R. (2003). Islam in the Digital Age: E-Jihad, Online Fatwas and Cyber Islamic Environments. Sterling: Pluto Press.

Emerson, S. (2006). Jihad Incorporated: A Guide to Militant Islam in the US. New York: Prometheus Books.

Levitas, D. (2004). The Terrorist Next Door: The Militia Movement and the Radical Right. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin.

Sauter, M. (2005). Homeland Security: A Complete Guide to Understanding, Preventing, and Surviving Terrorism. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Introduction

The problem of extremism continues to make it impossible for many governments and nations to pursue their goals diligently and minimize the challenges of attack. The existence of different schools of thought, philosophies, and radical teachings in the Islamic world has contributed to the emergence of many groupings and associations with diverse missions. A detailed analysis and understanding of such organizations can guide countries to implement superior protective measures against citizens’ lives and critical infrastructure systems. This paper gives a description of ISIS and how it markets its message internationally.

ISIS: History, Ideology, and Psychology

The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS or ISL) remains one of the leading sources of threat to regional and global peace in the wider Islamic region. Political scholars trace the history of ISIS to 2004 when Abu Musab al Zarqawi defected from Al Qaeda (“Timeline: The Rise, Spread, and Fall of the Islamic State”). This organization remained inactive till 2010 due to the presence of U.S. troops in Iraq throughout the period. With the increasing level of insecurity and reduced economic growth in Syria and Iraq, the members and leaders of ISIS managed to pursue their aims diligently. ISIS adopted the current name in 2013 after which it launched attacks in Tikrit and Mosul (“Timeline: The Rise, Spread, and Fall of the Islamic State”).

The Islamic State was identified as a caliphate whose influence ranged from Diyala in Syria to Aleppo in Syria. From 2014, the U.S. began to strike different regions in the two countries (Wood). Such measures weakened ISIS and its ability to launch attacks successfully (“Timeline: The Rise, Spread, and Fall of the Islamic State”). By 2015, different armed forces managed to drive the group out of Iraq successfully (Wood). From the period, it continued to collaborate with sympathizers, affiliates, and likeminded supporters to bomb different regions, including Egypt and Russia. Due to the initiatives and measures different nations undertook, ISIS had lost over 95 percent of its strongholds by December 2017 (Styszyński, p. 173). While the group had been dismantled by 2018, there are still some members who continue to plan attacks and consider new ways of reorganization.

In terms of ideology, ISIS remains one of the Islamic groups founded on the teachings of Wahhabism and Salafi Jihadism. Its leaders and followers believe in a doctrine aimed at restoring the original concepts of Islam. According to the members, the Islamic world would need to pledge support and allegiance to this caliphate. Those who fail to do so should die in accordance with guidelines for sectarian killings (“Timeline: The Rise, Spread, and Fall of the Islamic State”). All people behind ISIS acknowledge that the earliest ideas and teachings of Prophet Muhammad need to guide the lives and actions of all Muslims.

From a psychological perspective, ISIS emerged as a special radical organization that wanted to identify and redefine the psychological needs of more people in the Islamic world while pursuing an ideological concept or narrative. Through the identification and appreciation of shared psychological values, the followers were encouraged to establish a movement that could take them closer to their religious thoughts of Salafism (Yarchi, p. 55). The followers developed or experienced some form of mental control that made it easier for them to consider the importance of networking to pursue a common ideology. This psychological approach made it possible for the founders of ISIS to acquire more followers and encourage them to support the outlined mission. Consequently, this organization was able to record a stunning, but short-lived, success in the wider Islamic region.

ISIS Marketing Strategy

The success of terrorist or extremist groups depends on their abilities to communicate their messages and missions to the wider global population. Such an initiative is essential for attracting more followers and recruiting potential individuals to support the intended vision. Since 2010, ISIS has adopted a powerful model that maximized its level of interaction with potential partners and the global community. Some of the marketing approaches are outlined in the sections below.

Marketing Message Internationally

ISIS has been considering a Jihadist campaign to encourage or compel more Islamic followers to take the original teachings of Muhammad seriously than ever before. However, many analysts and foreign governments have identified such a message or vision as capable of disorienting global peace and making it impossible for more people to achieve their potential in life (Wood). From 2011, this caliphate group relied on evidence-based political and branding marketing approaches to ensure that more people across the globe were informed about the available assets and value (Wood). The organization relied on the power of a systematic model to increase awareness in a world that has many terrorist or extremist agencies pursuing the same form of recognition (Styszyński, p. 174). The organization capitalizes on political propaganda and engagement in criminal acts that compel the global society to publicize their actions and goals.

Additionally, ISIS has been taking the issue of social media seriously to educate more followers and attract new ones. These platforms are essential; they help attract more potential members while at the same time remaining anonymous. ISIS also implements a strategic communication model that guides its leaders to target specific audience while avoiding other members of the global community (Styszyński, p. 179). This international marketing model remains practical, relevant, and capable of delivering positive results.

Similarities

The global society is currently facing numerous challenges from different extremist groups that operate at the international arena. Such organizations have succeeded since they apply evidence-based methods to communicate their ideologies and messages to more potential partners and followers. Yarchi indicates that most of these associations tend to employ similar measures to achieve their goals and control more regions or states (p. 62). Some of the leading groups in the world today include Al Qaeda, Al Shabab, Hizballah, ISIS, and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia FARC, and Boko Haram (Wood). These organizations embrace more or less the same approaches to market their ideas and notions at both the global level.

First, they all consider the power of branding to ensure that they have a unique logo, message, and thought that can be shared with different followers. This approach makes it possible for different stakeholders to consider the importance of selecting the most appropriate group. Second, political marketing remains a common trend whereby the mileages or gains recorded through successful attacks and control of states inform more people about the anticipated goals. During the period of growth, such agencies identify weaker targets to destroy critical infrastructure or kill innocent lives (Simons, p. 329). Organizations that control large territories will become more recognizable and attract the attention of potential members or followers.

Third, a differentiated message is taken seriously whereby the guiding philosophy and ideology dictate the manner in which such followers are informed about the outlined mission and objectives. This model ensures that only like-minded people who can support and sustain the established model are recruited (Wood). Fourth, a systematic from of awareness becomes a reality whereby unwanted people are identified and removed from the marketing approach. This practice is done to ensure that foreigners or people from different western countries do not join such organizations. These methods explain why the majority of the extremist organizations in different parts of the world have managed to record meaningful results.

Finally, modern innovations have become instrumental in influencing the manner in which people are informed about the future goals, intended missions, and future plans. Some of the common ones include the use of social media platforms and communication using the Internet. Islamic teachings have also been taken into consideration to segment the message and ensure that specific groups of people in the wider global society are identified and encouraged to become part of the organization (Simons, p. 348). These approaches or similar models explain why more extremist groups, including Al Qaeda and ISIS, have over the years managed to record meaningful success in their respective regions.

Conclusion

The above discussion has identified ISIS as an extremist organization that is founded on the concepts and teachings of Salafi Jihadism and Wahhabism. The guiding principle and mission is to encourage more people to start following Muhammad’s original principles and teachings. Although the territorial strength of ISIS has declined, its international communication model has delivered meaningful results since it echoes the initiatives associated with other terrorist groups and organizations, including Al Qaeda and Hizballah.

Works Cited

1. Simons, Greg. “Brand ISIS: Interactions of the Tangible and Intangible Environments.” Journal of Political Marketing, vol. 17, no. 4, 2018, pp. 322-353.
2. Styszyński, Marcin. “ISIS Communication Strategy.” Przegląd Strategiczny, vol. 6, no. 9, 2016, pp. 171-180.
3. “Timeline: The Rise, Spread, and Fall of the Islamic State.” Wilson Center, 2019.
4. Wood, Graeme. “What ISIS Really Wants.” The Atlantic, 2015. Web.
5. Yarchi, Moran. “ISIS’s Media Strategy as Image Warfare: Strategic Messaging over Time and Across Platforms.” Communication and the Public, vol. 4, no. 1, 2019, pp. 53-67.

Islam is an ancient religion that encompasses close to 2 billion people and a quarter of the world’s population. It is a sacred, peaceful, and kind religion, despite being more conservative than many others. Islamic extremism represents a minority of Muslims who have used a perverted or manipulated version of the religion’s beliefs as both the basis and justification for nefarious socio-political activities including violence, terrorism, waging war, and at times establishing enclaves of a society guided by an extremist approach to Islam.

History and Emergence

Islam is an ancient religion stemming from the Prophet Muhammad, originated in Mecca and Medina around the 7th century CE. Islam is both a religion and code of conduct in many ways of life. At one-point Islam was the primary religion of Middle Eastern empires which encompassed large areas and resources, with Islam experiencing a “golden age.”. The modern form of Islamic extremism began with Usama Bin Laden in the late 1990s. He and his followers published an opinion suggesting that America had declared war on God and the Prophet. Therefore, it was the sacred duty of Muslims to kill Americans everywhere. Although Bin Laden was not a scholar of Islamic history or law, his doctrine grew, based on the idea that Islam was suppressed by Western influence and invasion, and he is seeking to restore the golden age of the religion. The extremist and violent ideas were inherently rooted in the unstable socio-political environment as well as anti-Western sentiments of many Middle Eastern countries at the time, allowing for various extremist terrorist organizations to emerge and flourish (White et al., 2010).

Radical Religious Extremism

A prominent definition of extremism as the justification for terrorism is that it encompasses ideological beliefs that the political system should be brought to religious standards through violence. Labels of extremism are applied to groups fighting for political agendas based in these religious beliefs, against the established mainstream systems of government such as ISIS against Syria and Taliban in Afghanistan. Religious extremism follows a model which has been observed numerous times which culminates a trajectory of religious identity leading to violence. First, there is openness to new thoughts in a religion, leading to worldview change. Afterward, a loss of meaning and connection with original identity is lost (shifting away from religious moderate), usually due to some sort of tragedy or trauma, both individually or as a group of people. Fueled by the tragedy, adoption of extreme beliefs and norms occurs which is enhanced by an indoctrination process led by extreme organizations or religious fundamentalists. The end outcome of religious extremism most always ends with the expression of violence and terror by the actor (Wibisono et al., 2019).

The political motivations of leaders of Islamic extremist and jihadist-type groups are unquestionable, commonly flourishing in areas of political and military encounters with the West. This has been ongoing for centuries. However, the moral justification and elements of power for such movements are not based in political ideology, but rather Islamic religious authority and principles. Islamic extremists appeal to deeply ingrained religious beliefs and leverage in creating a ultra-religious environment which provides moral and legal sanctions to violence, and motivates terrorist activities. It is important to note that the majority of extremist and terrorist incidents occur in Muslim countries, by a small minority of radical Muslims seeking power in their areas of operation and whose victims are primarily fellow Muslims. Both the Muslim majority and most governments are actively combatting extremism and terrorism and are allies of Western states while condemning violence (Cordesman, 2017).

Conclusion

The radical Islam faction represents a small minority which uses extreme and violent methods of terrorism to establish their presence and beliefs, largely for political purposes rather than religious. While religion is a major ideological force in shaping the patterns of extremism, it is one of many, and perhaps not even the root factor to extremism. Rather, instability, social immobility, poverty, and political divides among many other factors contribute to the status quo.

References

Cordesman, A. (2017). Islam and the patterns in terrorism and violent extremism. Web.

White, R., Markowski, T., & Collins, K. (2010). The United States Department of Homeland Security: An overview (2nd ed.). Pearson Learning Solutions.

Wibisono, S., Louis, W. R., & Jetten, J. (2019). A multidimensional analysis of religious extremism.Frontiers in Psychology, 10. Web.

Introduction

Over the years, the world has experienced many acts of terrorism resulting in massive loss of life and property. Terror movements are formed by people who share a common ideology, be it political or social. Others are inspired by specific issues, such as environmental concerns, and strive to pressure the government and public to enact or repeal particular policies to meet their interests. Today, some of the renowned terror groups include the Islamic State, al-Qaeda, Taliban, Alshabaab, Muslim Brotherhood, and Boko Haram (“Reports on International Terrorism”). The movements utilize multiple strategies to gain new followers. This may be through spreading online propaganda or direct recruitment by the movements’ members or leaders. The terror groups mostly target and radicalize people with financial challenges. However, an individual’s social background and family dynamics may increase their chances of being radicalized. To fight terrorism, governments worldwide have allocated massive resources to detect and thwart any planned terror activities before they occur.

The History of the Islamic Brotherhood and the Japanese Red Army

The Islamic Brotherhood, commonly known as the Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwayn al-Muslimun), is among the most prominent Islamic organizations globally. Its activities revolve around religious teachings, social welfare projects, and political activism. There have been a lot of speculations that it is a terror movement that supports violence, but the organization has frequently denied the allegations. The Brotherhood was formed in 1928 by a cleric named Hasan al-Banna (TeachMideast). Its main objective was to promote Islamic religious laws, morals, and values. It also aimed to defy western beliefs and the rule of Britain in Egypt. Al-Banna believed that the Islamic religion should be dominant and impose its power and laws on all countries (Willi 30). Therefore, the movement intended to object to any secular inclinations in the Islamic regions and replace them with a pure Islam culture. During its formation, it received much support from the lower-middle class, who differed from the British government’s social stratifications. By 1938, it had gained over 500,000 followers and growing prominence in the surrounding nations (TeachMideast). This marked the beginning of its expansive network, which has increased its dominance in the world today.

The influence of the Brotherhood was witnessed when it rallied a lot of support for the 1936 Arab Revolt in Palestine, which targeted to overthrow the British administration. Nonetheless, in 1948, the Egyptian government banned the organization, and its assets were frozen following differences in ideologies. Two months later, unknown assailants assassinated Al-Banna, and Ḥasan al-Huḍaybī was elected as the new leader (Willi 8). In 1952, the Brotherhood joined the Free Officers’ coup to overthrow the British administration, and Gamel Abdel Nasser became president (Willi 8). However, his ideologies contradicted those of the Brotherhood, causing a rift between his government and the organization. The Brotherhood pushed for the implementation of the Sharia law while Nasser had a socialist vision. Consequently, in 1954, the organization tried to assassinate Nasser, and its operations were banned once again (TeachMideast). With the ban and new leadership, the Brotherhood became more radicalized in its underground activities. The Brotherhood’s injunction was lifted in the 1970s following the election of Anwar Sadat (Willi 63). It then abandoned its violent ideal and engaged in providing social services to increase support from the public.

Following the Arab Spring protests in 2011, the Brotherhood’s candidate, Mohammed Morsi, became president. As a result, Hosni Mubarak, the then president, was overthrown from power. Morsi’s restrictive constitution incited many protests, and he was later ousted by a military coup in 2013 (TeachMideast). Many of the Brotherhood’s members were then jailed or exiled. Morsi and other Brotherhood leaders were arrested and prosecuted; he died in jail in 2019 (“Terrorism”). Since the coup, the Egyptian government under Abdul Fattah al-Sisi has outlawed the organization as a terror movement. Other nations, such as the United Arabs Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and the United States, have also classified the movement as a terror group (Laub). The Islamic Brotherhood has branches in more than 70 countries and regions, including Egypt, Jordan, Gaza, Tunisia, and Syria. It is also active in the United States, United Kingdom, and France, among other European countries (Wagemakers 5). Research indicates that it enjoys massive support from Turkey and Qatar, where some members have found a haven (Laub). Currently, its influence has dwindled, stifling its political and social projects.

The Japanese Red Army (JRA) is a renowned terror organization around the globe. It is was formed by a group of extreme anarchists from Japan who engaged in severe crimes, such as hijackings and bomb attacks. JRA was founded in 1971 by Fusako Shigenobu (National Police Agency 11). The organization was formed after its followers split from the Japanese Communist League and merged with the Keihin Anti- Security Joint Struggle group. JRA’s primary objectives were to oust the Japanese administration to destroy its monarchy and start a global communist revolt. The members were ardent supporters of the Marxism-Leninist ideology (National Police Agency 11). JRA worked closely with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a popular terror group.

The JRA has been linked to several attacks across different parts of the world. In this case, the movement’s most famous attack was killing 26 people at the Lod airport in Israel. The shootings also wounded over 80 people, making one of the pronounced terror attacks of the group (Chia-Jui 388). In addition, JRA has also been linked with multiple bombings, including the 1986 car bombings near the Canadian consulate in Djakarta and the 1987 attacks on the British and American consulates in Rome. They also bombed a United Service Organization’s club in Italy, murdering five people (Martin and Prager 445). Likewise, the crusader group was renowned for its notoriety in hostage-taking to demand the liberation of its followers from prison. For example, in 1974, they held several hostages in a French Embassy at the Hague, and in 1975, they took control over the American embassy in Kuala Lumpur (Bacon 91). Thus, the JRA was involved in severe crimes that caused a lot of harm to many people.

JRA’s impact began diminishing in the 1990s following the near-collapse of the Soviet Union, which debilitated the group’s resolve for global communism. Additionally, there was a surge in the arrest of its followers and leaders, such as Kozo Okamoto and Yu Kikumura, among others. In 2000, Shigenobu was detained, and she dissolved the JRA in 2001 (National Police Agency 11). Since then, there have been no records of whether the group remains active or if the existing members have formed a new movement.

Key Leadership, Targeting, Weapon Choices, Financial Support and Recruiting Activities

The Brotherhood supports a hierarchical organizational structure with different leaders at distinct levels. At the epicenter of the group’s organization is the shūrā council, the decision-making body (Teney171). The guidance bureau is the topmost senior body which comprises sixteen members chosen from the shūrā council (Upal and Cusack 78). The bureau formulates the organization’s policies and directives and elects the organizational leaders who receive allegiance from the members. The chosen leader occupies the supreme guide title and is the head of the movement. Below the guidance bureau are several committees and departments tasked with unique responsibilities (Trends Research and Advisory 311). For example, the Spread of Dawah is a department whose role is to disseminate material about the Brotherhood to its followers and the public. A leader appointed by the bureau heads each department or committee. The Brotherhood movement has mainly targeted western influences in the Islamic countries (Laub). This may explain why it has formed several networks in many Islamic States.

The Brotherhood receives massive financial support through its members’ monthly contributions. It also relies on fundraising and financial backup from its political allies. Likewise, research indicates that the movement has invested in many ventures worldwide, resulting in immense profits (Al-Habsi). For example, it established the halal trade in western nations, encompassing vast food, banking, and medical equipment businesses. In this case, by 2025, the global market of halal food and drinks is estimated to be $739.59 billion (Al-Habsi). Additionally, the organization has other associations that generate profit, such as the Islamic Relief Foundation. Their weapons of choice may include rifles and grenades used by many Islamic terror cells like the al-Qaeda and Islamic State, whose roots originate from the Brotherhood (Teney, 171). Its recruitment strategies mainly target the youth through its doctrines which propagate its ideologies to the public. It also gains new members through its social services to the public (Mellor 15). The Brotherhood members also recruit their friends and families who believe in the movement’s principles.

Alternatively, the JRA had a centralized organizational structure where the leader directed all activities through the help of a political committee. Although JRA’s target was the Japanese government, it engaged in numerous attacks in overseas regions that were not connected to Japan, such as the attack at Telaviv and foreign embassies; this made the movement’s target unclear. Regarding weapon choices, their attacks mostly involved the use of firearms, rockets, and bombs (National Police Agency 11). The use of bombings helped maintain the group’s numbers because they experienced a lot of challenges getting recruits. There are no records to indicate whether the group relied on external aid for its operations. Its recruitment activities were greatly limited because it was based in the Middle East, away from Japan.

Political, Social and Economic Enablers of Each Group’s Operations

Different political, social, and economic aspects considerably contributed to the Brotherhood’s operations. The Brotherhood has continually benefited from government support; despite multiple bans, some governments have allowed and supported its operations. For example, Sadat lifted its prohibition in the 1970s, permitting it to continue its social projects. Additionally, following Morsi’s presidency in 2012, the group gained much political support because he was their candidate (TeachMideast). Brotherhood has been associated with links to governments in other nations, such as Syria and Palestine (Laub). These political ties have helped its network to continue growing in other countries. Regarding the social aspects, due to its social charities to the public, such as the construction of hospitals, schools, and mosques, the Brotherhood enjoys a considerable following (Mellor 15). Its grassroots activism during its initial stages influenced significant membership among the low-middle class. Therefore, it has a huge following from its supporters and the public. The economic enablers of the Brotherhood include membership fees and business ventures.

The Brotherhood’s peer competitor is the Hamas (The Islamic Resistance Movement). Hamas was formed in 1987 by some followers who split from the Brotherhood. It applies a more militant approach and is present in Israel, Syria, and Palestine; it does not have any ties to the Brotherhood (Upal and Cusack 83). The critical successes of the Brotherhood are helping to eliminate the British government in Egypt and winning a presidential election in 2012. It has also established a broad network around the world and has many followers. Its shortcomings are the inability to remain in power after the ousting of Morsi and the detainment of its leaders and members.

There is no evidence showing whether JRA received any support from any government. However, during its formation, it enjoyed a lot of backing from the youths, particularly the university students. After relocating to the Middle East, it gained PFLP’s support and was able to plan numerous attacks (National Police Agency 11). No records indicate the economic aspects that fostered its operations. There is no proof of peer competitors; instead, JRA collaborated with other terror movements, such as the PFLP (O’Sullivan 25). It succeeded in multiple attacks like the USO club bombing in Italy in 1988, the attack in Tel Aviv in 1972, and hostage-taking in Hague and Kuala Lumpur in 1974 and 1975, respectively (National Police Agency 11). JRA’s primary failure is that it was unsuccessful in revolutionizing Japan into a communist society.

Comparative Assessment of the Groups’ Strengths

In terms of memberships, financial strength, and influence, the Muslim Brotherhood is more powerful and has gained more prominence worldwide compared to the JRA. The Brotherhood has over 500 000 members and is spread in more than 70 regions globally (TeachMideast). In contrast, JRA is estimated to have had around 40 members, which is considerably low for a terrorist group. Although it had its operations in the Middle East, it experienced difficulties recruiting new members in the region or other parts of the world. This shows that it only had sympathizers in the area, and its influence was due to its close association with other terror cells such as the PFLP (O’Sullivan 25). Similarly, due to its vast membership and political allies and investments, the Brotherhood has a solid financial capability compared to JRA. There are no records on the assets or external support for the JRA, which implies that it mainly depended on membership contributions from its extremely few followers. Therefore, it is evident that the Muslim Brotherhood has more capability than JRA.

Regarding the severity of the groups’ activities, the Brotherhood has had more impact than JRA. For example, they aligned with the Free Officers to overthrow the British dominion in Egypt in 1952 (TeachMideast). Additionally, in 2012, their candidate Morsi won the elections, and their Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) garnered many seats in the People’s Assembly (Willi 251). This proves the movement’s massive influence on the country’s governance. Similarly, through their social projects like building schools, hospitals, and mosques, the Brotherhood has gained popularity in the country, increasing its influence (Mellor 15). Conversely, although JRA may have been involved in many bombings and hostage-takings, they were yet to gain adequate prominence to control the Japanese government. Their activities were mostly used as a bargaining chip to release its convicted followers but did not have enough momentum to change the government policies. They also did not impact the public because they were based in the Middle East and did not engage in any social programs that could benefit the Japanese citizens.

The Muslim Brotherhood has shown a lot of resilience in comparison with the JRA. The Brotherhood’s operations have been banned multiple times, yet it continues to endure. In this case, it was outlawed in 1949, 1954, and in 2013 yet its operations remain active (TeachMideast). In addition, despite the death of Al-Banna, the Brotherhood has managed to establish an effective structure where leaders can succeed each other and carry out its operations. Regardless of the death or imprisonment of its leaders or members, it continues to recruit and operate. Nevertheless, the JRA was significantly weakened following the arrests of most of its members and its founder Shigenobu who disbanded the movement while in prison (National Police Agency 11). The Brotherhood has achieved more strategic success by expanding its operations to many countries and gaining political allies (Laub). Despite its operations in overseas nations, the JRA did not gain strategic success; instead, this only crippled its operations because it could not recruit new followers and expand its network. Generally, the Brotherhood has been more prominent and successful compared to the JRA.

A Summary for the Counterterrorism Professionals

Based on the research on the Brotherhood and JRA, it is clear that terrorism is a challenge to every country in the world. The counterterrorism professionals in the United Arab Emirates need to learn that terrorism spreads very quickly. Therefore, in case of any reports on terror activities, they should be acted upon promptly. In addition, many terror groups tend to expand their networks to other countries. This shows the possibility that there could be branches of terrorist movements operating in the country silently. Thus, these professionals need to know that the government alone cannot effectively fight against such groups. There is a need to involve the local communities, media, and the private sector in the fight against terror (United Nations DPI 98). Through interactions with different neighborhoods, counterterrorism officers can obtain information about unusual operations in the area.

Equally important, terrorist movements are very influential; they can topple governments and cause a country’s destruction. Hence, counterterrorism officials need to use more advanced technology to detect any terror activities in the country and prevent them from happening. The officials should also establish connections with governments from neighboring nations to exchange information and intelligence on terrorism (United Nations DPI 98). This may keep them updated on any impending attacks and assist them in strategizing to thwart them. The counterterrorism officers also need to collaborate with law enforcement professionals like the police officers and border patrols to keep them informed about any security breach.

Conclusion

Terror activities are a great menace to society due to their adverse effects. Terrorism results in considerable loss of lives and destroys a lot of property, plunging countries into economic crises. The Muslim Brotherhood and the JRA have been among the popular terror groups in the world. Although their operations have subsided, there is no proof that they are inactive. Both movements were created to spread particular ideologies. In this case, the Brotherhood was formed to promote Islamic values and morals, while the JRA was founded to spread communism globally. Various political, economic, and social factors have significantly contributed to the movements’ operations. Both groups have succeeded in some cases and also experienced multiple failures. Some of its members and leaders have died, while others have been convicted. Governments around the world should allocate more resources to combat terrorism.

Works Cited

“Movements of the Japanese Red Army and the “Yodo-go” Group.” National Policy Agency, Web.

“Reports on International Terrorism: Foreign Terrorist Organizations.” Jewish Virtual Library, 2020. Web.

“Terrorism: Muslim Brotherhood.” Jewish Virtual Library, 2021. Web.

“The Origins and Evolution of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood.” TeachMideast, Web.

Al-Habsi, N. Nassir. “Finance Network of Muslim Brotherhood in the West: Forms and Manifestation.” Trend Research & Advisory, Web.

Bacon, Tricia. Why Terrorist Groups Form International Alliances. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018.

Chia-Jui, Cheng. Studies in International Air Law. Brill, 2017.

Laub, Zachary. “Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood.” CFR, 2019, Web.

Martin, Gus, and Prager Fynnwin. Terrorism: An International Perspective. SAGE, 2019.

Mellor, Noha. Voice of the Muslim Brotherhood: Daᶜwa, Discourse, and Political Communication. Routledge, 2017.

O’Sullivan, Shane. “Meinhof, Shigenobu, Kennedy: Revolution and Assassination in 1968.” VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture, vol. 6. No. 12, 2017, pp. 12-40. Mediarep. Web.

Tenney, Sarah. Historical Dictionary of Arab and Islamic Organizations. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2020.

Trend Research and Advisory. Organizational Structure of the Muslim Brotherhood Characteristics, Objectives and Future. Trend Research and Advisory, 2020.

United Nations DPI. Yearbook of the United Nations 2013. United Nations, 2018.

Upal, A. Muhammad and Cusack, M. Carole. Handbook of Islamic Sects and Movements. Brill, 2021.

Wagemakers, Joas. The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan. Cambridge University Press, 2020.

Willi, J. Victor. The Fourth Ordeal: A History of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, 1968–2018. Cambridge University Press, 2021.

Background

It is an unrecognized state and an international Islamist Sunni terrorist organization operating mainly in Syria and Iraq. In fact, since 2013, it has been operating as an unrecognized quasi-state with a Sharia form of government and headquarters in the Syrian city of Raqqa. It originated in 1999 in Iraq as a terrorist group “Jamaat al-Tawhid wal-Jihad” (the founder is a Jordanian Ahmed Fadil Haleila, known as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi) (Lukens-Bull & Woodward, 2021). In 2004, the group joined Al-Qaeda and became known as Al-Qaeda in Iraq. In October 2006, after merging with other radical Islamist groups, it was proclaimed as the “Islamic State of Iraq”.

The terrorist group relies on several Islamic ideas. The main thing is the construction of a “caliphate” on the entire territory of the planet, an Islamic state ruled by a caliph. The citizens of this state must live according to sharia – the norms fixed in the Koran and the Sunnah (the sacred texts of Muslims regulating all spheres of life) (Lukens-Bull & Woodward, 2021). In addition, the militants follow the idea of jihad, one of the fundamental in Islam. At the same time, they understand jihad extremely radically, relying on the interpretations of the Egyptian preacher of the 1960s, Said Qutb.

Terrorist Campaign

The Islamic State’s terrorist danger is genuine, yet it is sometimes overblown and commonly misinterpreted. Since its height in 2015, the Islamic State has experienced multiple losses, losing much of its territory in Syria and Iraq and most of its so-called “provinces” elsewhere in the Muslim world (Lukens-Bull & Woodward, 2021). The Islamic State, on the other hand, has proved the ability to carry out a variety of brutal terrorist acts in Europe, Asia, and other parts of the world (Giantas & Stergiou, 2018). Some of which were coordinated by the group’s top leaders and others which were carried out by low-level adherents. Individuals who support the Islamic State’s call for violence but act on their own have also targeted the United States. ISIS promotes conservative politics and religious extremism through contemporary technologies such as social media (Giantas & Stergiou, 2018). As their commanders preach a return to the early days of Islam, fighters desecrate sacred places and rich antiques.

According to its claims, ISIS has short, medium, and long-term objectives. Its short-term objective is to solidify the regions it controls in Syria and Iraq while also capturing new territory. One of its main strategies for achieving its objectives has been to incite a full-fledged sectarian conflict in Iraq between Sunnis and Shiites, which it has attempted to do by massacring Shiite civilian populations (Lukens-Bull & Woodward, 2021). This practice is utilized partially due to ISIS’s perception of Shiites as heretics deserving of death and as a tactic to provoke retaliatory assaults from Shiite militia groups, pushing Sunnis into ISIS’s arms. ISIS’s medium-term objective is to consolidate and expand its territorial control in Iraq and Syria, with the long-term goal of expanding into neighboring Sunni nations (Semati & Szpunar, 2018). It aspires to concentrate power in a continuous region to create a controllable and defensible state by moving forward in this manner.

Counterterrorism Campaign

After the Islamic State took vast swathes of territory in Iraq and Syria in mid-2014, the US-led coalition began bombing the group. A dozen countries have carried out airstrikes, but the United States has carried out more than seventy percent of them. Throughout 2015, the number of airstrikes rose, assisting local troops in regaining control of crucial areas: A Kurdish militia retook Kobani in Syria (Wu, 2018). In 2016, the US-led coalition increased its focus on the territories surrounding Raqqa, ISIS’s Syrian capital, and Mosul, its Iraqi stronghold. By April 2016, the coalition had carried out over 11,000 bombings, causing ISIS to retreat from 40% of its Iraqi territory and 10% of its Syrian area (Wu, 2018). Thus, the intermediate results of the success of the counter-terrorism operation were revealed.

Officials from the Pentagon warned that airstrikes alone would not be enough to destroy the Islamic State. Instead of sending huge numbers of ground troops, the White House has focused on training, equipping, and advising local forces. The Pentagon started a program in 2014 to train tens of thousands of Syrian rebels (Burke et al., 2021). One of the approved opposition organizations that received US help was the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a mixed Kurdish-Arab force (Wu, 2018). Commanders predominantly commanded the SDF from the YPG (Kurdish People’s Protection Units), which were instrumental in defeating ISIS in Kobani. The SDF, which the US back, started an operation in November 2016 to take Raqqa, the ISIS capital.

At a meeting with NATO peers in early September 2014, five mutually reinforcing lines of endeavor to degrade and defeat ISIS were presented. Providing military support to US partners, impeding the flow of foreign fighters; stopping finance and sponsorship; addressing humanitarian concerns in the region; exposing true nature are some of the lines of activity (Burke et al., 2021). The United States emphasizes that every country has a responsibility to weaken and destroy ISIS. Some allies support the military campaign by supplying weaponry, equipment, training, or advice. These allies include European and Middle Eastern countries helping with the air war against ISIS targets.

Outcome

The regional security justification aided in developing the more extensive preventive war logic in the counter-ISIS effort. Meanwhile, appeals for the United States to commit to policing security in the Middle East regularly led to an unending battle. It will take more than a demand for withdrawal to bring America’s interminable conflicts to a conclusion (Burke et al., 2021). Instead, demand for the end of America’s ongoing conflicts must be accompanied by significant policy initiatives to alter the country’s perception of its place in the world (Krause, 2018). It will also necessitate measures to alter the conditions that give rise to successful and long-lasting jihadist insurgencies and the creation and strengthening of non-military solutions capable of safeguarding American interests.

There is much area for counterterrorism policy creation and discussion that does not prioritize war as the primary response to Islamist insurgencies that are durable. Policy alternatives abound, from improving legislation to curb foreign fighter movements and undermining terrorist organizations online to economic development (Burke et al., 2021). Furthermore, it promotes better governance in places where ISIS recruits and improvements to American agencies responsible for returning prisoners from battle zones (Krause, 2018). Meanwhile, policymakers should revisit the preventative war rationale that underpins the fight against ISIS and begin the process of reinstituting publicly responsible and transparent constraints on when and how the US will undertake counterterrorism warfare.

Nations throughout the world were confronted with the difficult task of repatriating and prosecuting people who had surrendered insurgents. Both Iraq and Syria have been ravaged by conflict, with millions of internally displaced people living in camps in both countries (Krause, 2018). ISIS, meanwhile, continued to operate as an insurgent group with the potential to rebuild power. General Joseph Votel, the outgoing leader of US Central Command, issued a warning to Congress just before Baghouz fell (Burke et al., 2021). ISIS took a strategic decision to protect their families and capabilities by taking their chances in internally displaced individual camps and going to the ground in distant places, waiting for the ideal moment to resurge.

References

Burke, P., Elnakhala, D., & Miller, S. (2021). Global jihadist terrorism: Terrorist groups, zones of armed conflict and national Counter-Terrorism strategies. Edward Elgar Publishing.

Giantas, D., & Stergiou, D. (2018). From terrorism to Cyber-Terrorism: The case of ISIS.SSRN Electronic Journal, 1–32. Web.

Krause, P. (2018). A State, an Insurgency, and a Revolution: Understanding and Defeating the Three Faces of ISIS. In F. al-Istrabadi & S. Ganguly (Eds.), The Future of ISIS: Regional and International Implications (pp. 223–246). Brookings Institution Press. Web.

Lukens-Bull, R., & Woodward, M. (2021). Handbook of contemporary Islam and Muslim lives (1st ed.). Springer.

Semati, M., & Szpunar, P. M. (2018). ISIS beyond the spectacle: Communication media, networked publics, terrorism. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 35(1), 1–7. Web.

Wu, T. (2018). Landpower, time, and terrorism: A strategy of lightness in the Counter-ISIS campaign. Orbis, 62(2), 278–293. Web.

Introduction

ISIS believes that it is their religious duty to establish a caliphate, a fundamentalist Islamic state – where Shariah law is enforced. They are as well committed to purifying Islam by killing apostates and removing all traces of heresy. Both Wood and Dagli have presented their ideologies in brilliant ways, outlining some of the differences and similarities in Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) studies (Cottee, 2017). Some of these differences are observed in different areas such as Islamic religious seriousness, ISIS and Islam representation, and ISIS fighters’ motivation.

Comparison of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Studies

Muslims take their devotions seriously because they believe that their actions in this life have a direct impact on their afterlife. The article describes how ISIS’s twisted interpretation of the Quran motivates its followers to commit horrific acts in the name of Allah (Wood, 2015). In comparison, it is true that Muslims as a whole may not be as obsessive about their religion as some other groups. However, this fact does not mean that they lack a deep devotion to their faith.

In fact, Muslims have a rich spiritual tradition that can be just as fulfilling as other religious traditions. Wood (2015) claims that “There is an assiduous, obsessive seriousness that Muslims do not normally have” (p. 7). On the other hand, Dagli reinforces Wood’s argument that there is no question that the Muslim community lacks obsessive seriousness when it comes to its religious beliefs and practices. However, this does not mean that Muslims are not devout or sincere in their faith (Cottee, 2017). Islam is a religion of peace and compassion, and its followers strive to meet these values. Muslims take their faith seriously and want to please Allah in all that they do. However, they also recognize that life is meant to be enjoyed and lived to the fullest. This balance between seriousness and joy is what makes Islam such a beautiful religion.

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, is a Sunni Islamist extremist group that operates in Iraq and Syria. The group’s goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate in the region. Wood and Dagli both believe that Islam is a religion of peace; however, they have different views on ISIS. Wood believes that ISIS represents a fringe movement within Islam and does not reflect the true teachings of the religion (Oosterveld et al., 2017). He believes so because of its extremist ideology and violent tactics. While there are Muslims who support ISIS’ goals, the majority of Muslims do not condone its methods. Therefore, Wood sees ISIS as a small but dangerous minority within the Islamic community.

Dagli, in contrast, believes that ISIS does represent Islam and that the group’s actions are justified by the Quran. He holds that ISIS does, in fact, represent aspects of Islam. However, he also perceives that the group’s interpretation of Islamic texts is warped and distorted and that their practices are not in line with the true spirit of Islam. According to Dagli, the Islamic faith is based on five principles: submission to God, ritual prayer, fasting during Ramadan, charity, and pilgrimage to Mecca. These principles represent the “core values” of Islam and are meant to promote peace and mercy in the world (Cottee, 2017). ISIS militants completely ignore these values in favor of violence and bloodshed.

Dagli believes that the media has formulated a caricature of ISIS fighters, portraying them as crazed barbarians who are motivated by nothing other than religious zealotry. While this may be true for some ISIS fighters, he maintains that it is not an accurate description for all of them. He argues that many of these fighters are moderately rational and are only driven by a desire to fight for what they believe is right. According to Wood, there are a number of factors that motivated ISIS fighters (Nordland, 2017). First and foremost, among these was the desire to establish an Islamic state governed by sharia law. Other motivating factors included the mistreatment of Muslims around the world, feelings of isolation and disenfranchisement, and a sense of adventure (Spencer, 2018). Of course, not all ISIS fighters were motivated by the same things, and some may have had more personal reasons for joining the group. However, these factors likely played a role in motivating many people to take up arms with ISIS.

There are a few key ways in which Graeme Wood and Dagli differ when it comes to their beliefs about the apocalypse. For one, Wood is far more optimistic about humanity’s chances of surviving the end times, whereas Dagli believes that Muslims were essentially doomed. Additionally, Wood sees the apocalypse as a natural process that will ultimately lead to a better world, while Dagli views it as an apocalyptic event that will bring about great suffering (Dagli, 2015). Finally, while both scholars believe that Islam will play a major role in the end times, Wood sees this as a positive development, while Dagli believes that it portends disaster for humanity.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Wood and Dagli had few differences and similarities in ISIS viewpoints. In terms of ISIS and Islamic representation, Wood believed that ISIS represented a fringe movement within Islam that does not reflect the religious teachings. On the contrary, Dagli held that ISIS represented Islam and Quran verified its teachings. Conversely, Dagli believed that ISIS fighters were motivated by religious zealotry, while Wood held that they were driven by the urge to deliver Muslims from mistreatments and isolation all over the world. The shared similarities were that both Wood and Dagli perceived Islam as a peaceful religion. Similarly, they both maintained that in terms of religious practices, Muslims lacked obsessive seriousness but still had a deep devotion to their faith.

References

Cottee, S. (2017). “What ISIS Really Wants” Revisited: Religion matters in jihadist violence, but how? Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 40(6), 439-454. Web.

Dagli, C. K. (2015). The Phony Islam of ISIS. The Atlantic, 27. Web.

Nordland, R. (2017). ISIS fighters, having pledged to fight or die, surrender en Masse. New York Times. Web.

Oosterveld, W. T., Bloem, W., Farnham, N., Kayaoğlu, B., & Sweijs, T. (2017). The rise and fall of ISIS: From evitability to inevitability. The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies. Web.

Spencer, R. (2018). The History of Jihad: From Muhammad to ISIS. Bombardier Books.

Wood, G. (2015). What ISIS really wants. The Atlantic, 315(2), 78-94. Web.

The argument about Islam being a religion that practices war arose following the September 11 terrorist attack. “The fact is that Muslims today are involved in a serious argument about political ethics; this argument is framed in terms of practices that are central to the Islamic tradition” (Kelsay 4). Many people have been questioning the practices of Islam while the Muslim leaders hold strongly that Islam is a religion of peace.

To understand the argument of just war in Islam, one has to first comprehend the meaning of Islam as a religion practiced by Muslims. According to President George W. Bush, Islam is a religion of peace. On the other hand, Franklin Graham holds that Islam is an evil and wicked religion that is only concerned about the welfare of its followers, while Osama bin Laden holds that Islam is a religion of Allah (Kelsay 8).

This statements show that Islam is a religion with many controversies that are yet to be understood. To understand the notion of just war in Islam, one has to first understand the origin and development of Islam as a religion, as well as comprehend the meaning of the term Islam. It is good to look at the words that make up the term Islam. For instance, Al-Islam means submission.

This signifies that human beings are supposed to submit or acknowledge God as the Supreme Being. On the other hand, Muslim means someone who submits and acknowledges God. Therefore, Islam is a religion in which human beings are supposed to serve God.

Muslims live according to the teaching of Muhammad who is believed to be the first prophet. Just like Christians who follow the teachings and emulate the way of life of Abraham, Muslims emulate Muhammad and he is believed to be the mediator between God and Muslims. He was the first prophet to be involved in fights as a way of fulfilling God’s mission.

The Qur’an reminds Muslims that they have been called by God through grace and have been given a mission to fulfill. This mission is not only carried out through preaching the Qur’an or worshiping, but also through fighting and involving themselves in political activities. Muslims believe that if their survival is threatened, they have to use all means possible to protect and guard themselves from their enemy.

Kelsay notes that, “Fighting is thus justified, in the sense of permitted, in order to resist injustice” (24). War is perceived as a mechanism for self-defense rather than as a wicked or evil way, as many people have believed. He further observes that fighting is a form of agreement between Muhammad and the median tribes.

This suggests that prophet Muhammad clearly understood the permission to fight as this prepares Muslims for the coming campaign. Moreover, “the story of the prophet’s campaign against the meccans is not only military.

Diplomacy plays a part, as the stories depict Muhammad cultivating and solidifying relations with tribes throughout the religion by means of treaties of mutual protection and, in a number of cases marriages” (Kelsay 26).

One of the prophet’s political authorities was to hold campaigns against the Meccans. This includes wars between the Muslims, median allies, and the meccans. Kelsay further notes, “When the move finally took place, representatives of the median tribes took an oath that bound them to Muhammad; they were to support him, respect his orders, and above all, to fight with him against the Meccans” (23).

It actually looks ridiculous to note, “Those who fight under Muhammad’s command are praised as true Muslims who obey God and God’s prophet” (Kelsay 26). Fighting is seen as a sacrifice that attracts some rewards. Those who die in the process are assumed not to be dead since they are killed in God’s way.

They are believed to live with God where they are happy and rejoicing for their victory. In addition, those who are afraid of fighting are encouraged to do so by convincing them that, it is the will of God to fight for the oppressed people and those who are in pain. Fighting is believed to be a call from God and those who refuse to answer this call are seen as hypocrites.

To some extreme, the pursuit for security does not reflect the real meaning of Islam as a religion of peace, which is also associated with submission to God. The real purpose of Islam is to serve God who is the creator of heaven and earth. Muslims have been placed in the world that is filled with worldly things in order to make the name of God be manifested and glorified in the midst of these circumstances.

However, Muslims have forgotten their real mission and are involving themselves in violent activities. Most of them have failed the test, but they will be answerable for every deed during the Day of Judgment. The Qur’an holds that “on that day each and all will stand before God, who will distribute rewards and punishments according to what each has done” (Kelsay 32).

Some people will face the wrath of God because they have not fulfilled their mission. These people have been blinded by the worldly security. Those who have fought in God’s way will receive rewards while those who have been striving for worldly security will be punished.

Works Cited

Kelsay, John. Arguing the Just War in Islam. New York: Harvard University press, 2007.

Background information

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is a religious extremist group that operates within Iraq and Syria. Although the group is largely unrecognized by other sovereign states and the international community, it continues to spread its ideals and aspirations on governance and political control in the Gulf region (Matthews, 2003). Since its inception in 1999, the extremist group has continued to uphold and propagate its desire for hegemony and control in the volatile region. Its core ideals emanate from radical Islamic teachings.

The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) was preceded by an outfit known as Al-Qaida established in Iraq (AQI). AQI was very active in fighting against American presence in Iraq after the ouster and subsequent execution of former strongman Saddam Hussein (Matthews, 2003).

In 2006, the group joined other radical groups in order to resist the invasion of Iraq by American forces. Eventually, the insurgents morphed into well organized gangs that sought to seize political power and control by all means possible. Later on, AQI joined forces with the Mujahedeen Shura Council (MSC) in order to strengthen their influence in the region and beyond (Kostiner, 2009). Through intense consultation and collaboration, the MSC spearheaded eventual formation and proliferation of Islamic State of Iraq (ISI).

During its reign, ISI controlled regions such as Nineveh, Kirkuk, Al Anbar, and other surrounding cities. By 2008, citizens were opposed to its leadership due to excessive oppression and unorthodox expression of power. The insurgents were known for their violent means of resisting authority. In essence, the extremist group had turned against the people who were its key pillar of existence in the region (Kostiner, 2009).

In April 2013, the group changed its identity in order to reinvent and strengthen its operations in the Gulf region. From that moment, the ISI became known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Through the leadership of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the group managed to extend its networks and influence in the region. Most Iraqi citizens were supportive of the group because they were agitating for equality and fairness through formulation and implementation of better economic and social policies (Kaim, 2013).

During that period, there was widespread discrimination and unfair treatment of citizens. This reality necessitated urgent measures that sought to heighten the need for fairness, equality, and justice in various communities. Later on, the group joined civilian fighters in the Syrian Revolution. Group members felt that they had the responsibility to assist fighters and protestors in Syria as a gesture of solidarity and unison.

Through such activities, the Islamist group gained fame and recognition around the world. The group’s insurgents used the Syrian platform to popularize their global agenda and elicit attention from the international community and western powers (Kaim, 2013). The original objective of the group was to support and actualize the establishment of an Islamic state in Iraq. Due to its active role in the Syrian civil uprising, the group widened its scope to include areas of Syria dominated by Sunni Muslims.

During its initial assault on Iraq and Syria, the militant group had ties with Al-Qaida. However, the two groups severed ties due to inconsistencies that emanated from power struggles and style of leadership. They also disagreed on fundamental areas of interest such as ideological inclination and mode of operation (Kaim, 2013). In June 2014, the group proclaimed its autonomy within Syria and Iraq.

Through its leadership, it announced key areas that were under its control and dominance. This declaration gave rise to a powerful caliphate that had a desire to seize power from the national governments in respective state entities. Consequently, the group changed its name to the Islamic State. This transformation ushered a long period of confrontation and engagement with local governments and the international community.

This gave rise to radicalism and political intolerance in different areas of engagement. The group considers itself as an authority with regard to religious matters that involve Muslim faithful around the world (Russell, 2006). Among their objectives is to institute political and economic control over regions and state entities that are inhabited by Muslims.

They seek to control countries such as Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, and Syria. According to the United Nations, the Islamic state is a terrorist group that does not espouse positive goals and intentions for humanity. The European Union also accuses the group of engaging in terrorist activities in Iraq, Syria, and other countries in the region (Garver & PIanin, 2014).

Human rights groups such as Amnesty International have blamed the Islamic state for propagation of human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and other crimes against humanity (Russell, 2006).

The concept of security dilemma

The security dilemma refers to a theoretical concept applied in international relations with regard to actions that seek to heighten and consolidate security within state entities. In most cases, security dilemma refers to the interplay of factors in relation to issues that revolve around cross-border security and defence. Sovereign nations strive to increase and merge military power and capability at all times (Pandey, 2014).

This accords them an opportunity to review and appraise their willingness to engage in regional and international efforts towards sustenance of peace and security. John Herz, a German scholar, played an integral role in demystifying the intricacies of security dilemma. In his text Political Realism and Political Idealism, he alludes to the spiral nature of security and international relations. According to him, both concepts are interrelated because they seek to address similar issues in the global arena (Pandey, 2014).

Hubert Butterfield, in his book History and Human Relations, underscores the importance of understanding the relationship between security and international relations. In order to understand the concept of security dilemma, it is important to appreciate that state entities are always struggling to guarantee security within their jurisdictions (Pandey, 2014).

In most cases, such internal efforts lead to insecurity and suspicion with regard to neighbouring state entities. The irony of security dilemma lies in the fact that individual states disregard their neighbours in pursuit of stability and cross-border harmony. On the contrary, such efforts do not yield positive results because they ingrain disdain and suspicion among state entities. Security dilemma often emanates from situations where countries feel threatened by developments in other countries.

Whenever countries increase their military prowess and capability, neighbouring states feel threatened by such developments (Mullen, 2014). This leads to tension and suspicion regarding the intentions of such developments. The most common example of security dilemma is the First World War.

In this case, European state entities felt the need for war because they felt threatened by security developments by neighbouring countries. They saw the move as a defence mechanism with regard to their security and sovereignty. On the other hand, Germany felt the need to secure its security, freedom, and integrity against interference by European states (Mullen, 2014).

According to international relations theorists, the aforementioned phenomenon may not necessarily describe the inherent dynamics of war in contemporary society. For instance, they argue that security dilemma may not be responsible for war and other instances of uprising between state entities.

On the contrary, they argue that wars and conflict emanate from breakdown in communication and the requisite vigilance along national, regional, and international borders. Experts content that most instances of aggression are preventable through liaison and consultation among relevant authorities. The security dilemma necessitates collaboration between state entities in order to guarantee international security and wellbeing (Mullen, 2014).

As earlier mentioned, there are diverse strains and manifestations of security dilemma in modern society. This concept manifests through occurrences that relate to daily interaction between state entities and their neighbours. Since the world does not have an elaborate chain of command, it becomes increasingly necessary for individual states to secure their interests and obligations in the global arena (Cohen, 2014).

Most countries struggle to survive against oppression and dominance by other powerful states. This reality creates a situation where countries strive to sustain domestic interest against global interests and considerations. It is important to note that such interests are responsible for the emergence of groups such as ISIS. In most cases, countries are suspicious of their neighbours, especially on issues that involve security and regional integration (Garver & PIanin, 2014).

Whenever an individual country makes improvements to its security apparatus, its neighbours feel threatened and overly insecure. Such circumstances are potentially responsible for the emergence of security dilemma among countries in a common regional landscape. This situation describes a situation that experts refer to as defensive realism. In fact, the success of the United States in the First World War is credited to its accuracy and precision in executing defensive realism (Cohen, 2014).

On the other hand, offensive realism espouses diverse conceptual realities such as survivalism, statism, and propagation of anarchy. This theoretical premise argues that state entities thrive on aggression and upheaval. According to this concept, state leaders are always out to reap maximum benefits from situations that are often disadvantageous to neighbours.

The reality of competing interests leads to inappropriate behaviour such as coercion and manipulation. In essence, state entities are seemingly content to manipulate others as long as their interests and objectives are not in jeopardy (Cohen, 2014).

The dichotomy of security dilemma in contemporary world

As earlier mentioned, the concept of security dilemma is more pronounced in modern world more than ever. There are numerous instances when countries and interest groups find it necessary to pursue foreign interests in order to protect their integrity, sovereignty, and wellbeing. Under such circumstances, state entities develop a tendency to manipulate others in order to guarantee and perpetuate domestic and subjective agenda (Beamon, 2014).

The intensity and manifestation of the concept of security dilemma suffices through various ways. One such way is during times of difficulty and contradictory interests. Under such circumstances, states and interest groups may find it difficult to compromise on critical issues that characterize recurrent relationship with contemporaries in society. It is important to note that under such circumstances, offense usually portends advantage to the group or state entity.

For instance, ISIS is actively involved in conflict because it seeks to safeguard its interest in the Gulf region (Beamon, 2014). The group intends to consolidate its authority and hegemony through instigation of strife and coercive undertakings. Another manifestation of security dilemma occurs when there are conflicting interests but defense plays a pivotal role in advancement of domestic and subjective interests.

For instance, the ISIS embarks on activities that guarantee retention and propagation of their onslaught against countries in the gulf region. Evidently, the group harbours grandiose ambitions such as the establishment of caliphates across the gulf region (Beamon, 2014). Such interests are definitely bound to contradict those of leaders within the target countries. The ensuing interplay of interests and aspirations leads to emergence of security dilemma.

The above scenarios are indicative of instances when offensive and defensive mechanisms are contradictory and ineffective. However, there are instances when offensive and defensive patterns are distinct and identifiable. In such situations, the parties involved in the power struggle are fully aware of the implications of their behaviour (Beamon, 2014). They engage in operations that augment their desire for dominance and extension of privileges to the region of choice.

Whenever there is a security dilemma, state entities grapple with numerous options that ultimately govern their course of action. The most important factors in case of a dilemma include geographical location and technological capabilities, especially with regard to weaponry. In certain instances, state entities strive to resolve security dilemma through diplomatic indulgence and interaction (Beamon, 2014).

Whenever there is a security dilemma, there is need for efforts that gear towards resolving the issues through logical avenues of engagement. However, most of these situations lead to aggression and hostility because countries and groups are usually impatient and held captive by vested interests. For instance, the ISIS cannot opt for amicable ways of solving the security dilemma because the group understands that its actions are contrary to the rule of law (Planin, 2014).

On the other hand, leaders of state entities in the Gulf region are willing to retaliate in order to preserve their sovereignty and respect among other nations. The spiral theoretical approach seeks to explain the rationale for constant friction between the ISIS and respective governments in the Gulf region. Through support from international powers, leaders in the affected countries engage members of the Islamic State in an attempt to destabilize and eliminate them (Planin, 2014).

It is important to note that the power struggle between ISIS and state leaders is a pointer to realities that characterize political leadership in modern world. Deterrence model is another paradigm that seeks to rationalize the recurrent instances of security dilemma in contemporary world.

This school of thought argues that state entities are always in pursuit of personal interests. They do so in total disregard of decorum and the rule of law. Under this premise, most cases of security dilemma do not harbour any meaningful justification. For instance, the ISIS onslaught is motivated by greed for power and resources. The organization seeks to circumvent the law for their personal gain (Planin, 2014).

Criticisms and responses

According to the above analysis, it is very clear that security dilemma is an emotive topic. The discourse among scholars and experts does not offer clear direct with regard to its essence and rationale. On one hand, some scholars argue that security dilemma is a product of state pursuit of subjective domestic interests. This premise creates confusion regarding the actual cause of strife and friction between state entities and interest groups such as the ISIS (Planin, 2014). Although such triggers are not clear, it is evident that both parties harbour subjective interests that they need to fulfil.

In essence, both parties are motivated by developments that seem to threaten their status in the social, political, and economic landscape. On the other hand, some scholars argue that security dilemma occurs when independent state entities struggle to defend themselves from insurgence by foreign forces. In this case, the ISIS is an insurgent against Iraq, Syria, and other countries in the Gulf region (Planin, 2014).

Proponents of this school of thought argue that most countries are victims as opposed to aggressors. In fact, it is logical for state entities to react to any instances of aggression. There are other scholars who describe security dilemma as a product of material motivation and desire for control over resources. They further submit that most state leaders instigate political strife with other states in order to annex and consolidate their territory (Planin, 2014).

In the case of ISIS and states in the Gulf region, this could be true because both parties engage in constant war where they seek to capture cities and consequently propagate their expansionist ideologies. In international system of governance, it is assumed that state entities must strive to safeguard power and their sovereignty at all times.

It is therefore normal for countries such as Iraq and Syria to engage in retaliatory efforts against the Islamic State. In order to gain proper knowledge regarding the conflict in the gulf region, it is important to demystify the dynamics of political and military power that are responsible for the current situation (Planin, 2014).

Conclusion and recommendations

The conflict between ISIS and countries in the gulf region is a clear indictment on the state of politics and economic leadership in contemporary society. In fact, the conflict is indicative of underlying issues that require urgent attention from the international community. Although it is irresponsible to relay any form of justification for the current security dilemma, it is necessary for all parties involved to examine recurrent circumstances and determine the root cause of the conflict (Garver & PIanin, 2014).

The conflict was initially limited to the Gulf region. However, it has spread to other areas in the world. For instance, western countries are currently involved in efforts to eradicate the insurgents. This affair is rather complex and requires elaborate planning in order to guarantee success. The ISIS should focus on finding favourable remedies that will ultimately lead to peace and stability in the Gulf region and the world.

The international community should endeavour to eradicate extremism and religious radicalization because both factors are responsible for the current discord between the ISIS and states in the Gulf region (Garver & PIanin, 2014). The international community should also focus on promoting peace and regional integration.

This will go a long way in ensuring that countries and global citizens understand the value of peace and harmonious coexistence. However, countries cannot turn their backs on the current conflict between ISIS and states in the Gulf region. They should be willing to offer the necessary support in order to neutralize the ISIS in favour of Iraq, Syria, and other state entities in the Gulf region (Garver & PIanin, 2014).

References

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Cohen, T 2014, 5 Key questions in the Fight against ISIS.

Garver, R, & PIanin, E 2014, The ISIS Dilemma Confronting Obama.

Kaim, M 2013, Great Powers and Regional Orders: The United States and the Persian Gulf, Ashgate Publishing, New York.

Kostiner, J 2009, Conflict and Cooperation in the Gulf Region, Springer Science & Business Media, New York.

Matthews, K 2003, The Gulf Conflicts and International Relations, Routledge, New York.

Mullen, J 2014, Obama’s Syria Dilemma: Does Hurting ISIS Help al-Assad.

Pandey, A 2014, Obama Grapples with ISIS Dilemma as Calls Grow for Airstrikes in Syria.

Planin, E 2014, GOP Dilemma: Support Obama on ISIS or Blame Him for Mideast Mistakes.

Russell, J. A 2006, Critical Issues Facing the Middle East: Security, Politics, and Economics, Palgrave McMillan, New York.