Gender Construction and Child’s Play

Adult discourse on toys often dwells on the notion of discoursing on gender difference. Toys are over sexualised by parents, media, toy-makers, scholars, teachers, etc. to disseminate an early lesson on gender difference to children. Thus, boys play with toys made and marketed for them and girls play with indoor toys like Barbie. Gendering of colour, sports, clothes, television shows, and toys are a few example of areas of adult discourse on young minds. Selective and controlled exposure of children to media and television viewing helps to construct a gender specific view about toys and games.

A child’s growth and movement are controlled and observed through the panopticon system that allows adults to carve their preferences and gender specific ideals. This deliberate attempt to control a child’s personal space applies to determining what toys they play with. Adults have a strong influence on the gender construct and the nature of socialisation that a child engages in, therefore, defining their idea of play (Witt 1997).

Parents influence their children to play or not to play with Barbie dolls has great impact on defining the children’s sense of gender role, and socialisation (Rand 1995). Parents begin a process of creating gender role through specific construct right from the time children are aware of gender and gender differences (Kane 2013). Adult’s idea of children and childhood, gender roles, and socialisation has a strong influence on the children’s play.

This essay puts forth the argument that adult ideas of childhood, gender, and socialisation frame the meanings of children’s play, particularly with reference to Barbie dolls. This is done in three sections: first deals with the adult influence in creating constructs of gender and therefore play/game among children, second discusses the gender role and influence of children’s desire to play with Barbie dolls, and third describe the roll of socialisation in influencing children’s desire to play with Barbie dolls.

Adult Influence on Children’s Play

Parental influence on children’s behaviour, play orientation, and psychological development has been well documented by scholars. The first relevant book that should be discussed in order to understand the influence of parents on framing children’s exposure to popular culture is that by Katherine McDonald. McDonnell (2000, p. 16) tries to explain the challenges that parents go through while trying to understand their children’s needs.

In the book, McDonald points out that many parents always struggle to guide their children through the path that they believe will make them successful in life. Witt (1997) points out that a child’s first exposure to gender and gender roles is through the parents. Parents even treat a girl child differently from a boy child (Witt 1997). Witt (1997) argues that parents have a strong influence on children’s gender-specific activities such as playing with dolls for girls and sports activities for boys. Hence, parents create a gender-specified demarcation between a girl and boy child.

In understanding the childhood of their children, adults often face a problem that arises when they realize that their children do not share their approach of thinking. According to McDonald (1994), it is not possible for a child to think like an adult. In this context, McDonald argues that a conflict arises when a parent tries to impose his or her worldview on the child. According to McDonald, a parent may want to regulate what a child views for fear that their minds may be polluted.

Other parents struggle to identify the kind of toys that their children may find most interesting. While some parents feel that they are failing to give their children what they need to experience a positive development, others always feel that their children are demanding more than they should have at their tender age. Clearly, McDonald stresses on the impact of parental control on younger children and points out that in most cases, the parents make decisions regarding the child’s toy preference.

Other authors like Kane (2006) believes that parents have a strong influence in constructing gender of their children in creating a gender identity among them. The influence of parents in defining the childhood pastime of children is abundantly described in their effort to monitor and define their television viewing. McDonald (1994) points out that parents in their attempt to define kid culture often find themselves in a dilemma when it comes to allowing their children to watch violent movies. This causes a moral panic among the parents.

Parents are not unanimous about the influence of Barbie as a toy for children. Some believe that Barbie dolls have a positive influence on children while other others believe that they have a bad influence on children. The bad effect of Barbie is believed to be negative impact on body image and gender roles, are usually voiced by parents and scholars. Thus, adults perceive a child’s toy to play a complicated role in moulding the child. Hence, they conceive children to view and perceive things the way adults do. For instance, Rand (1995) points out in the beginning of her book that she was herself never allowed to play with a Barbie doll and her mother never bought one for her. This narration demonstrates the adult’s perception of a child’s world.

Further, adults often believe that boys playing with Barbie dolls are ‘queer’ or gay (Rand 1995). Thus, a degree of effeminacy is associated with boys playing with dolls, and more specifically Barbie dolls. If the argument that, boys who play with Barbie dolls are ‘queer’ is assumed true, there should not be any scope of alarm or panic due to this. However, by disassociating toys for boys and that for girls, adults have created a platform for segregation of the gender, leaving no space for the third gender to grow in the upbringing of the children.

Gender Construction and Child’s Play

Gendering a child’s identity is done even through the games children play. Gender construction is paramount in the lives of children as their whole identity is based on their sex. Through a very simple exercise, McDonald (1994) shows that cartoons shown on television have more superheroes and few (almost zero) super-heroines. In the book, McDonald (1994) points out at the gender construct and segregation of gender roles in the cartoons watched by children.

She points out that in most of the cases, the heroes are male, subconsciously creating a discourse of the insignificance of a girl child. In other words, she implies that a girl child adheres to the popular gender roles in these cartoons thus, reducing the relevance of these cartoons to a girl child. Recently, there have been attempts to make some of these cartoons relevant to the girl child by introducing the heroines that they can easily identify with in these cartoons. However, McDonald (1994) points out that such introductions have created more defined gender roles.

Witt (1997) who studied gender construction specifically points out that the inference of parents in creating such distinction between toys for boys and that for girls is not uncommon. Witt (1997) argues that more girls’ rooms are painted pink and have dolls while boys rooms are painted in blue and are stuffed with cars, sports equipment, and tools. Thus, the adults in the family, who unsuspectingly define the gender of their children, decide the choice of toys made by children. Volkom (2003) believes that children usually emulate the behaviour of the adults who share their gender. Children use these observations then to shape their own behaviours.

Gender distinction is first discoursed and constructed through parents. Children internalize the gender discourse emitted by the parents more quickly than that by the outer world. The reason for this is due to their exposure to gender through parents who are the earliest connecting point with the outer world. They internalize gender from parents at a very early age and become acutely aware of the adult sex roles. Thus, Witt (1997) believes that children create their own gender expectations at a very early age and are often unmovable from their beliefs.

Gendering of toys was an essential fragment of differentiating girls from boys at an early age. Kane (2013) discusses the icons of femininity used to demarcate the toys of boys and girls. The notion of femininity in society was based on the presence and discourse of masculinity in society (Kane 2013). The usage of dolls, especially Barbie, as a symbol of femininity, with its long slender legs, and flowing blond hair, created an icon of femininity. Girls playing with Barbie, and essentially idolizing Barbie believed that the ideal feminine attributes lay in the physical demeanour of the doll. Further, in case of boys, parents usually hold a negative attitude towards boys wearing frilly or pink coloured clothes, thus, creating an image of masculinity that is imprinted in the mind of the children (Kane 2013).

Gender construct of adults are instilled on children, thus, creating gender identity among them. Children learn about gender difference at a very early age and participate in gender stereotyping due to their exposure to popular media, peers, and most importantly parents. Gender construct plays a strong role in the choice of game that children choose to play. Boys usually prefer to play with cars, tools, and outdoor sports while girls are more inclined towards playing with dolls like Barbie and engaging in domestic activity. This stark difference in game preference stems from the parental discourse.

Adult Idea of Socialisation

In the book Barbie’s Queer Accessories, Erica Rand points out that her mother would never allow her to play with Barbie dolls. Her reason for disapproving Barbie dolls was because she, like many other like-minded mothers, did not want her daughter to have “pointy-breasted teenager who literally couldn’t stand on her own two feet” (Rand 1995, p. 4). This effect of playing with Barbie dolls has been documented by many researchers who believe that this creates a body image idolization among adolescent girls who try to attain the Barbie-like figure which they pressure to be the perfect body-type (Kuther & McDonald 2004).

The study conducted by Kuther and McDonald (2004) presents a pervasive picture of boys and girls playing with Barbie. The researchers found that playing with Barbie dolls were a process for girls to “enact adult social scripts” while the boys was mostly engaged in “destructive play … disfiguring” the dolls (Kuther & McDonald 2004, p. 50).

Researchers have found a strong relationship between the parents’ belief of play and the socialisation skills of children. Social adaptation of children is derived from group play. Researchers believe parents have a strong influence in shaping this social skill of children. Parent’s perception of child play has a strong influence on the social competence of the child (Lin & Yawkey 2014).

Lin and Yawkey’s (2014) study demonstrates that parents with a positive attitude towards child’s play help in developing strong social competence in children. Hence, when parents have a positive perception of their child’s game, it helps to develop the child’s social skills. Intuitively one can assume that when parents are encouraging about the games that the children are playing helps in developing their social skills. Thus, when parents show approval towards gender-stereotyped games, children find it more comfortable to play with.

Adult influence on defining child’s game is immense. Adults create a concept of gender and gender defined games that children eventually adopt. Adult discourse creates the perception of Barbie as a toy for girls. Children adopt and imitate the perception and behaviour of adults and soon believe that Barbie dolls are specifically for girls and little boys, at a very early age, avoid playing with them. Due to the severity of the adult discourse, children often associate playing with Barbie as an effeminate trait among boys. Adult interference in children’s play and toy-choice robs them of their decision-making capability.

Choice of toys, therefore, influences the perception of gender role. Barbie dolls thus become a toy for girls. Hence, adult interference and influence specifically creates the concept of toys for boys and that for girls, thus, branding Barbie as a toy made for girls. Adults also include mass media and the manufactures of the toy who confirm to this concept of girls’ toy who specifically use gender discoursed colours and forms to make and promote the toy, thus associating it with the ideal of femininity. The moral panic over Barbie dolls only creates a generation of children who are crippled with the inability of independent decision-making faculty.

Reference List

Kane, EW 2013, ‘”No way my boys are going to be like that!” Parents’ responses to children’s gender nonconformity.” Gender & Society 20.2 (2006): 149-176.’, in Gender and Women’s Studies in Canada: Critical Terrain, Canadian Scholars’ Press, Toronto.

Kuther, TL & McDonald, E 2004, ‘Early Adolescents’ Experiences with, and Views of, Barbie’, Adolescence, vol 39, no. 153, pp. 39-51.

Lin, Y-C & Yawkey, TD 2014, ‘Parents’ Play Beliefs and the Relationship to Children’s Social Competence’, Education, vol 135, no. 1, pp. 107-114.

McDonnell, K 1994, Kid Culture: Children & Adults & Popular Culture, Second Storey Press, Toronto, Ontario.

Rand, E 1995, Barbie’s Queer Accessories, Duke University Press, London.

Volkom, MV 2003, ‘The Relationships Between Childhood Tomboyism, Siblings’ Activities, and Adult Gender Roles ‘, Sex Roles, vol 49, no. 11, pp. 609-618.

Witt, SD 1997, ‘Parental influence on children’s socialisation to gender roles’, Adolescence, vol 32, no. 126, pp. 253-259.

Japanese Geisha and Gender Identity Issues

Abstract

This paper investigates whether Japanese geisha girls/women have any effect on gender identity issues in the country. The paper acknowledges that geisha was initially an art which could be pursued by people of both genders, but adopts a working definition that recognizes geisha as a career path pursued by members of the female gender. Such women give up the womanly roles of getting married, giving birth and raising children and instead pursue a career in the entertainment arts.

Contrary to the married woman, geisha are free of any home-related obligations and should ideally challenge masculine notions of power in the society. The paper notes that geisha women/girls pamper male egos and thus play a role in upholding the status quo where the male gender is perceived as stronger than the female gender. The paper has, however, identified a gap in existing knowledge and recommends further research in order to establish whether indeed all women (geisha women/girls included) feel the need to have members of the male gender in their lives for them to have a sense of completion

Introduction

The history of geisha in Japan goes back to about 1603 when a maiden working in a Shinto shrine began offering avant-garde performances (Miller & Bardsley, 2005). During the performances, the maiden would put on male attires. The performances attracted much negative attention that 26 years later, all public performances by women were banned. Consequently, men became the predominant entertainers and would act as jesters, dancers and artists. Two hundred and fifty years later, women regained the freedom to perform publicly. During the 250-year ban, however, women would perform illegally in samurai residences (Miller & Bradsley, 2005).

Consequently, the lifting of the ban brought more women into the mainstream entertainment scene in Japan. By 1780, Seigle (1993) notes that there were more female entertainers than male entertainers in Japan. This paper will investigate the geisha traditions in Japan and the gender identity issues represented therein.

This paper argues that geisha and gender identity issues are closely related because geishas are a reflection of the emancipation that Japanese women desire; yet, geisha women/girls pamper the male ego thus playing a role in maintaining the status quo that perceives the male gender as the stronger gender in Japan.

Methodology

This paper will use a literature review method, where existing narratives of geishas will be reviewed in order to determine the relevant gender issues therein. A search of literature using specific keywords such as ‘gender identity issues and Japanese geisha’, ‘geisha and gender identity issues’, and ‘geisha and masculinity vs. Femininity in Japan’ will be conducted on the internet. Selecting literature for use will be based on the perceived validity of sources. Peer reviewed articles, books and websites that have authorship information will be prioritized as valid sources of information.

Literature review

Geisha and femininity

While the term geisha was used for both male and female entertainers in Japan, this paper will adopt Bardsley and Miller’s (2010) relatively modern definition of the term. According to the authors, geisha are “women who are officially registered as such with a small central office located in each geisha community, called a kenban, and who study classical Japanese music and dance and perform it for gatherings in order to pay for their art lessons and public stage performances” (p. 68).

Bardsley and Miller (2010) are among the authors who have done extensive investigations Japanese geisha and their roles in the society. The two authors note that “geisha are often cast as the epitome of a woman on her best, most feminine Japanese behavior” (Bardsley & Miller, 2005, p. 67). The entertainment roles of the Geisha are dedicated to male customers and are supposed to embody faultless etiquette from members of the female gender. The ideal geisha is clothed in a long Kimono, and her gestures and posture are restrained. She is not only elegant; she is also quiet and attentive too. She does not start a conversation with her patrons unless it is quite necessary, and she is obliged to answer the questions that the patrons ask her.

Her life revolves around entertainment, and she usually sleeps during the day so she can be in the best psychological state to attend different performances during the night. In other words, her role is to entertain customers and make them comfortable. Most customers are men. Bardsley and Miller (2010) also note that geisha girls/women perceive themselves as servants “of their teachers and the arts guilds they populate” (p. 67).

As long as they practice the entertainment arts, geisha are indebted to their teachers. They can never question their teachers (especially one referred to as iemoto) for teachers are perceived as having absolute authority. The term iemoto is understood to refer to the “the source as well as the keeper of specific art traditions” (Cang, 2008, p. 74). To greet the iemoto, a geisha needs to kneel and bow and the same thing (i.e. kneel and bow) is repeated when the geisha leaves iemoto’s presence (Bardsley & Miller, 2010). Once a geisha is qualified to entertain, she cannot improvise or deviate from the style taught by the iemoto.

Even her personal embellishments must stick to what was taught by her master and teacher. Further, the geisha cannot teach others unless express permission is granted by the iemoto, and for that she is obliged to pay a specific amount of money to her teacher (Bardsley & Miller, 2010). Interestingly, most of the iemoto artists were from the male gender, and only recently has female artists began taking up the dominant art-teaching positions. The foregoing notwithstanding, Cang (2008) indicates that the term iemoto has paternalistic connotations, especially since it is used in reference to the grand master (not mistress) who acts as the sole protector and arbiter of artistic traditions. The relationship between the iemoto and the geisha is vertical, with the iemoto being at the apex of the pyramid, while his followers and geisha are at lower levels of the pyramid.

Geisha women do not get married, bear children, and/or teach. Instead, they devote themselves to the art taught to them by the iemoto (Bardsley & Miller, 2010). They are independent minded, strong-willed and live freely without abiding to societal construction of what women’s behavior should be (Bardsley & Miller, 2010). As opposed to the custom in Japan, Geisha women do not take their last names from their families; rather, the ryû (a school of art) that a geisha woman follows determines their last name (Miller & Bardsley, 2005). Because becoming a geisha is voluntary, those who choose to do so are considered the bad girls within the society (Miller & Bardsley, 2005.).

Several reasons inform the foregoing position. First, Japan is likely to suffer from a population crisis because the aging population is threatening to outdo new births (Miller & Bradsley, 2005). As such, any woman who chooses not to get married and/or bear children is perceived as contributing to a possible future population crisis. Secondly, becoming a geisha is tantamount to “sacrificing normal family” (Miller & Bardsley, 2005, p. 42). A normal woman, according to the Japanese society is supposed to have dreams of getting married, bearing children, and taking care of her in-laws. Any girl/woman who has a contrary wish is considered ‘bad’. Another reason is that women who pursue the geisha career are considered selfish, mostly because such a career guarantee them artistic and social freedom. Such freedom, however, denies the larger society wives, daughters-in-law, and children who would have been born had the geisha girls chosen to pursue a normal path that women in Japan are expected to follow.

Geisha and masculinity

Culturally, “masculinity in Japan tends to demand for female subservience” Dalby (2008, p. 8). Consequently, geisha women should ideally represent an affront to the egos of male gender. However, geisha women are trained to pamper the male ego, because after all, men are the single largest client base for the geisha women. Additionally, the male gender in Japan has been socialized to perceive geisha women first as artists, and secondly as entertainers (Foreman, 2008).

In other words, Japanese men know only too well that geisha girls/women are not subservient. The girls/women may be respectful of men, but this is assumed to be a consequence of the respect being reciprocated with respect. If a man is disrespectful towards a geisha, he can be evicted from the Ozashiki (a salon where performances are held) or from large-scale public concerts where geisha performs.

An indirect role that geisha women serve is pampering the male ego (Dalby, 2008). The foregoing means that men who attend geisha performances have their masculinity affirmed. This is contrary to what some may believe is the effect of geisha girls/women in men’s sense of masculinity. The fact that men form the largest percentage of customers for geisha performances further supports the argument that men fantasize about geisha women, but respect them too. They desire geisha women, yet they are all too aware that they cannot marry them. Given a chance, men in Japan would opt not to marry geisha women because they are too independent (Cang, 2008). Such independence would challenge the same masculinity that Japanese men try to hold on to.

Though geisha women are seductive, they do not exchange sex for any favors (especially not within the private parties). According to Cang (2008), withholding sexual favors from the male clientele ensure that geisha women are in a position of power. Through graceful seduction, geisha women ensure that men keep coming for performances in the hope that one day, specific geisha girls/women will give in to their sexual advances.

Yet, the graceful seduction is one of the tools used by geisha women/girls to ensure that men are constantly infatuated. Arguably, geisha women/girls challenge men’s position as the stronger sex, while at the same time pampering the male egos and hence ensuring that men do not feel less masculine after attending the artistic performances. It has been noted that men get visual pleasure of seeing geisha women/girls performing their art, since their wives can rarely match up to the geisha. In a way, men who attend the geisha performances can be said to have the best of both worlds: subservient wives while at home and the daring, free-spirited geisha women/girls while in the entertainment scenes.

Discussion

One of the ways that geisha and gender issues in Japan can be interpreted is through perceiving the act of becoming a geisha as emancipating women from society’s expectations. As Keiko (2006) indicates, becoming a geisha is tantamount to pursuing a career in art. By pursuing a liberating career, geisha women do not fall with a society’s construction of what a woman should be – i.e. married, and a mother. Consequently, it is possible that geisha women perceive themselves as being against the same female virtues that the male-dominated society in Japan encourages. Keiko (2006) further observes that geisha women are perceived as bad because they do not conform to the society’s expectations of what a good woman should be. But what are the exact societal expectations towards women? Hendry (2003) argues that society expects women to fit into “the indigenous family system where men were superior to women, who were expected to attend to [man’s] every need” (p. 39).

Such expectations form the basis on which most Japanese women are encouraged to stay at home and play the roles of the loving wife and the nurturing mother. Any woman who thus pursues a career that is contrary to such expectations is labeled as ‘bad’. Since it is highly patriarchal, the Japanese society does not leave much room for women to double up as mothers and career women (Hendry, 2003). Consequently, women who get married and have children rarely pursue careers, while those who opt to pursue careers often choose not to get married and if they do, often opt not to have children.

Contrary to the independent career women that most geisha are, there is also another aspect of their career that could be interpreted as enduring servitude. The foregoing is especially true if one was to consider the allegiance that geisha women have towards their teachers. Arguably, geisha women may have succeeded in going against society’s expectations of the female gender roles, but their lives are still lives of service (through the art of entertainment) to the same male gender they do not want to get married to. The only difference however is that by being a geisha, women are paid for their services. This is contrary to the role of a wife and mother, whose only possible compensation is emotional through the love of their husbands, children and perhaps the appreciation they get from the larger society.

One question that remains unanswered in the literature is whether geisha women make any contribution to the subject of gender relations in Japan. Keiko (2006) for example, observes that geisha women understand that their careers and the wealth that ensue thereof, “do not contradict heterosexual masculine identity” (p. 315). In other words, however successful geisha women are in their careers, they do not assume or imagine they can match up the position of a man. Yet, Miller and Bardsley (2005) observe that sometimes, geisha women put their kimonos aside and dress like male characters. They often sit, chat and have good times just as men do. They are not only the fantasy of men who serve as their biggest clients, but are also idolized by women (Miller & Bardsley, 2005).

Additionally, it has been noted that in order to satisfy the heterosexual feminine identities, geisha women often spend their accumulated wealth on activities that fill up their otherwise empty lives (Keiko, 2006). The foregoing argument insinuates that without marriage and children, a woman’s life is rather empty and pointless. Some of the activities that geisha women have been indicated as pursuing include cosmetic surgery, shopping, and obsession with male characters whom they cannot marry or have children with, but can have sexual relations with (Keiko, 2006).

According to Keiko (2006), deeming geisha women as bad, or insinuating their lives to be empty and pointless is a well-crafted plot that intends to take the power, which women get from careers and independent living. Specifically, it is a ploy that is meant to demean the same powers and satisfaction that women get from their careers. In other words, it shows that without dominant male characters with whom they can get married and have children, their success does not amount to anything much. This gap in existing knowledge deserves further research in order to determine whether indeed geisha women feel complete or whether they feel the void that society perceives them to have. In other words, future research needs to answer the question ‘do all women in Japan (including geisha women) feel the need to have male figures in their lives for them to have a sense of completion?’

Conclusion

From this paper, it appears that the career as a geisha has done impressively well in freeing women who are daring enough to get into that career. Such women enjoy the benefits of being themselves without fitting into limiting societal constructs of what it means to be a woman. Geisha women earn good money, and can afford to spend it on whatever activities they deem fit. Such activities include shopping, cosmetic surgery or getting entertained by members of the opposite gender. As noted in the literature review section, geisha women/girls not only entertain men, but are also idolized by women who perceive them as living the ultimate life of independence.

Yet, all the foregoing comes at a price; they are branded the bad girls, and are often perceived as selfish and unwilling to live by the ideals of the feminine gender roles. They do not marry, bear children or attend to their in-laws. Even more serious is that they do not contribute to the society by giving birth, especially at a time when Japan is at risk of having a population crisis in future. Japanese geisha are in more ways than one a threat to maleness and masculinity, but men do not seem to take notice. This paper has found out that geisha women/girls have mastered the art of pampering male egos, so much that men keep coming back for more entertainment.

Geisha women/girls have established careers in the arts, and through entertaining men, they earn enough money to sustain themselves. Arguably, the foregoing can usurp Japan’s widely held belief that men are the primary breadwinners. If such a thing happens, masculinity conceptions would be in jeopardy. Luckily, pampering the egos of the male gender as done by geisha women/girls has played a significant role in upholding the status quo in how the male and female genders relate.

References

Bardsley, J., & Miller, L. (2010). Manners and mischief: gender, power, and etiquette in Japan. California: University of California Press. Web.

Cang, V.C. (2008). Preserving intangible heritage in Japan: the role of the iemoto system. International Journal of Intangible Heritage, 3, 71-81. Web.

Dalby, L.C. (2008). Geisha. California: University of California Press. Web.

Foreman, K.M. (2008). The gei of geisha: Music, identity and meaning. Burlington, VT: Ashgate publishers. Web.

Hendry, J. (2003). Understanding Japanese society. New York: Routledge. Web.

Keiko, A. (2006). Bad girls of Japan- book review. Social Science Japan Journal, 9(2), 315-317. Web.

Miller, L., & Bardsley, J. (2005). Bad girls of Japan. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Web.

Seigle, C.S. (1993). Yoshiwara: the glittering world of the Japanese courtesan. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Web.

Gender, Power, and Sex Tourism

Given the fact that Denise Brennan’s book, “What’s Love got to do with it” is more descriptive then analytical, in its essence, it would be very naïve to expect this book to provide us with the insight on whether international tourism facilitates global inequality (!), as suggested in assignment’s instructions. This book simply allows us to have a better understanding as to what prompts Dominican women in Sosua to become sex workers, because it reveals such their decision as being much more complex then usually assumed. Apparently, the “sex tourism” industry does not only allow Dominican women to earn money but also provides them with possibility of legal immigration to Western countries, by the mean of marrying their decadent White clients: “For Dominican women, it (sex industry) offers not just employment but also the hope of economic and social mobility” (Brennan 14). “What’s Love got to do with it” contains an extensive number of life stories about the Dominican women, who were able to immigrate to U.S., Canada, Britain and Germany, after having became “romantically involved” with often senile men from these countries, who come to Sosua to enjoy the tropical sun, while taking an advantage of the fact that they are White and that their wallets are filled with money. As Jamaica Kincaid had put it in her short story “A Small Place” (where she describes the realities of tourist business in Antigua): “You disembark from your plane. You go through customs. Since you are a tourist, a North American or European – to be frank, White – and not an Antiguan Black… you move through customs swiftly” (Kincaid 4). Therefore, the fact that many Dominican women choose the careers of sex workers makes absolutely perfect economic and moral sense, simply because it allows them to improve their social status. Thus, the suggestion that sex tourism contributes and complicates conditions of underdevelopment and global inequality is wrong in its very essence. If anything, such tourism actually facilitates the improvement of living standards in Third World countries, simply because it brings in money into these countries’ economies. For example, in Thailand, the sex tourism is considered to be the country’s third largest (unofficial) industry.

As it appears from reading Brennan’s book, Dominican women know perfectly well that it is only through immigration to Western countries that they will get a chance of attaining a social prominence. And the only way for them to do this, is to “fall in love” with one of their White clients, as it is only the White men that can actually believe in sincerity of Dominican women’s romantic aspirations: “The women dream of European men “rescuing” them from a lifetime of poverty and foreclosed opportunities… Foreign tourists promise the possibility of economic stability as well as new ways of consuming – and maybe, even of romance, better treatment, and greater gender equity in the household” (Brennan 21). We can argue long and hard, as Brennan does, as to whether sex tourism is “moral” or “immoral”, but since it represents one of the means of generating a commercial income, it will always remain an important factor of socio-political life in Third World countries. It is important to understand that, after having been liberated of “White oppression”, the former European colonies, such as Dominican Republic, had been set on the course of economic and cultural decline. The today’s so-called “developing” countries are not really developing – they are rapidly descending into the state of primeval savagery. The example of Haiti, which used to be the most prosperous European colony in the whole world, while under the French rule, and which is now nothing short of a hell on Earth, substantiates the validity of this thesis better then anything else. The reason for this is very simple – as history shows, the native citizens of Third World countries can only advance culturally and economically for as long as they maintain close social contacts with Whites. Once these contacts are being cut off (“struggle against the legacy of colonialism”), people’s existential status quo in such countries becomes instantly re-established: they turn into what they have always used to be, before the arrival of European explorers – savages who live in primitive huts, made out of dirt, who eat cockroaches for breakfast and who drink out of rain paddles. Therefore, the sex tourism industry in Third World countries actually represents the ingenious possibility for these countries to maintain contacts with the West – thus, benefiting these countries in variety of different ways. It is only Western neo-Liberals, such as Brennan, who never experienced what it means being constantly hungry, can come up with the idea that sex tourism results in poor becoming even poorer. Quite contrary – the establishment of sex tourism industry in Third World countries allows fairer distribution of material riches, throughout the world. Such countries as Dominican Republic have no mineral resources, no technological base, no educated professionals, no developed agriculture – all they have are tropical beaches and many nice looking women. Therefore, the rise of sex tourism industry is such countries have been historically, politically, and economically predetermined. In her study “Tourism and Colonialism: The Experience of the Bahamas”, Catherine Palmer says: “Tourism (in Bahamas) is firmly entrenched as the leading industry, contributing 70% of the gross national product and accounting for 2/3 of all employment” (Palmer 794). In other words – in Third World countries, tourism, and particularly sex tourism, is nothing short of the mean that allows these countries to maintain their national sovereignty. The Global economy is only concerned about exploring deferent possibilities of generating commercial income; therefore, Dominican sex workers are best described as people who were able to adjust to the realities of Globalization. They make money, while enjoying the stay in five stars hotels with their White clients – what can be better?

Bibliography

Brennan, Denise “What’s Love got to do with it: Transnational Desires and Sex Tourism in the Dominican Republic”. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.

Palmer, Catherine “Tourism and Colonialism: The Experience of the Bahamas”. Annals of Tourism Research. (21) 4. (1994): 792-811.

Kincaid, Jamaica “A Small Place”. London: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2000.

Gender and Sexuality Aspects in Asia

Gender performance impact on identity

Gender is a broad term used to describe the characteristics of males and females. In gender discussion, this is called masculinity or femininity. Gender and sex can be used to refer to the same thing. Gender is a broad term, is interpreted based on the context in which it was used. It could mean social gender, gender identity, or just sex. Sex is viewed in a more limited scope as it is the overall state of being either male or female (Lee, 1993, p.58).

The meaning of gender was recently redefinition after arguments and pressure from feminists. They sought to distinguish between the biological aspects of the social contrasts of gender. It is, therefore, not surprising to find several definitions of gender and their supporting arguments. In this section, we look at the influence of gender on the construction of identity.

Gender motivated identity is termed as gender identity. It refers to the self-categorization of a person as being either male or female. The society contributes immensely to this identification by placing certain expectations and responsibility on a person depending on his/her gender. As a man, one will be expected to live to a certain standard and way of conduct (Peletz, 2007, pp. 103).

A woman is faced with more challenges than her male counterpart. This is brought about by the society having a subjective identity that has been culturally conditioned and constructed. Women argue that certain domineering belief systems put women below men while they perform a more central role in shaping and influencing society. In other words, they are trying to change the gender identity expectation of the female gender to have a more pivotal and recognized position. They are gearing for a more qualitative consideration of their contribution. Women aim at acquiring the authority of being entrusted with bigger roles than they have previously been allocated (Bierhoff et al., 2000, p.68).

To have a better understanding of gender identity, we should consider the element of social identity. This is the formation of a group of people with similar identities and the same cultures. It is tied with gender identity, which classifies people together as belonging to a particular gender. Social identity theory proves that the self-concept of a person is derived from belonging to a particular group. It is mainly influenced by the interactions between the members of the groups. The self-concept generated within these groups defines the social structure the individual will form. It will determine their actions and reaction to society and the role that the group members are supposed to play in the groups.

Gender does lead to the formation of the explained social groups, which later define the expectations and responsibility of different people depending on their sexual orientation. All over the world, societies have determined, through gender identity and social identity, the kind of resources, rights, and powers that are subject to a person (Wade, 1990, p.75).

Gender identity is as a result of human thinking and perception through the various social groups. Due to this perception, gender identity disorder has cropped in. This is a condition that impacts a person’s identity as male or female. People who suffer from gender identity disorder are said to be dissatisfied with the sex they got at birth (Cooper & Lewis, 1995, p.84). This may be triggered by disagreeing with the gender roles placed on them. At this point, it is worth noting that gender identity takes place by the age of three. Gender identity disorder is recognized clinically as a brain condition. One’s performance may not have anything to do with this disorder. What is worth noting is that Asian societies have a very sharp reaction to these issues. Violence has been waged on those who suffer from such a condition, such as homosexuality or lesbianism.

In order to critically analyze the gender situation in Asia, we can survey several aspects

Division of labor

This is the allocation of different duties to gender groups in society. This differs greatly from society to society. In Asia, just like most societies, women are left to do duties that conform to the private sphere. These include household duties and bringing up of children. Men are left to do work that requires more masculine effort. These performances shape how one will identify with himself/herself. The duties are argued to be a tradition that was formed gauging the various hints on what kind of work a person’s body was capable of performing. This makes them quite difficult to change since they have evolved to be considered as traditions. Thus, depending on the kind of work the society will expect you to perform, this will influence your perception of identity.

Language

Language performance can influence gender identity. Language can be used to find the true contextual meaning of a word. It also gives a detailed analysis of ways to study and analyze the respondents. In most Asian countries, it has been found that males dictate what is being said in conversion, and their words have a sense of finality in them. Women, on the other hand, accept this reality and, thus, create differentiation of power. This leads to reinforcement of social identities from which people draw their identities. The performance of gender keeps on changing as society progresses (Seguino, 1997. p.56).

Gender performance implication on citizenship

Working under a dynamic environment has become an essential aspect of any country or organization that wants to perform better than others (Lee et al., 1991, pp 118). Traditionally, there have been certain roles that were allocated depending on gender. Citizenship can be defined as the response by an individual to membership of a particular community. The impact of gender performance on citizenship will be examined under OCB (organizational citizenship behavior). These are behaviors that supersede expected returns and role performance but are still vital for the survival of the organization. According to its definition, based on a research, OCB behavior refers to optional behavior that is not categorically placed in the rewarding system. Such behavior would include:

  1. Sportsmanship.
  2. Aiding/helping or assisting behavior.
  3. Loyalty to the organization.
  4. Compliance to the organization policies.
  5. Individual initiative.
  6. Civic virtue.
  7. Self-development.

Gender influence on performance has attracted considerable amount of research. The aspects, in which gender can influence work, include the responses on thought, attitude, behavior and outcome. Thought is normally eliminated in this since all others are seen as a consequence of thought. These factors have, however, not shown any direct influence in employee related perception (Moncrieff et al., 2000, pp. 48). In analysis of gender performance, gender responses are treated as personal attributes, gender can play a role in influencing an employee’s relationship with other colleagues.

Gender plays a moderate role in the performance of an individual. It is thus viewed in context with other issues that researchers feel can influence team performance and citizenship in an organization. For instance, a male will deeply engage his organization than a female who is equally involved. The male may easily comprehend that their loyalty is vital for the attainment of the organization’s goals unlike their female counterparts. Taking from conventional categorization of employees, males are considered capable, goal oriented, confident and autonomous. Females, on the other hand, are viewed as interdependent, polite, and sociable and relationship focused (Langford & MacKinnon, 2000). From this, we derive that males may have a greater sense of citizenship given the perception that they do better work than women. This is the current spectrum in Asia.

Another point worth noting is that the tradition of the community influences citizenship. For instance, the Chinese focus on harmony in their social life; this is directly translated in the work environment. This will influence the conduct of different gender, some men will be less aggressive to accommodate the ideas or mind on the feeling of the other, and this will affect the attachment with which citizenship can be measured. As cultures evolve, the changing expectation of gender might change. Recently, women empowerment in Asia has increased and, therefore, more is expected from them. Moreover, the challenge and male dominance will push men to a new place. This means citizenship levels will adjust as we move with all these aspects taken into consideration (Hsiung, 1996, p.39).

Implication of gender performance in construction of community

So far, we have seen that whenever there is gender identity, social identity always follows. The two dictate who belongs where and the duties one need to perform to ensure the success of his community. Various roles are assigned to each gender. In Asia, these roles are quite distinctive. Women are allocated the smaller duties in the society that revolve around the household. Men undertake on the more masculine duties and are viewed as the leaders of the community.

This division of duties is derived from tradition. Traditions are formed through practice. The initial taking up of these duties was based on the physical outlook of a person in terms of strength and suitability for the duties (Farh et al., 1990. p.134). It was then that women ended up with duties to take care of the home. This is how communities are constructed using gender performances. The output of each individual is considered important to furthering communities.

Recently, there have been changes in the social belief structure. Women are getting more empowered and roles are starting to change. Women have begun to challenge the position of men. The society has continued to change, and this change most definitely challenges the status quo. It is this trend that has seen traditions being modified all over the world. Asia is also participating in this change. Gender, though crucial for identification (mainly in sexuality as male or female), is losing its significance as duties become intertwined between the two genders. The community that is being brought forth as a result of these changes places less emphasis on its individual gender performance.

In gender performance and community construction, there are the issues of gender differences that trace out the expectation of these two functions. Suggested explanation called the social constructionism suggests that gender is socially created. It argues that gender performances are not merely internalized as gender roles as a child grows up but as a response to the changing social construct of the society they grow in. This supports the idea that the performance of the adult gender that changes the way society perceives things goes a long way in influencing the future gender population (Babin, & Boles, 1998, p.46).

In taking into account how gender influences the community, it is worth noting that children are as a result of the environment they grow on. This means any unresolved conflicts in the child upbringing will seriously impact on future of the community since they will be required to be rational players in the community. In Asia, the child up bringing environment has been termed as stable. Basically, it means that gender performances must be stable enough to support correct upbringing of children.

Economic contribution of gender to Asian community

Asian economies have really progressed compared to other areas of the world. Economy is a part of community and, since gender performance has contributed immensely to it, it cannot be ignored. It is worth noting that more Asian women are now working as compared to earlier times. There are a considerable number of women working in manufacturing industry in Asia. This can be attributed to increased appetite for women education and increasing demand for human resources at the industries.

There are huge wage gaps between what women earn compared to men. However, women now contribute a substantial amount of income to their communities. The wage gap is not a situation in Asia alone but also in the rest of the world. Patriarchal gender norms and stereo types limit women’s power to bargain which results in their wage being held down as compared to that of men.

There are some Asian countries where this progress has not been supported such as Korea where the government reinforced a marriage ban which restricts women from working upon marriage (Farh et al, 2004, p.93). This curtails women development and gender development as a whole since women cannot plan well for their finances upon marriage and also their negotiations to better wages is limited since they are expected to quit work after marriage. In this case, gender performance has influenced the development of the community negatively since females are denied normal working rights.

Conclusion

Gender is a powerful factor that affects a community. It should be developed with great rationality since it dictates what we do and where we chose to belong. This has a deep reaching effect on the community and its stable development. Asia should, therefore, empower their women to help them participate in the building of the economy. As seen above, some of the nations have already taken up the initiative while others like Korea lag behind. From the information above, it is evident that empowering of women can only better the economy of a nation rather than ruin it. Measures should be put in place to ensure equity of the two genders.

References

Babin, BJ & Boles, JS 1998, ‘Employee behavior in a service environment: a model and test of potential differences between men and women’, Journal of Marketing, vol. 62 no.2, pp. 77-91.

Bierhoff, HW, Muller, GF & Kupper, B 2000, ‘Prosocial work behavior-development and examination of a measurement for understanding voluntary work engagement’. Gruppendynamik Zeitschrift fur AngewandteSozialpsychology, vol. 31 no.3, pp. 141-53.

Cooper, CL & Lewis, S 1995, ‘Working together: Men and women in organizations’, Leadership & OrganizationDevelopment Journal, vol. 24 no.5. pp. 294-30.

Farh, JL, Zhong, CB & Organ, DW 2004, ‘Organizational citizenship behavior in the People’s Republic of China’, Organization Science, vol. 15 no.2, pp. 241-53.

Farh, J, Podsakoff, PM, & Organ, DW 1990, ‘Accounting for organizational citizenship behavior: Leader fairness and task scope versus satisfaction’, Journal of Management, vol. 16 no.1, pp.705-21.

Hsiung, P 1996, Living Rooms as Factories: Class, Gender, and the Satellite Factor System in Taiwan, Temple University Press, Philadelphia.

Lee, K 1993, ‘Familial Hegemony: Gender and Production Politics on Hong Kong’s Electronics Shop floor.’ Gender & Society, vol. 7 no. 4, pp. 529-547.

Peletz, M 2007, Gender, sexuality, and body politics in modern Asia. Association of Asian Studies, Abudhabi.

Seguino, S 1997, ‘Gender Wage Inequality and Export-Led Growth in South Korea’, Journal of Development Studies, vol. 34 no 2, pp. 102-32.

Wade, R 1990, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.

Sex and Gender: Why Sex Change Operations?

Introduction

Practices such as transgender operations often surprise people due to sensitivity of ethics, morality, and procedures that lead to realization of the processes that are involved. They believe that gender entails moral duties and obligations that are accomplished separately by both men and women. The term ‘sex change operations’ involves labeling of carnal orientation based on gender. Literally, it implies that a person who possesses male characteristics transforms to become a female. However, the individuals have to undergo surgery to change their primary sexual orientation or organs to suit those of the opposite gender. This essay explores sex and gender by narrowing down the topic to masculinity-femininity change operations that have fired controversial debates internationally.

According to Henslin (133), many people become dissatisfied with their gender roles at some point in their lives. However, this situation does not necessarily imply that such people do not recognize their genders. For instance, some decades ago, girls were assigned names such as ‘Tomboy’ when they acted or performed duties that were regarded as masculine. Recently, many people have begun accepting cross-gender duties that are performed by both men and women, especially in sports. Gender stereotypes emanate from cases where individuals of both sexes are identified. Therefore, sex change operations are perceived as ways that curb feelings of possessing the ‘wrong’ sexual orientation (Henslin 135).

I acknowledge how a person feels to be a male or a female. However, accepting a change of roles in a manner that fits a man into the roles of a woman by the virtue of becoming a female after transformation persuades my acceptance to sex change operation. It has been noted quite often that sex change operations are currently done in countries such as Iran and Thailand. Why does someone desire to possess characteristics of opposite sex? Do these people manage to change their gender roles? Is it ethical for such a person to be accepted in the society? These questions and other unending debates can be perceived as the origins of ambiguous discussions on sex transformation.

A person must have a reason that drives their desire for transgender operations. However, numerous issues that lead to discrimination among opposite sexes can lead to transgender or sex change operation. A keen examination of Thailand exposes various matters that pertain to gender. According to UNDP’s gender inequality index (GII) in 2011, the measurement value increased from 0.382 to nearly one. This GII amplification represents perfect inequality (Seubsman, Kelly, Vasoontara, and Adrian 755). The measure of inequality encompasses reproductive health and empowerment.

Reproductive health data indicates that Thailand experiences a mortality ratio of 48. This situation implies that 48 women die due to pregnancy complications in every 100,000 live births. Women also give birth at younger ages between 15 and 19 years. However, do men in the same country similar rates of death to those of women? Do they provide support to their wives in such times? Consequently, the issue of gender roles comes into play (Henslin 134).

According to GII 2001 report, only 14-percent of the women in the country held parliamentary seats. Women who had attained the age of 25 years and had accomplished secondary level of education represented 25.6-percent of the total population compared to men who represented 33.7-percent. Pertaining to the measurement of labor force, women amongst the working age constituted about 15.2-percent lower than their male counter parts. When gender wages are compared among men and women, it is realized that a wider gender pay gap exists with men earning a larger percentage. Lastly, men earn relatively higher than women who have similar work experience (Seubsman, Matthew, Vasoontara, and Adrian 761).

When addressing issues of equality such as social amenities, employment, and education, everything must be shared fairly based on gender. In addition, such responsibilities should be equally shared amongst family members irrespective of gender roles (Henslin 133). Do people practice transgender operations to fight gender inequality or due to some psychological reasons?

Various factors should be outlined to address issues of transgender operations. For instance, motives of actions such as carnal transformation and fight for gender equity should be discussed amongst families and learning institutions to enable people appreciate the presence of individuals whose genders do not conform to their physical characteristics. Some people have both male and female sexual organs. Therefore, they are best categorized as transgender. Why do people practice sex change operations irrespective of such classification? Do they predict the repercussions of such acts?

Personal Opinion on the Action

Sex change operation is describes emotional and psychological state. This situation is observed in transgender individuals who desire sex change operation. These people always develop gender dysphoria, a feeling of dissatisfaction with the primary physical sex organs that they possess. When such individuals realize their uniqueness, they tend to differ from the normality of having either a vagina or a penis. As a result, they develop anxiety and depression among other mental disturbances. Consequently, a way to get rid of such is to undergo sex change operation to possess a sex that suits them as dictated by the dysphoria (Carroll and Paula 236).

Another reason why people go for sex change operation is social dilemma. As children mature, their parents teach them about sexuality and sexual orientations. Therefore, when a child is a female, she is taught on ‘who she is’, ‘what she is’, and her complexions. However, do parents who have transgender children have appropriate teaching on sexuality and sexual orientations? It is realized that most parents of transgender children have no concrete solution to such problems. Therefore, as the children grow, an idea of whether to remain a male or a female develops. The child eventually decides to have one of the genders that suits (Carroll and Paula 236).

Sex change operations can also occur due to beliefs. Occasionally, men and women know that they are more physically different from one another than they do mentally and emotionally. A unique behavior that might portray the opposite of what he or she is, may guarantee a sex change to suit the behavior (Carroll and Paula 236).

Conclusion

Sex change operations should only be implemented in cases that involve transgender individuals. In addition, persons who wish to execute such operations should seek consent of the individual who chooses a particular sex orientation. This decision should be the last option after puberty suppression medications fail to make one of the genders of an individual dominant. The operation should also be done in cases where dysphoria is prevalent to avoid complexions such as depression, anxiety, and feeling of being an outcast among others. However, individuals should also consider other ways to address transgender issues such as discrimination and fight for equity and equality.

Works Cited

Carroll, Lynne, and Paula Gilroy. “Transgender issues in counselor preparation.” Counselor Education and Supervision 41.3(2002): 233-42. Print.

Seubsman, Sam-ang, Matthew Kelly, Vasoontara Yiengprugsawan, and Adrian Sleigh. “Gender, Socioeconomic Status, and Self-Rated Health in a Transitional Middle-Income Setting Evidence From Thailand.” Asia-Pacific Journal of Public Health 23.5(2011): 754-65. Print.

Henslin, James. Essentials of sociology: A down-to-earth approach, Boston, MA: Pearson, 2012. Print.

Diversity Organizations and Gender Issues in the US

The status of women in the United States throughout history

The history of American women has been popular among many scholars, especially after 1970. In the past, historical studies were male-dominated, with women being ignored over time. Throughout the history of the United States, women had a low profile in society. They, therefore, held low profile jobs in the country, with most of them being slaves, housewives, and witches, just to mention a few. Most of them were not educated, and those that did hold little education.

Status of women in the United States today

A lot has changed with regard to the status of women in the United States in the recent past. Women have gone against all odds to make advances in almost every field despite the high degree of discrimination in the nation. For instance, most of the professions that were thought to be male-dominated or physically strenuous have now been filled up with women who are, in fact doing well in such occupations. Nevertheless, there seems to be a level up to which women can reach and not go beyond.

Thus, despite the achievement of women in society, equality with men has never been achieved. This is evidenced by the fact that most of the top positions in the United States are still being held by men. Overall, the status of women in the United States today has risen, making most women independent. “One women’s leader says: We used to think we had to marry doctors [to achieve status and financial security]. Now we know we can be doctors ourselves” (Kane and McCabe, 2013, p.1).

Concepts of masculinity and femininity in society and media

Masculinity and femininity in society and media come about when men and women understand what it means to be of either gender. That is, a man is able to see himself as a man in society and perform the duties of a man as required by organization. The same case applies to women. For example, men are required to be the providers of their families as women take care of the domestic roles, among other duties in the homes. The media, on the other hand, plays a significant role in defining the roles of men and women in society. It should, however, be noted that there will still be instances of men describing themselves as feminine and women defining themselves as masculine.

The historical status of GLBT people

The GLBT people have been in existence for a long time in the world’s history. However, their presence was not known until after the Second World War, when most of the groups rose up. In the past, GLBT people had no say in society and in other parts of the world; they were thought to be outcasts and condemned from community. In Europe and the United States, same-sex behaviors were unacceptable in the society, and any person found guilty of that offense was considered to have committed a severe crime and punished under sodomy and sumptuary laws. Any movements for the GLBT people were held secretly since they were deemed to be illegal.

In addition to this, the GLBT people were stigmatized because of lack of access to healthcare despite having serious health risks and problems that required medical attention. “In contrast to members of many other marginalized groups, LGBT individuals frequently are invisible to health care researchers and providers” (Cruikshank, 1992, p.87).

Status of GLBT people

After several years of discrimination in society, the GLBT people formed movements to fight for their rights. Among the many activities formed was the Gay Liberation Movement of 1969 to 1974. The actions were aimed at creating awareness of gay rights and gay values. The GLBT people wanted to be liberated and allowed to practice their sexual practices without being discriminated against by society. Indeed, the GLBT people won, and today the situation is different with GLBT people publicly declaring their status in any forum. This has also minimized health risks since most of the GLBT people can receive healthcare services just like the other people. As such, they no longer suffer from stigma.

Social and political issues relevant to women and GLBT people in the U.S

Despite their liberation, the GLBT movements are still facing criticism and opposition from organizations and individuals. Critics have argued that same-sex relationships cannot be equated to marriages and should therefore be illegalized. Allowing the practice of same-sex marriages would lead to instances of polygamy hence affecting society’s look and morals. Nevertheless, the political stand on same-sex marriages has taken a different route in the United States, with the current president, Barrack Obama, approving gay marriages, something that brought a lot of controversies. Among the GLBT people, women are on the losing end since the legalization of gay marriages will leave a few men for the many women making a more significant percentage of the women unmarried due to lack of men.

Reference List

Cruikshank, M. (1992). The Gay and Lesbian Liberation Movement. New York: Routledge.

Kane, S., and McCabe, S. (2013). Women in the U.S Today. Web.

Gender as a Performance. Human Behavior Theory

Much of the debate about women’s rights and gender equality revolves around the origins of gender. Indeed, if gender is innate and produces distinct differences between the two sexes, then true equality will forever be out of reach. In this case, gender roles are the natural continuation of sexual biology and, hence, immutable. The opponents of such determinism reject the confines of biological sex. To them, gender is fluid and mostly contingent on the societal order, its norms, and traditions. This essay argues that gender is performative, which is evidenced by the diversity of its cultural interpretation and social learning empirical findings.

Though primarily addressing the issue through the lens of gender theory, the American philosopher Judith Butler seeks to uncover the very mechanisms of what makes a human. She insists that “I” is always outside of itself – it only manifests itself through social relations and interactions with others. These interactions mold, if not break a person – as Butler puts it, “we’re undone by each other (740).” An individual has no chances to “stay intact” because conforming to social norms is necessary for one’s survival. According to the philosopher, there is always “the Other,” a vigilant observer that is always quick to correct and make a judgment. Thus, to be human is to accept the “unknowingness about the Other in the face of the Other that undoes us (Butler 741).” Gender norms make a part of the rules imposed by “the Other.” Social standards regarding what makes a man or a woman have immense power of “undoing” either of them, making them some of their uniqueness in a not always conscious attempt to conform.

The superficiality of gender can be further proven by drawing examples from cultures around the world. Safdar and Kosakowska-Berezecka state that in the majority of cultures, women and men do take up different responsibilities (102). However, one may observe some variance in how cultures interpret gender. Some of them are rather traditional, where the man is expected to be the breadwinner and the woman – the housewife. Others, however, are more egalitarian to the degree where the differences between sexes in the workplace and at home are actively erased. Lastly, there is a number of still existing matriarchal societies, such as China’s Mosuo women and Indonesia’s Minangkabau people. If gender was a biological reality, there would be no diversity in how men and women engage in power structures, build families, and make professional choices. Moreover, the very transition to egalitarianism would be rendered futile due to natural constraints. Hence, gender is contingent on the cultural context and mechanisms enforcing social norms.

What is even more compelling is that such social conditioning is well replicable in laboratory settings. In the 1960s, the Canadian-American psychologist Bandura put forward the social learning theory. Its main assumption was that learning was not just behavioral but a cognitive process whose outcomes were largely dependent on a social context (Greene 347). Children do not do what they are told to do – they acquire new behaviors by observing and imitating others. The hypothesis was further proven through a series of experiments with children that quickly learned aggression after observing an adult violently handle a Bobo doll (Greene 350). If a single observation has this much leverage, living in a culture that communicates gender norms, incessantly has even a larger impact.

There are still attempts to find neurological differences between sexes, which would undermine the performativity of gender. Truly, the size of certain parts of the brain, such as are different in men and women (Xin et al. 185). For instance, the female hippocampus that is responsible for processing memories is larger than the male, while the male amygdala that handles emotions is larger than the female. However, these differences may as well have no interpretative value. It is not yet possible to find any meaningful correlation between the size of a brain part and its capacity.

Today, gender is a concept that is burdened by a lot of theories, approaches, myths, and misconceptions. One such misconception is the innateness of gender and its immutability. However, a person’s gender identity manifests itself in interactions with others. Therefore, people are not born with gender but are socialized into it – often against their will. The diversity of gender expression is observed in cultures around the world, which would not be possible if gender depended solely on sex. Empirical findings also demonstrate human sensitivity to environmental cues and proclivity to copy others’ behavior. Neuroimaging research remains vague on sex differences, which makes it unsuitable for supporting the opposing point of view.

Works Cited

Greene, Roberta. Human Behavior Theory: A Diversity Framework. Routledge, 2017.

Jacobus, L.A. A World of Ideas: Essential Readings for College Writers. Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2013.

Safdar, Saba, and Natasza Kosakowska-Berezecka. Psychology of Gender Through the Lens of Culture. Springer International Pu, 2016.

Xin, Jiang, et al. “Brain Differences Between Men and Women: Evidence from Deep Learning.” Frontiers in neuroscience, vol. 13, no. 2019, p. 185.

Sex and Gender: Binary and Non-Binary Perception

In modern day society, binary perception of sex and gender has long been challenged. People of non-binary identities, such as transgender and intersex people, are a prime example of the complexity of ways of human recognition. In the usual surface-level sense, people tend to perceive sex and gender through the established gender roles associated with the two sexes. However, frequently people’s behavior transcends the assumably logical imperatives that demands to be in line with the conventional gender roles. Thinking about sex and gender within the framework of conventional male-female dichotomy creates a strictly binary perception of the whole gender spectrum.

Binary thinking of sex and gender is being challenged by the aforementioned transgender and intersex people, as they do not coincide with the medically perceived gender dichotomy based on their primary or secondary sexual characteristics. Thus, they cannot be recognized as the representatives of the any of the traditionally recognized categories “men” and “women” and are outside of these categories. Therefore, the reduction of the sexes and genders to the conventional dichotomy is a distorted perception of humans’ biological and social diversity. Biological in the case of intersex people, and psychological in the case of transgenders, mismatch to the conventional binary sexes and gender, suggests that male-female dichotomy is socially constructed and is not conditioned by nature.

However, it is important to remember that conventional binary perception of sexes stretches onto the majority of social relations, and in many ways forms them. Case in point, the division of professional fields into traditionally male and female conditions further stereotyping and discrimination of people based on their sex and gender. It can lead to a misinterpretation of cause-and-effect processes and erroneously attribute certain causes and effects to certain genders. For instance, the notion that social work is an occupation for women, and military service is strictly for men reinforces the gender stereotyping and conditions repetitions of certain patterns and discrimination within these professional fields. Binary thinking reduces a person who is a complex being to a narrow range of characteristics associated with their gender and restrains free self-expression, which, in turn, impoverishes social relations.

“Desperate Housewives”: The Television Comedy Drama’s Connection and the Gender Theories

Gender studies have changed the constructs regarding women and the differences between sexes to a great extent. Women since the Victorian era have been silenced through discursive methods. There has been a distinct subjugation of women in the hand of the male and society and women’s role in the household has been strictly demarcated. As has been stated by Simone de Beauvoir that women are not born as women, it is the external environment and the society which turn them into one. So it is clear that theories of gender belief, especially post-modern theories, in which women are made from societal constructs. This idea was furthered by Michel Foucault who argues that it is through sexual repression and subjugation that the gendered otherness has been created and the model of women as a homemaker was established.

So discussion of sexuality and desire was discursively restricted by societal forces and women were idolized as the model of purity, chastity, and virtue. Anything beyond this definition was considered immoral. So there was a repression of sexual discussion in institutions and that is how it subjugates women into their cocoon of virtue and morality. These theories have been criticized in the television comedy, Desperate Housewives. This paper discusses how Desperate Housewives has demonstrated the constructs and has criticized the feminist gender theories in developing an argument of its own. The paper will try to link or show the disconnect between the television comedy-drama and the gender theories by using one of the episodes of Desperate Housewives called There’s Always a Woman from Season 5, Episode 6 (Desperate Housewives).

The episode describes the lives of few women who, live in suburban America. Most of them are housewives. The episode describes “some type of women” as “dangerous” (Desperate Housewives). It is believed that these women can be identified through the smell of their perfume or the color of their lipstick or the way they behave. Then the serial went on to describe three types of “dangerous” women who are capable of damaging other people’s lives. The first category is the woman who, for her own carnal desires manipulates and destroys the lives of others. The second category is the manipulators who manipulate others with greed and the third kind is the stealth of others who cannot be trusted for anything. Apart from this women are portrayed as jealous and irrational. Thus this episode portrays women as complete wrecks either in the way they act or in the way they behave to make their lives and/or others’ lives miserable. Given this background now the paper will discuss the ideas of gender theories that have been adopted or criticized in the serial.

Judith Curlee has argued that comedies, though apparently seemed rebellious and cynical, actually endorsed prevailing social norms and practices (Curlee). This norm is followed in Desperate Housewives. Even though the title suggests radical and rebellious housewives who openly flout their sexual desires, the serial actually spread a completely opposite message. The main characters in the serial are housewives who stay with their husbands and are happy in homemaking. They are happy living their life in a small suburban town, play poker occasionally. This episode particularly shows the jealous wife who thinks that the husband is having an affair at the sight of him having a conversation with another woman. Lynette the jealous wife accuses Tom, the husband of being unfaithful when he finds him sitting alone in the garage: “What the hell is this? You moving out on me? Is this the final stage of your mid-life crisis? An affair?” (Desperate Housewives). This act is similar to the gender constructions and roles that were demonstrated in seventeenth-century comedies (Curlee).

Additionally, this act confirms the belief of Judith Butler that the heterosexual desire in the male body which has been culturally constructed (Butler) through repetition of the supposed affair of Tom is demonstrated in the serial. The serial then talks of Gabriel, Carlos the masseur’s wife who is shown as the greedy idiot who even though enraged by the supposed deceit of a wealthy woman falls into her trap by accepting her offer to travel to Europe. This again confirms the seventeenth-century comedy trend of projecting wives as idiots and criticizing the postmodern gender theories for these acts are innate in Gabriele and not out of any form of construction. But it also addresses the “silence” over the sexuality of women which has been hushed up in institutions. The idea that women should not express their carnal desires has been refuted again and again in the serial where first the wealth lady, then Anne and then Katherine refute the conventional belief of women’s sexuality. So in a way they criticise the theories of sexuality in gender studies which argues that women’s sexual desires were suppressed through societal construction and pressure (Foucault). The serial projects men and women as equals when it came to expression of their sexual desires were concerned. Thus, sex as a taboo to women has been deconstructed in the serial as a critic of the traditional view of sexual repression though discursion.

The serial again showed some allegiance to the gender theories where women were shown where the “good” women were shown as housewives who did not succumb to sexual desires and were morally upright. They did not think that sexual expression could be considered acceptable and were shown in their specified gender roles as has been suggested by the gender theories as housewives. The idea of women being the perfect wife, understanding and accepting has been subtly demonstrated in the serial. Further a distinction is made between the “good” and the “bad” women where Lynette is the picture of “good” and Ann the picture of “bad” women. This demarcation between the two has been argued by gender theorists as the demarcation that was created through society’s discourse. Further the power distance and the societal gender roles have been distinctly demonstrated with the husbands working as bread earners and the wives as homemakers. Further with the case of Susan and her break up with Jackson and consequently a painter suggesting that she should go back to him shows that women are more culturally constructed and there is a constant pressure to be the “woman”.

The serial shows that distinct role of women and men and how women should behave. The serial remains quite regarding the acts of men, rather talks of the women who are involved in an affair or treason or manipulation or jealousy. They are the centre of attraction and male intervention in this construction of the “good” and “bad” woman is not present in the serial as the male voice is traditionally silent in this creation of gender and sex (Butler). The serial helps in the traditional Victorian discourse of women as the model of moral and virtue and anything away from this is considered as non-womanly. Thus, the serial is an amalgamation of criticism of the old school of gender and embraces the post-modern theories to a great extent in order to demonstrate the role of women as a construction of society and the otherness that is prevalent in society.

Reference

Beauvoir, Simone de. The second sex. London: Vintage Books, 1989.

Butler, Judith. Gender trouble. New York: Routledge, 1999.

Curlee, Judith. “”One side a Jealous Wife was Like”: The Constructions of wives and husbands in Seventeenth Century English Jests.” Hengen, Shannon. Performing Gender and Comedy. Amsterdam: Routledge, 1998. 35-46.

Desperate Housewives. There’s Always a Woman. 2008. Web.

Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality (Translated by Robert Hurley) 2 vols.. New York: Viintage, 1990.

Gender and Its Relation to Cognitive Processes

Introduction

Cognitive issues speak of factors such as intelligence quotient, memory, problem solving, reasoning, mental arithmetic and other such issues. There is an argument that gender influences the IQ of a person and that men have more intelligence than women. This issue has raised considerable debate with supporters and detractors both arguing their line of view. This paper examines the issue of gender and how it is related to cognitive processes.

Main body

There were arguments that men have more brain mass and so they are more intelligent and the fact is true that while men’s brains are about 1 kilogram more heavier than women. To test this argument Haier (2004) conducted brain-scanning tests on volunteers to find out if grey matter content in the brain had any influence on the cognitive skills of men and women. The researchers used to sets of volunteers, 23 people from University of Mexico with 14 women and 9 men and 24 volunteers from university of California with 13 men and 11 women. General intelligence ability for the people was tested using the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale to ascertain the non verbal and verbal mental abilities.

WAIS Full Scale IQ score was found out for each subject and then each was subjected to a full MRI scanning. The volume and depth of grey and white matter in the brain were mapped for each volunteer in about 50 locations and the percentage of grey matter and white matter was calculated. The study concluded that intelligence had no relation to the gender of the subjects. Differences in the volumes of grey and white matter in smaller number of areas that are distributed in the brain are the main reason for variation in intelligence. The results also showed why structural differences in grey and white matter volumes in specific regions define why people with the same IQ have different cognitive weakness and strengths.

Colom (2002) performed a test on 703 women and 666 males to find out if the gender has any difference in the IQ and cognitive ability of people. The author subjected the volunteers to 14 tests based on the WAIS-III sub tests. The tests that were performed were: vocabulary, similarities, arithmetic, digit span, information, comprehension, letter number, picture completion, coding, block design, matrices, picture arrangement, symbol search and object assembly. Based on the analysis of the g loading it was concluded that there was nothing of statistical significance that showed that men are more intelligent than women. The only reason for the variation could be attributed to group factors and test specificity and that the scores as seen in the test showed negligible difference.

The two journal articles have researched the contribution of gender to the cognitive abilities of people and the influence it has on the intelligence. The study by Haier (2004) examined the relation between brain size, proportion of grey and white matter on intelligence. The study used MRI scan on 47 volunteers from different locations and the study showed that while cognitive abilities are influenced by the proportion of grey matter, there is no relation to the mass of the brain and the gender of the volunteer. The second study by Colom (2002) conducted on 703 women and 666 males to find out if the gender has any difference in the IQ and cognitive ability of people. The author concluded that there was no basis on which IQ could be related to the gender. The paper thus concludes that gender has no impact on the cognitive abilities of a person.

References

Colom. Roberto, 2002. Null Sex Differences in General Intelligence: Evidence from the WAIS-III. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 5(1), pp. 29-35.

Haier. Richard J., Jung. Rex, 2004. Structural brain variation and general intelligence. NeuroImage, 23, pp. 425–433.