Gender-based violence against women is a subject that evokes memories of bizarre incidents witnessed in many countries across the globe. Regional groups, governments, and international bodies today recognise violence against women as an issue that is easily dismissible, yet it needs urgent redress. Due to the magnitude of attention that violence against women has received in the recent past, the media too has increasingly highlighted cases of violence against women on a wider scale.
However, the approach assumed by the media in reporting cases of gender violence could still serve to propagate the very issue that it seeks to address. This essay seeks to scrutinise an article that appeared in the National NOW Times in 2007 with the intent of critically examining the manner in which it was structured to find out if it covered all aspects pertinent to this nature of issues. This subject is of particular interest especially considering the fact that a feminist authored the article.
The article opens by highlighting a horrific incident that occurred in a school in Pennsylvania where ten girls were shot and five of them succumbed to death (Gandy 5). Mention is not made of whether there were any boys in the vicinity at the time. Additionally, the incident occurred in an Amish school (Gandy 5).
The Amish are well known for being conservative people with an unrivalled devotion to their religious principles. In light of this idea, Amish girls definitely embody an off-bounds group of girls in society. The villain in the incident is reported to have been habitual in perpetrating this nature of crimes (Gandy 5). This aspect again depicts characters in society, who seem to draw gratification from occurrences that cause devastating emotional consequences to society.
The article further highlights a similar incident in which a man took six girls hostage in a school classroom and killed one of them after sexually molesting all of them (Gandy 5). A similarity that is obvious in both incidents is that both perpetrators took their own lives after the incidents probably due to the anticipated consequences.
The two crimes jolted people back to the reality surrounding the relationship between men and women. The fact that both incidents occurred in one country within a span of less than a week raises eyebrows. This assertion is compounded by the fact that the incidents occurred in the US, which is among the most progressive in almost all aspects across the world.
This aspect raises the probability that violence against women is still prevalent even in the most progressive societies albeit with varying degrees of seriousness. The article rightly raises a question of what might be amiss if such atrocities against women can still be found within the borders of a country that embodies justice for all.
In both cases of violence, hate-filled men are identified as the perpetrators of the disgusting criminal acts. One is reported as being thirty-five years old and the other fifty-three years old (Gandy 5), which rightly gives the impression that violence against women is propagated by men of all ages. Reports have proved this assertion as true; for example, in 1998, two boys ages 11 and 13 years, killed four girls and a female teacher, but only wounded a male teacher (Gandy 5).
In a separate incident, in 2000, a six-year-old boy shot and killed a girl with whom they were fighting (Gandy 5). These additional incidents make it plain that age does not have a bearing on the male perpetrated violence against women. Although in isolated cases women commit criminal acts against fellow women, this article depicts the true state of affairs in a society where men are the major source of violence against women.
The article seems to focus more on shootings as examples of violence against women, which is not true, but to engender the intended feelings, the most horrific cases of violence against have to be highlighted. Watts and Zimmerman identify eight different forms of violence against women, which range from rape to female infanticide (1232-1237). The fact that the article does not list all the different forms of violence against women does not demean it in any way because attempting to do so would only serve to dilute an issue as serious as the shootings.
However, this manner of reporting seems to give the issue of violence against women the same approach that has been adopted by society in the past. Sex-related violence against women has been given a taboo approach and thus it is rarely reported or even if reported, little is done towards redress. Heise et al. seem to agree with this position when they note that violence against women is the most permeating form of violation of human rights yet it is the least recognised worldwide (5-14).
Stakeholders in the war against gender violence seem to agree with Gandy when she notes that the prevalence of gender violence against women transcends the idea of a ‘few bad apples theory’ and that it needs a serious broad-based response (Gandy 5).
This assertion holds as many organisations across the world have expended lots of effort in lobbying for the adoption of legislations that would place women on equal terms with men. Many countries have been receptive to such moves and have adopted legislations that evoke envy in men, but violence against women persists with negligible convictions of perpetrators of violence against women (Krantz and Garcia-Moreno 818-821).
Gandy rightly points out that there is a need for serious remedial measures to be put in place, but she fails to identify which ones would be most appropriate. It is worrying to note that even the most progressive constitutions across the globe have not served to bring the statistics of violence against women down within their jurisdictions, yet emphasis has been put on heightening the punishment for perpetrators via the law.
The author of the article seems to take a feminist stand when she opines that violence against women seems to be targeted on them simply because they are women (Gandy 5). She notes that the stigma associated with being feminine discourages a male child from exhibiting any form of feminine attributes. This idea seems to reflect what is happening in society, but it fails to explain why criminals target women.
In cases where sexual molestation is perpetrated against a young girl in domestic settings, could it be true that the victim is targeted simply because she is weak. Brutal masculinity is unacceptable in society as a norm and thus in this respect, the article seems to take a feminine stance.
In conclusion, the article was a true representation of what goes on in society as pertains to the relationship between men and women. Gender violence has become an issue of increased public interest with a range of measures attempting to address it.
However, there seems to be little success as the nature of reported crimes tends to be more horrific. Nonetheless, stakeholders need to focus on alternative ways of redress rather than getting discouraged and although the article does not highlight any, it points out serious cases of atrocities against women, which can spur positive change.
Works Cited
Gandy, Kim. “School shooters target girls, point to larger problem of violence against women.” National NOW Times 39.1 (2007): 5-6. Print.
Heise, Lori, Mary Ellsberg, and Megan Gottmoeller. “A global overview of gender-based violence.” International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics 78.1 (2002): 5-14. Print.
Krantz, Gunilla, and Claudia Garcia-Moreno. “Continuing Professional Education: Violence against Women.” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 59.10 (2005): 818-821. Print.
Watts, Charlotte, and Cathy Zimmerman. “Violence against Women: Global Scope and Magnitude.” Lancet 359.9313 (2002): 1232-1237. Print.
Sex is the concept that is treated from different perspectives so that eventually it turns out to have an enormous number of meanings. People are generally divided into males and females, considering their biological sex. In this way, they tend to believe that a person is a man or a woman on the basis of his/her physical characteristics. However, Schwartz and Rutter (p. 1) emphasize the fact that such approach is not always correct because psychically people can be of a gender opposite of their nature. For instance, man and women may perceive themselves differently. In this way, while he thinks of her as of an intelligent and beautiful person, she may consider herself to be plain and not good enough for the relationship. In a similar manner, a same-sex relationship is observed when two individuals of the same biological sex fall in love. In such situation, one of them tends to play a role of a partner with opposite sex. Thus, sexual desire and behavior that constitute sexuality are affected by people’s nature and societal expectations. Masculine and feminine actions are applied to individuals by a gendered society that discusses limited perspectives.
Attraction and arousal are mainly driven by biological stimuli but are controlled by social frameworks (p. 4). People who find one another attractive and feel physical arousal are naturally expected to have sex in order to satisfy their desire. However, social influences tend to make both men and women reconsider the situation and compose themselves for a particular period of time because of the necessity to be in love and have a possibility of a future marriage. It is also significant to mention that the extent of sexual desire is enormously affected by society. Thus, being teenagers. Boys and girls get to know a lot of jokes according to which men have uncontainable sexual desire while women do not need it and are focused on romantic feelings. As a result, they tend to follow this pattern even without realizing it. Of course, there is a biological explanation that proves that men need to have many children to ensure the presence of the future populations, but societal influence makes it even more critical.
Sexual behavior of men and women is determined by their desire, but it can be affected by cultural and societal beliefs significantly (p. 5). In the framework of biology, women tend to have a similar perception of sexual desire and related concepts. However, some populations maintain damage of the sex organs for females to avoid orgasm. In some societies, women are expected to be active during sex while in others there is no concept of orgasm and pleasure related to sex.
Sexuality is both socially constructed and controlled even though its origin has biological nature (pp. 15-19). Apart from society, there is no necessity for people to create families and get married to have sex. However, religion and personal views of some people do not allow them to accept premarital sexuality. Social norms define the most appropriate ways of intercourse. A truly free sexuality is not possible because laws and generally accepted views do not allow individuals to choose a person to love. In this way, adults and teenagers may be attracted to one another and have a possibility to have children, but their relations are forbidden by law. Thus, it can be concluded that THESIS: gender but not biological sex reveals people’s sexuality so that even the most biologically natural processes are greatly affected by society and originate from its effects.
Scholarly research in the fields of sociology and psychology of the gay has evolved within the past several decades and currently needs a broader and deeper examination. One of the recent studies in this sphere was carried out by Vanessa Panfil. The question of LGBT community and the difficulties in the lives of young people experiencing bullying and misunderstanding in society have interested the author during her professional life. In her research, the author incorporates all the factors impacting the life of gay African Americans in an urban criminal gang and answers the question concerning the life of such people inside a gang.
The Author’s Topic of Research
The central topic discussed in Panfil’s book is the life of young gay men of color in urban gangs. The researcher realizes the amount of negative influence the surrounding world is presenting for young gay people. They encounter “homophobic school climates, … street harassment,” and even unsupportive family members who do not understand or encourage but even may express their disapproval aggressively (Panfil xi). The author argues that despite numerous interventions carried out in the USA in support of LGBT community, there are many serious challenges young gay people of color face that lead them to engage in a marginal lifestyle of a gang.
The Author’s Research Questions
To research the topic of the study in depth, the researcher sets forward several questions which she attempts to answer in the book setting forward the general research question. What is the life of a gay man inside a gang like (Panfil xiii)? This main question leads to several specific ones that address a narrower point for consideration. Why do gay men become a part of a stereotypically masculine and homophobic criminal group (Panfil 4)? This question aims to determine the reasons for gay men to become members of gangs. What are the structural particularities in gangs where gay men are either explicit or closeted (Panfil 110)?
Asking this question, the author concentrates on the possible differences in a gang’s hierarchy depending on the presence of gay members in it. Finally, how do the marginal features of young men’s race and sexual identity influence their lives in an urban environment (Panfil 2)? This rather broad question addresses the collision of two dimensions (color and sexual orientation) that impose a prejudiced attitude toward a person in the modern world.
Author’s Evidence to Support the Argument
The author explicitly delivers the information serving as the evidence in support of the research argument. The study participants are young men of color who are members of urban criminal gangs. They become involved in such groups where people possess weapons, drugs, and have criminal history due to their “rough and violent” neighborhoods which force them to protect themselves in such a manner (Panfil 1-2).
Moreover, according to the interviews, open gay orientation imposes many cases of harassment, abuse, and physical attacks in the streets, during which the participants had to fight back, sometimes in a violent way. Having acknowledged the unwelcoming environment for gay people in an urban neighborhood, Panfil emphasizes the challenges African American gay men encounter in their daily life.
The vast majority of gay African Americans come from poor families or unfortunate neighborhoods. That is why they try to replace the family with a gang which becomes their safe surrounding (Panfil 73). However, men do not always come out in a gang environment, which predetermines the type of a gang. The willingness or the lack of desire to share their genuine sexual identity with fellow gang members implies psychological and sociological issues of trust, support, and safety.
The Relationship Between the Author’s Theories, Concepts, and Data
In research, the author employs a wide range of concepts and data retrieved in the process of working on the project. Panfil has collected data with the help of surveys and interviews with 53 young men who were active gang members (x). The interviews have been conducted both individually and in groups and concentrated on the participants’ experiences of being gay in a gang. The concepts of sexual identity, ethnicity, and race are discussed within the framework of the theories of lacking family support, the need for protection, and feeling equal.
The concept of criminal aggression and power is addressed as a manifestation of masculinity and self-protection in unfortunate life circumstances (Panfil 12-13). The overlapping concepts of race and sexuality provide additional perspectives for research and are discussed on the background of socially and economically unstable societies (Panfil 207). Therefore, the researcher attempts to embrace all possible dimensions in which a problem might be studied and discloses important details that explain the choices young gay men of color make.
How the Author Answers Research Questions
Gradually answering the specific research questions, the author provides a broad response to the main question. As for the question concerning the reasons why gay men become a part of a stereotypically masculine and homophobic criminal group, a researcher provides an explanation that contradicts the stereotypical belief. A man joining a gang does not try to escape from homophobic harassment but searches for a family-like community with friendly relationships between the members. Some of the gangs even had names containing the word “family” as in “Royal Family” (Panfil 105). Masculine behavior and manhood of a criminal group helped those unwilling to come out to cover their identity behind hyper-masculinity.
The structural particularities in gangs where gay men are either explicit or closeted are presented in a clear way. The author elaborates on three main types of gangs: partially gay or hybrid, all-gay, and all-straight gangs. When heterosexual gangs and all-gay ones are perceived as those having clear in-group relations, the hybrid type presents a greater scientific interest. In such communities, men “had more freedom to say and do what they pleased” not trying to fit their views into the scope of beliefs of others (Panfil 160). From this perspective, a closeted gay member of a heterosexual gang would suffer the most, trying to cover his genuine identity behind the acquired criminal behavior.
Also, the author examines how the marginal features of young men’s race and sexual identity influence their lives in an urban environment. The interviews with the participants show everyday challenges these men faced in their childhood and keep facing in adulthood. Their choice to join a gang is primarily dictated by social and economic issues such as unemployment and criminal neighborhoods (Panfil 208). Thus, the research embraces the factors impacting the life of a gay man of color in a criminal gang in all their complexity.
Conclusion and Sociological Questions to the Author About the Research
In conclusion, Vanessa Panfil succeeded to deliver a complex scientific issue of race and gay identity in a dangerous urban environment, presenting valid research data. The author thoroughly addressed a new topic in sociology and showed a broad scope of unresolved questions to be answered in the following studies. Upon learning the main ideas of Panfil’s research, I would like to ask the author several questions.
What are the possible ways to eliminate the adverse perception of gay people in an urban environment? Also, were there any cases when a gay member of a gang succeeded in merging into a heterosexual gang with positive outcomes for his self-perception? Finally, what are the perspectives for governmental programs implementation aimed at decreasing criminality and raising awareness of gay people harassment?
Work Cited
Panfil, Vanessa R. The Gang’s All Queer: The Lives of Gay Gang Members. New York University Press, 2017.
Culture entails defined norms and values of a particular community and serves as the foundation of many issues that constitute the structure of society. Different studies have been conducted by scholars with aim of identifying more variables that are related to culture. Ethnographers learn other people’s cultures by accurate identification of knowledge, behavior and artifacts.
The paper will discuss three aspects that are necessary in learning different cultures. Role of men and women in Afghanistan under Taliban rule will be well outlined in relation to Omidian’s ethnology.
Omidian is an anthropologist who was hired to work in Afghanistan as a social worker and trainer. On the other hand, Spradley argues that anthropologists should not be community trainers but instead should learn from the people.
Case Study
The title ‘When Bamboo Bloom’ is symbolic as Taliban rule in Afghanistan oppressed the society as reported by Omidian who worked there from 1997 to 2007. Despite the oppression, citizens hoped that one day they would be liberated. 19th century was characterized by efforts to ensure gender equity, but were halted in 1994 when Taliban annexed Kabul. Women were not supposed to work away from home or wear white clothes.
The Islamic law on Hijab ensured that women covered all parts of their bodies. Later there were increased cases of kidnaps, forced marriages that involved women. Women were supposed to be accompanied when leaving their houses and were not to interact freely with men.
Health access was limited and poverty stroke households that lost their breadwinner who was supposed to be a man (Omidian 117). Notably, the role of women in Afghanistan is derived from the interpretation of Sharia in the Quran that forbids women from working away from home. According to Taliban, Sharia bans women from free interaction with men and are to be accompanied by male relatives any time they are not at home.
Men were expected to work and provide for their women and children. The role of men rendered them prone to maltreatment in many ways. Many men were detained, tortured and killed in prisons under Taliban rule in Afghanistan (Omidian 120).
Men were ordered to wear beards of certain length and severely punished if they did not. Punishments like stoning and amputation were employed when torturing prisoners so as to get them to confess. The idea of Omidian was to empower citizens with knowledge that would help them overcome the cruelty of Taliban rule in Afghanistan.
Culture knowledge
For ethnographers to be able to understand culture and norms of a given community, they must first identify what the people know. According to Spradley people can only share common culture if they share similar knowledge. For example, there is a scenario of people in a train who were engaged in a common behavior of reading. Reading was a behavior that was common to all people in the train.
For behavior to be shared all people had to be aware of what was involved in reading. People knew how to act when reading jokes, tickets and schoolbooks. For example, there was a man who underlined important points when reading a lecture book.
A man reading a newspaper knew how to flap pages so as to get more information. A lady reading a paperback knew how to move her eyes so as to read. The only reason why a man reading a newspaper would understand the message by the author is if he knew the language used (Spradley and Mccurdy 9).
In the case study, both men and women knew what was expected of them by the Taliban rule. Whether they felt oppressed or not, they obeyed the instructions given because they were aware of punishments for non compliance.
For example, women did not go to work outside home because they knew they would be punished if they did. Consequently, the women could not go to work because they knew it was wrong according to Taliban rule. Taliban rule was aware of the Islamic law in regard to modest dressing and ordered all women to cover their body parts (Omidian 121).
Culture behavior
Spradley further postulates that for ethnographers to be able to learn different cultures, they must identify what people do. Cultures do not dictate but rather influence behavior. Activities are not dependent on culture but are influenced by its interpretation. Absolute learning of culture behavior can only occur if interpretation is similar. Spradley gives an example of a scenario involving police, crowd and a woman who had a heart attack.
Since the police were aware of first aid that should be given to the condition, they started performing heart massage to the woman so as to save her life. However, a crowd nearby mistook the actions by policemen and thought they were killing the woman so they attacked them.
The woman died before she was taken to the hospital. Notably, both the crowd and police had a common mission which failed due to misinterpretation of the activities (Spradley and Mccurdy 11).
In the case study, Omidian argues that Taliban rule in Afghanistan is oppressive as both genders are maltreated. Ethnographers should be neutral but in the case of Omidian she sides with the society and is against Taliban rule. The situation is similar to that of the crowd that interpreted the activities of the police to be cruel to the woman.
Cultural behavior in Afghanistan is manifested by what people do and how they react to activities by Taliban rule. For example, severe punishments like amputation of men who were seen as criminals were conducted publicly. Women and children cried and pleaded with Taliban officials because they were not happy with such actions.
There are postulations that Omidian tries to liberate people of Afghanistan by ensuring that they are empowered and influenced by the western culture. According to other scholars all the efforts by humanitarian action and foreign policy have hidden agenda of replacing Afghanistan culture with western culture (Lassiter, 296).
Culture artifacts
Ethnography entails identifying what people use so as to be able to know and behave in a certain way. Spradley argues that for the ethnographers to be able to learn culture they must know what is involved in cognitive and behavioral development of the people involved (Kottak and Conrad 33).
For example, a person reading a newspaper must be aware of grammar and style used so as to be able to understand the message. Further, police used oxygen mask and called on ambulance in attempt to save life of the woman who had heart attack.
In the case study, Taliban used Quran statements and Sharia to set and define behavior of the two genders. Stones and other tools used in punishing people who defied the set laws are culture artifacts. Painted windows that were used in the women apartments are also culture artifacts. Artifacts, knowledge and behavior are cultural aspects that are essential in the learning process of norms of a certain community.
Further, culture can be defined by symbolism theory under three components in relation to explicit and tacit knowledge. Explicit knowledge is commonly known by people with common culture while tacit refers to unknown aspects. The first component postulates that cultural behavior is influenced by the meaning attached to the activities involved.
For example, the pain expressed by the prisoners who were being stoned or amputated in Afghanistan made women and children cry. The second component postulates that behavior is dependent on the social interaction.
Omidian’s idea of empowering citizens of Afghanistan by encouraging them to overcome intimidation by Taliban rule was based on the interaction with men and women. Thirdly, cultural symbols provide ethnographers with hints that are supposed to be modified in different ways before actions (Erickson and Liam 21).
Conclusion
Culture is an integrated topic that involves intensive scrutiny of various issues for learning process to be effective. Ethnographers aim at learning from the community and not educating them. Empowering the Afghanistan citizens will be a way of changing their cultural perspective and not learning from them. Culture behavior is essential in learning process as ethnographers get to know what people do in different situations.
Ethnographers go an extra mile by trying to understand the reason behind any behavior. Culture artifacts are also important as ethnographers learn what is used in acquiring knowledge and behavior. Culture knowledge is broader than both artifacts and behavior as it defines all aspects known to the people. Consequently, culture knowledge influences the behavior and things that will be involved in maintenance of cultural identity.
Works Cited
Erickson, Paul, and Murphy Liam. A History of Anthropological Theory, Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008. Print.
Kottak, Peter and Philip Conrad. Window on Humanity: A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, New York: McGraw Hill press, 2005. Print.
Lassiter, Luke. “Toward a Collaborative and Reciprocal Ethnography.” Journal of Anthropological Research 5.2 (2001): 137-149. Print.
Omidian, Patricia. When Bamboo Bloom, An anthropologist in Taliban’s Afghanistan, Sydney: Academy of Sciences publishers, 2011. Print.
Spradley, James, and David Mccurdy. Conformity and Conflict: Readings In Cultural Anthropology, New York: Pearson Education press, 2009. Print.
Since polygamy redefines marital relationships, it has created many public debates regarding gender equality in America. More specifically, many people link polygamy with serious gender inequalities, particularly concerning the status of women.
Analysts have not only discussed gender inequality in polygamy as a social issue but also a legal one (Zeitzen, 2008, p. 125). Therefore, American laws governing polygamy also cover gender inequality issues.
For example, the United States (U.S) Supreme Court (and other lower courts) often discussed gender inequality issues during the hearing of polygamy cases.
Nonetheless, over the last few decades, there has been little willingness by the American judicial system to re-examine the illegality of polygamy in America, despite the changing public views regarding social unions.
Since the legal debate surrounding polygamy includes gender inequality issues, the unwillingness of the judicial system to re-examine the legal status of polygamy means that gender issues in polygamous relationships remain unaddressed.
Therefore, since the judiciary hesitates to readdress the state of polygamy in America, the contentious gender equality issues in polygamy exist.
Since polygamy raises serious gender equality issues, this chapter discusses the issue of gender inside the American society and inside polygamous systems, framing the analysis through the relationships between gender and culture.
Through these analyses, this chapter explores America’s social attitudes regarding gender inequality (in polygamous unions) by showing that the 19th century American government criminalized polygamy not as a tool to empower women, but rather, to protect the majority societal view of morality and weaken the political power of the Mormon Church.
This paper also shows that since the Mormon Church had a growing political influence in some parts of America, the government used the polygamy debate to limit this influence. This chapter also shows that the need to preserve hegemonic Christian morals informed America’s position towards polygamy.
This way, the government was able to support the view of a majority of Americans who supported the illegalization of polygamy. To this extent, the influence of the dominant culture prevailed on the minority view regarding polygamy in America.
This chapter comprehensively shows that even though polygamy introduced significant gender inequality issues, other political and social issues, like preserving hegemonic Christian morals and limiting the political power of the Mormon Church, informed its illegalization.
To affirm these facts, this chapter explores the influence of culture on gender roles, relationship between polygamy and America’s political order, attitudes towards gender roles in America, and patriarchy in polygamous marriages.
Gender’s Culture in the American Society
Influence of Culture on Gender Roles
For many centuries, the gender debate has been an important issue, not only in America but also in other parts of the world. In fact, gender concerns have contributed vastly to the unacceptability of polygamy in America.
Nonetheless, while trying to understand how polygamy affects gender rights and equality, it is equally important to analyze the context of gender rights within different cultures.
For example, Volpp (2001) believes that western nations use the failure of third world countries to protect gender rights, with the same apparent zeal of western countries to justify racism against third world people.
She also believes that western countries use this argument to allow western cultures to gloss over the gender oppressions that exist in their countries.
Therefore, while many western cultures protect gender rights, to some degree, some people have used their purportedly comparatively stronger commitment to gender equality to justify their superiority over other cultures.
However, despite the existence of this comparison, it is still important to highlight the advanced protection of gender rights that some western cultures uphold. For instance, in America, the cultural diversity of the population supports the protection of liberal views.
In fact, the government protects many liberal views that characterize different American cultural dynamics. However, since the American society is somewhat liberal, there are some religious and cultural views that the federal government does not support.
The conviction of the Mormon Church to practice polygamy is an example of a religious practice that the government does not protect.
As a result, Volpp (2001) believes it is easy to construct minority women in such communities as victims of their cultures, as opposed to critically engaging with the role played by the majority in the oppression of minority women.
Cultural diversity has introduced a new debate in the conceptualization of gender roles because how different cultures treat women removes the notion that gender roles were mainly associated with biological sex.
Indeed, many people believe that gender roles are a direct result of biological sex, with women having the least physically straining activities because of their perceived “weak” physical strength (compared to men) (Van Krieken et al., 2010).
The various roles of women in different societies, however, have shown that biological sex is not the main determinant of gender roles or the division of labor between men and women. For example, some societies connect women with hard labor.
Different societies also approach motherhood from different perspectives and therefore, it is difficult to establish a universal acceptance of the way people perceive motherhood. From these variables, the expressive function of women in the society is mainly a function of the convenience of men, as opposed to the way families should function.
In other words, men defined most gender roles in the society through social justifications, such as, religion and culture. They also did so at their convenience, without considering the opinions of women. The society, therefore, rarely considered gender equality issues in the creation of gender roles.
To this extent, some researchers believe that gender roles are mainly a function of the beliefs and values of the society as opposed to the embodiment of male and female roles, as a construct of biological sex.
Role of Culture in Illegalizing Polygamy
The movement for the acceptance of Mormon polygamy, which started in the 19th century, greatly shows the impact that cultural attitudes have on the determination of legal views regarding polygamy.
This is especially more apparent in America because most of America’s legal views about polygamy stem from the societal views regarding the same. This has remained so for a very long period because the American legal view towards polygamy is a representation of the view of a majority of Americans towards the practice.
The influence of culture on the illegalization of polygamy in America is also more apparent in the government’s action towards polygamy (since the 19th century). Song (2007) says that the American government has never campaigned against any other social issue as it did polygamy.
According to Song (2007), this strong zeal by the American government to criminalize polygamy shows the influence of the dominant culture towards polygamy. Some people may perceive the zeal at which the American government condemned polygamy as a sign of how liberal democracies manage illiberal attitudes and norms.
However, as Song (2007) observes, what may people do not see is how little the government’s quest to criminalize polygamy improved the status of women in the Mormon faith. Instead, the American quest to stop the spread of polygamy only worked to turn away the attention from the patriarchal norms of the dominant culture in America.
Stated differently, the attack on polygamy (by the dominant culture) only worked to protect Christian monogamy (where a man lives with one woman) from criticism.
Polygamy and the Political Order in America
Besides the cultural opposition towards polygamy, Song (2007) believes that the American government was motivated to attack Mormon polygamy by its quest to stop the growth of the political power of the Mormon Church.
There was also an agreement that the traditional marriage structure (monogamy) had a close relationship with America’s political order. Indeed, as Zeitzen (2008) observes, the Christian perception of marriage (which forms the majority view of Americans regarding marriage) views the union as a sacred obligation between men and women.
Therefore, in most western nations, marriage represents a civil contract between the parties involved. Since marriages form the base of different societies, and the government regulates the activities of the society, the government has the duty to regulate marriage through the law.
Through such a justification, the society is a product of marriages and similar unions. Therefore, out of this relationship stems societal responsibilities, agreements, obligations and duties, which traditionally, have benefitted men at the expense of women.
Since the government is required to regulate such legal requirements, it is easy to see how polygamous and monogamous marriages occur, and how the government (to a less extent) derives the justification for regulating such unions.
In other words, since the family structure is the basis for societal responsibilities, agreements, and obligations, the government intervenes by regulating the family structure because of the role of the family in creating these legal responsibilities.
Indeed, governments govern societal responsibilities, and since the family structure is the root of these responsibilities, the government governs the family structure as well.
Women’s Suffrage
Women suffrage defines the right of women to participate in election processes by running for office or voting for their selected candidates. Only until the 19th century, many women in developed countries could not vote.
However, before the American government allowed women to vote, Utah allowed women to vote, as a strategy for men to gain political dominance over political issues.
Women suffrage in Utah was especially pivotal in the polygamy debate because the political class (mainly polygamous men) wanted to retain the practice by allowing their women to vote (because they hoped their women would support them).
Therefore, Women’s suffrage is especially important in this chapter because it underlies the role of polygamy to empower or weaken women (depending on the understanding of how polygamy treated women).
The threat of Mormon polygamy to the conventional Christian perception of monogamous marriages clashed because of the close association of Mormon polygamy with women’s suffrage.
In 1852, the state of Utah introduced a new legislation that made it easy for Mormons to seek divorce from their partners, so long as they could show that their union was no longer peaceful (Song, 2007).
To many Americans, the introduction of this law threatened the existence of monogamous marriages because the court easily granted permission to divorce, based on weak grounds.
In fact, the Utah court introduced a new clause in the law that gave it the power to grant divorces, so long as it was convinced to do so. To some legal observers, this clause was very broad and people could easily abuse it by separating from their partners without any strong justification (Song, 2007).
This new legal addition to Utah state laws made it the most permissive state in America. Furthermore, some observers say that Utah’s divorce rate was higher than any other state in America (Song, 2007).
Interestingly, unlike common perception, Mormon plural marriages empowered women to determine how long their marriages would last, or when to end a relationship. Men did not enjoy this right (at least as much as women).
In fact, Song (2007) explains that it was more difficult for men to be granted divorce if they were opposed by their wives (compared to women). Statistics say women started more than 73% of all divorces granted in the state of Utah (Song, 2007).
Therefore, some people realized the opportunity for women to start divorce proceedings as their way to leave their disapproval of plural marriages. In fact, the high divorce rates within polygamous unions showed that polygamy (then) worked more as serial polyandry, rather than polygamy in its conventional form.
Unexpectedly, residents in other jurisdictions around Utah took advantage of the easy divorce laws in Utah to separate from their partners. The high rate of divorce peaked in the 1870 period.
The high rate of divorce within Utah created a common reason for anti-polygamy supporters and proponents of inflexible divorce laws to advocate for the reduction of divorce rates in America.
Through this understanding, Peavy (1996) says that polygamy and the easy divorce laws in Utah threatened the base that supported marriage as a respectable institution and a lifetime commitment between the partners involved.
Besides the easy polygamy laws adopted in the state of Utah, the Mormon experiment with polygamy created the image that Mormon polygamy was a show of cultural corruption.
In this regard, Song (2007) explains that in 1870, the “Mormon-controlled Utah territorial legislature had unanimously approved the enfranchisement of women, including all-female citizens over twenty-one and all the wives, widows or daughters or native-born or naturalized men.” (p. 151).
Therefore, women in the Mormon community were among the earliest women to vote in America. This empowerment continued until the introduction of the Edmunds Act (a Federal law), which stopped them again. The introduction of the Edmunds Act made it illegal for people to cohabit in illegal unions.
Therefore, even though a man did not have a certificate to prove that he was not married to several women, the Edmund law made it illegal to cohabit with multiple women. This act, therefore, eliminated the need to have a marriage certificate as proof that a man was polygamous.
The introduction of the Edmunds Act stopped the empowerment of women in Utah because women could vote as way to support their husbands in political processes. Ordinarily, polygamous men increased their political support base by allowing their families and multiple women to vote.
Interestingly, even on matters that questioned the legitimacy of polygamous marriages, women in polygamous unions still voted alongside their husbands (supported polygamy).
Therefore, the introduction of the Edmund Act stopped polygamy and the empowerment of women in this regard because women could not vote as a way to protect polygamy anymore.
Therefore, the willingness of the Mormon Church to embrace women’s suffrage was a tactical move by the Mormon-controlled legislature to guarantee their political domination of receiving support from their wives, in the wake of increased settlement by “gentiles” (Gray, 1976, p. 83).
Still, in the 1870s, many supporters of women’s suffrage hailed the Mormon support for women’s enfranchisement because it empowered women, even if it is politically. The belief that the support for women’s suffrage would enable them to have a political voice that would finally free them from male bondage supported this argument.
One congressional representative from Indiana, who introduced a similar legislation, hoping that freeing women would lead him or her to liberate from polygamous unions, also shared this view (Song, 2007). To the fear of some people, the empowerment of Mormon women made them support polygamy, as their husbands did.
Therefore, women’s suffrage supported the view of anti-polygamy supporters who believed religious beliefs degraded women in the Mormon faith to exercise independence during voting.
Gender’s Culture Inside Polygamy
Attitudes Towards Gender Roles in America
Since the 19th century, the dominant culture in America has considered polygamy as an unacceptable practice. The strongest arguments against polygamy focused on the fact that polygamy undermined the majority view of morality, as explained in Christian doctrines (where a man only has one woman) (Gray, 1976).
The attitude of the American society regarding polygamy has changed over the past few years. This change in societal attitudes stem from the increased awareness regarding individual liberties and freedoms in America.
However, regardless of the changes in perception towards polygamy, the American judicial system addresses polygamy the way it did when it first occurred in the 19th century. For example, most decisions taken by the American judicial system still view polygamy as an odd union that the American society should not accept (Zeitzen, 2008).
Similarly, such decisions portray polygamy as a degradation and subjugation of the attributes of the present-day American woman.
However, while the American judicial system protects Mormon women against gender inequality in polygamous relationships, proponents of polygamy question the protection of rights for women who do not subscribe to the Mormon polygamous lifestyle (Zeitzen, 2008).
This debate comes from the high occurrence of gender violence in the American society (free from polygamous influences) and the existence of gender inequality in the society.
For many reasons, the American justice system has maintained that polygamous unions are illegal.
According to March (2011), the judicial system has maintained this position because of four main reasons – the lack of female autonomy, interference with the civil liberties of children, unfairness regarding how men and women choose partners (“marital market”), and the excessive burden of polygamy on the society (existence of large families).
According to March (2011), most of these reasons are not necessarily the judicial reasons for criminalizing polygamy, but rather, the societal view for attacking polygamy. Through this side, March (2011) also believes that partly, the capability of polygamy to increase gender inequality in the society informs the society’s hesitance to accept polygamy.
From another understanding of the gender issue, Song (2007) says men may also be victims of polygamous unions (in its religious context) because they may not necessarily prefer polygamous unions, but because of their religious obligations to uphold polygamy, they choose to engage in it.
Therefore, according to Song (2007), Mormon men and women may equally be victims of their religious duty to practice polygamy. From this argument, polygamy not only affects women but also men perceived to be beneficiaries of a polygamous society.
Therefore, while polygamy seems to subordinate women, it also significantly opposes the wishes of some men who may not wish to engage in it (as a religious obligation).
For example, men living polygamous communities, who did not wish to engage in the practice, had a difficult time avoiding the practice because it was a religious duty to practice polygamy.
Gibson (2010) says Americans have developed a negative attitude towards government raids on polygamous communities in America (like the 2008 polygamy raid in Texas that removed more than 400 children from their families).
Some Americans, therefore, believe that some of these government raids paint a negative picture on the preservation of the rights of women and children.
Some Americans hold this view because they view the government’s commitment to separate children and women from their families as a contravention of the rights of children and women to live together as a family (CBS Interactive, 2009, p. 1).
For example, the 2008 raid on the polygamous community in Texas saw the government arrest more than 400 children (mainly young girls). Observers perceive this raid as the largest in American history (CBS Interactive, 2009, p. 1).
Apart from the violation of civil rights, where the children were supposed to stay with their parents, the polygamous raid showed the extent that polygamy in the Mormon Church spread gender inequality in the society.
Gender Arguments Against Polygamy
Some feminists view polygamy as a retrogressive tool that undermines women in the society. Murray (1994) refers to the South African law, which undermines polygamy, as an advancement of the nuclear family where a man, woman, and their children live in one family.
Kuper (1985) explains that this nuclear family structure (as understood today) is a product of the post-modern industrial period where a man, woman, and children live together. Initially (pre-industrial period) the nuclear family was extended.
More than three generations of families lived together as a nuclear family unit (Macionis & Plummer, 2012). The understanding of the modern post-industrial nuclear family is, therefore, a product of the transition from a traditional pre-industrial nuclear family to a modern post-industrial nuclear family.
Even though some societies contest the post-industrial structure of the nuclear family, the context of the nuclear family in this study relates to the post-industrial nuclear family structure where a family is consisted of one woman, one man, and their children. According to Murray (1994), the South African law supports this family structure.
From this basis, the South African law does not support polygamy.
Some women gender activists say that polygamy stops some of the advancements made by women in America (such as, the right to compete for political positions, the rights to vote, and the right to inherit property) (Zeitzen, 2008).
For example, some leaders of polygamous unions in the Mormon Church arrange such unions and involve minors, who do not give their full consent to engage in such marriages.
Even though monogamous unions also involve minors, accusations of the involvement of minors in polygamous unions are more widespread because most polygamous unions in America occur as a religious practice and not because of personal consent. Coercion sometimes occurs in such unions.
On the opposite side, there is an existing counterargument, which shows that some women still support polygamy (Milton 2009). The fact that some women are willingly polygamous informs this argument.
The argument that some violence and mistreatment exist within conventional nuclear families also opposes the view by some gender rights supporters that polygamous marriages are unfair to women.
Therefore, proponents of polygamy also argue that conventional nuclear families lead women to much harm, which also exists in polygamous relationships.
For example, Milton (2009) argues that when women in monogamous relationships divorce from their husbands, they often have the “short end of the stick” and therefore, this unfairness promotes gender inequality as well.
The argument here is that monogamous relationships do not necessarily lead to equality, and therefore, people should not perceive polygamous relationships as a gateway to female oppression. Indeed, there are also numerous evidence where polygamous relationships have worked well, and married partners have lived happily together.
Patriarchy in Monogamous and Polygamous Marriages
Concerns over polygamy issues increased when there were many unanswered questions regarding sexual values, family structure and the role played by women in society (the growing concern regarding increased prostitution and increased divorce rates informed these concerns) (Song, 2007).
Therefore, there was a greater push among the American public to preserve the Christian monogamous marriages. From this background, the society realized polygamy to be intolerable.
In brief, when the polygamy debate aroused national interest, there was already a predetermined position held by gender right activists who believed polygamy undermined women.
Through the understanding that polygamy threatened the majority view of polygamy, where one man lives with one woman, anti-polygamy movements kept pushing for the criminalization of polygamy under the theme of sexual deviance, thus persuading many Americans to believe that polygamy would finally disadvantage minority populations (mainly children and women) (Song, 2007).
This argument created a moral fear around the acceptance of polygamy by the American society.
The association of Mormons with easy divorce and female deprivation made this situation worse because many Americans started to see Mormon polygamy as a threat to monogamous marriages.
Indeed, as expressed by Song (2007), the acceptance of polygamy in Christianity challenged the traditional acceptance of monogamy in the same faith. The law of coverture (where the law presented man and woman as one identity, with the woman’s authority covered by the authority of the husband) was undermined in this regard.
To this extent, Zeitzen (2008) sees a close similarity between monogamy and polygamy because both marriage types were patriarchal to women. Indeed, within monogamous marriages, a husband’s authority includes a woman’s legal status.
Comparatively, a husband’s authority (within a polygamous marriage) still controls a woman’s legal status. However, Song (2007) says the belief that monogamous marriages were romantic, to show the woman as the object of focus, saved its image.
Even though a debatable issue, society perceived women in monogamous marriages as having a strong ideology of romantic marital love.
This ideology centered on the belief that monogamous marriages offered an opportunity for women to receive plentiful love from their husbands without having to compete for the same love with another woman (again, women are positioned as objects).
To this extent, women perceived monogamous unions as more romantic than polygamous unions. Moreover, the idea that most women in monogamous marriages engaged in such unions, freely, attracts many Americans to accept monogamous marriages as the ideal form of relationship between men and women.
Furthermore, the metaphor representing monogamous marriages as the union of one flesh (coupled with mutual love) was more acceptable in the society because it provided a more implied version of the patriarchy (where the male is the primary figure of authority) between men and women in monogamous marriages.
Even though there were significant levels of patriarchy between men and women in monogamous relationships, polygamy was an introduction of a different type of patriarchy, where the male authority was more profound (over many women, as opposed to one woman).
Male patriarchy surfaces as a very critical component of the social construction that supported the arguments against polygamy. People understood male patriarchy as a virtue that stems from ancestors who believed that men had the power to oppress, dominate and exploit women (McMahon, 1995).
Somewhat, patriarchy may be perceived as a universal practice because many communities around the world practice it in different levels. However, what comes out from all these forms of variable patriarchy is the significant variation of power and privilege between men and women.
In Saudi Arabia, for example, male patriarchy is among the highest in the world, while some countries, such as, Norway approach gender issues almost on an equal platform (Long, 2005).
A majority of Americans, therefore, perceived polygamy to embody male patriarchy because polygamy did not appear to approach gender roles on an equal basis. Instead, polygamy raised the man as a superior authority to women by having the women compete for male attention, love, resources and other male attributes, which are essential in marital relationships.
This way, polygamy was an oppressive and patriarchal practice.
Consequently, people perceived this type of patriarchy as incomparable to monogamous marriages because even though monogamous marriages may be patriarchal, this type of patriarchy is somewhat acceptable (according to hegemonic Christian views).
Therefore, even as Mormons questioned the jurisdiction of the federal government in defining polygamy within the Mormon Church, the court referred to sexual behavior and marriage structures (witnessed in polygamous relationships) as objections to polygamy.
For example, Chief Justice Waite expressed his concern regarding “pure minded” women engaged in polygamous relationships because he feared the religious practice of polygamy within the Mormon Church made women to be “victims of delusion” (Song, 2007).
Therefore, the court saw polygamy as the embodiment of the patriarchal principle. Indeed, when Mormon polygamy compared to the idea of romantic married love (at least in theory), there was a belief that polygamy in the Mormon Church does not give women the consensual will to engage in such unions. As such, it was not different with slavery.
Interestingly, anti-polygamy movements in the 19th century, and even today, seldom addressed patriarchal issues for women in monogamous marriages and those outside marriages.
Besides male patriarchy, some feminists have also advanced the opinion that the family structure, in itself, is a promotion of male patriarchy. This form of patriarchy stems from the need for men to understand their inheritor by controlling women’s sexuality.
Through this relationship, Estlund (1997) believes that the family structure is a system that transforms women into economic and sexual properties of their male counterparts. In fact, not long ago, the earnings of women in Europe formed part of their husbands’ economic property.
Despite the tremendous progress made by women in accessing education and work opportunities, men continue to use their authority on women. For example, many women still receive lesser pay than men do. The society also tasks women with the responsibility of child-rearing and taking care of the household.
Besides monogamous families being patriarchal, Bennion (2012) believes that the family structure also deprives men of the important experience of enjoying intimacy with their children. Therefore, even though the society perceives polygamous unions to be patriarchal, monogamous unions also exhibit some degree of patriarchy.
Moreover, even though conventional Christian marriage is patriarchal, proponents of polygamy claimed the practice was more patriarchal than the conventional Christian form of marriage (monogamy).
Even though polygamy was not the only patriarchal practice in America, a large proportion of the American society treated it with great intolerance because polygamy was an extreme form of patriarchy that did not reflect the democratic ideals of the society.
Nonetheless, after analyzing the wider social and political contexts that birthed the anti-polygamy movement, I see that even though anti-polygamists felt motivated by the commitment to protect the rights and status of women in the Mormon Church, they felt equally motivated by the commitment to preserve monogamous marriages (Gray, 1976).
This is because the society was intolerant to polygamy because it contradicted conventional Christian perspectives of marriage, which supports monogamy.
Conclusion
This chapter shows that gender norms in the dominant culture influence the legal position of the American government towards polygamy. However, the 19th century society felt less motivated by the will to have more women empowered than their commitment to preserve societal gender norms (and public morals that characterize the dominant culture).
The Christian model of monogamous relationships between men and women, therefore, prevailed as part of the dominant culture. This was a way for the society to prevent the introduction of profound patriarchal practices from polygamy.
Volpp (2001), however, warns against comparing feminism with multiculturalism because this process hides the different factors that shape different cultural practices and the forces that define women’s role in the society (besides culture).
Similarly, cultures, just like gender roles, change. Indeed, culture is a way of life and different societies have changed their ways of life. However, despite the change of cultural practices, women’s subordination exists (albeit at different levels). Therefore, Volpp (2001) believes that cultures are not entirely to blame for women’s subordination.
Lastly, Volpp (2001) says that comparing feminism to multiculturalism ignores the involvement of women in patriarchal systems, and misrepresents the level of domestic violence in the society.
Despite these analytical inconsistencies, different cultures can however, not compare with one another anyway (because there are different advantages and disadvantages to every culture). Therefore, what may be applicable in one cultural context may not compare to others.
Nonetheless, after considering the introduction of women’s right to vote in Mormon strongholds, such as, Utah, and the close attachment that polygamous women shared with their husbands (especially concerning the protection of polygamy as a religious right), there was less opposition (from women in the Mormon Church) regarding polygamy.
To many observers, the minimal opposition by Mormon women towards polygamy was a sign of the degradation of women within this faith. However, not everybody holds this opinion because some women in the Mormon Church felt satisfied with the polygamous marriages.
Comprehensively, this chapter shows that the dominant culture in America informs the majority opinion regarding polygamy because it seeks to preserve public morals and hegemonic Christian views on marriage.
References
Bennion, J. (2012). Polygamy in Primetime: Media, Gender, and Politics in Mormon Fundamentalism. New York: UPNE.
Estlund, D. (1997). Sex, Preference, and Family: Essays on Law and Nature. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gibson, M. (2010). However Satisfied Man Might Be: Sexual Abuse in Fundamentalist Latter Day Saints Communities. The Journal of American Culture,33(4), 280-293.
Gray, D. (1976). Women of the West. Nebraska: U of Nebraska Press.
Kuper, A. (1985). The Social Science Encyclopedia. London: Taylor & Francis.
Long, D. (2005). Culture And Customs Of Saudi Arabia. London: Greenwood Publishing Group.
Macionis, J.J. & Plummer, K. (2012). Sociology: A Global Introduction. Harlow: Pearson.
March, A. (2011). Is There a Right to Polygamy? Marriage, Equality and Subsidizing Families in Liberal Public Justification. Journal of Moral Philosophy, 8(2), 246-272.
McMahon, K. (1995). Misers, Shrews, and Polygamists: Sexuality and Male-Female Relations in Eighteenth-Century Chinese Fiction. Duke: Duke University Press.
Milton, D. (2009). Polygamy and Monogamy. New York: Born Again Publishing Inc.
Murray, C. (1994). Legal Eye: Is Polygamy Wrong. Agenda Feminist Media, 22, 37-41.
Peavy, L. (1996). Pioneer Women: The Lives of Women on the Frontier. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
Song, S. (2007). Justice, Gender, and the Politics of Multiculturalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Van Krieken, R., Habibis, D., Smith, P., Hutchins, B., Martin, G. & Maton, K. (2010). Sociology (4th ed). Pearson, Australia: French’s Forest.
Volpp, L. (2001). Feminism and Multiculturalism. Columbia Law Review, 101(5), 1181-1218.
Zeitzen, M. (2008). Polygamy: A Cross-Cultural Analysis. New York: Berg.
Contemporary Approaches to the Role of Gender in International Disasters and Humanitarian Crises
Only half a century ago the task of prevention and management of natural disasters and humanitarian crises was so overwhelming that the only concern of the parties involved was to save lives and to mitigate negative economic consequences (West & Orr, 2007). Humanitarian actions were neither outlined nor performed with gender issues in mind. However, now it is a commonly recognized fact that international disasters and humanitarian crises have different positive and negative impacts on women and men belonging to different age groups (Enarson, Fothergill, & Peek, 2007).
Contemporary Treatment of Gender Roles: Basic Principles
The central idea of all the contemporary approaches to gender in disaster management and humanitarian activities is gender equality, which implies that the practical needs of men and women must be addressed with equal attention and funding (Eklund & Tellier, 2012). There exist several ways governments, social agencies, armed forces, donors, and all other participants of the disaster management can approach and promote this idea (Seager, 2006):
performing a comprehensive analysis of gender roles in the causes and consequences of disasters;
addressing problems of all gender and age groups;
using chances to transform power relations in such a way that total equality can be achieved, which creates conditions for higher resilience to emergencies;
providing support to female leaders and eliminating biases that question the significance of their role in the society;
preventing and solving the problems connected with violence against girls and women;
designing universal responses to gender issues that would be applied at regional, national, and global levels;
encouraging active participation of all gender and age groups in programming at each stage of its development and implementation;
creating and improving laws and policies concerning human rights in extreme situations with an emphasis on women’s rights for protection against violence.
All these aspects are highly important for defending the population from armed conflicts leading to life losses.
Gender-Related Vulnerability: Justifications for the New Approaches
The necessity to take all the above-mentioned measures arises mainly from the fact that mortality rates in disasters are up to 70% higher among the female part of the population. This is especially true for girls and young women living in communities with economic problems (Aoláin, 2011). It should be noted that this vulnerability starts long before a crisis emerges: women are commonly disadvantaged in their political, economic, and social status. They have limited access to resources including education. It can be aggravated by their age, ethnicity, and financial status, which means that women from marginalized communities have to cope with numerous problems and discriminations not only in case of a disaster but also in their daily routine (Thompson, 2006).
Unequal power and resource distribution between genders bring about the phenomenon of Gender-Based-Violence (GBV). Laws often fail to protect women, who run a higher risk of displacement in case of resistance. Therefore, most cases of GBV involve women and girls (however, young men and boys are also not excluded as a risk group). In emergency situations, women are forced into physical intercourse in order to get money, food, or some basic services (Felten-Biermann, 2006).
Although this inequality presents a lot of dangers and challenges, it still fosters changes in approaches to gender needs in the context of crises. It has already made a lot of governments reconsider traditional gender roles and pay closer attention to the disadvantages experienced by women in times of peace and conflict (Lautze & Raven‐Roberts, 2006).
Moreover, it has been widely recognized that the active participation of women in humanitarian actions as leaders ensures that the female part of the community will have equal access to the available resources and services (Dijkzeul, Hilhorst, & Walker, 2013). However, it is also crucial to engage men in such activities in order to promote the idea of equality and eliminate sexual violence, which increases dramatically at the time of disasters (Felten-Biermann, 2006).
Three Major Approaches
Despite the fact that there exists a great variety of contemporary approaches to the gender-sensitive disaster management and humanitarian response, only three of them are predominant (though almost inseparable in practice). These approaches are (Olivius, 2014):
The basic needs approach. As it is evident from its name, this approach is aimed at achieving primary goals of any humanitarian aid: to save human lives and to relieve sufferings through satisfying people’s basic needs regardless of their gender. It implies that equality must be guaranteed both in quality and quantity terms. This approach is limited as it addresses only immediate needs without any insight into the future.
The instrumentalist approach. The second approach is based on the recognition of gender differences as a factor that accounts for specific emergency perception and management. These differences are used as guidelines for developing humanitarian strategies. The approach is also concerned with the utilization of gender-specific qualities in order to enhance the effectiveness of humanitarian activities. Its main benefit is that it does not promote the image of women as victims. On the contrary, they are perceived as partners and stakeholders, who ensure the sustainability of the program.
The developmental approach. Unlike the previous two, this approach is future-oriented. It understands gender in terms of power relations in the society. Communities that are affected by disasters and suffer from inequality and discrimination are considered to be underdeveloped. Thus, these problems can be solved only through the comprehensive transformation of such societies into modern ones, with democratic laws and value systems. The gender problem goes far beyond rendering first aid in case of an emergency. The context of disaster is perceived as an opportunity to promote social transformations. Thus, the main advantage of this approach is its holistic perception of gender equality, which is believed to influence the economic and political systems of a country as it presupposes the perfect balance of powers.
How to Prepare Yourself to Participate in an International Humanitarian Response
Although it is a very gratifying experience to take part in humanitarian missions, it still presents a number of challenges. It becomes especially evident when you become a part of a team that is assembled within a short period of time and is immediately sent to the area hit by a cataclysm. The members of the team should have basic guidelines that would make it easier for them to prepare themselves for rendering humanitarian aid (Olivia, Claudia, & Yuen, 2009).
Team Organization
In order to ensure the success of a humanitarian campaign, first and foremost, it is necessary to choose the right medical staff. If you prepare yourself for humanitarian aid for the first time, you should enter a good team consisting of health care providers who have already worked with emergency consequences. Experienced specialists will help cope with stressful situations and share their theoretical and practical knowledge. If the team wants to achieve the major goals of the mission, it should be diversified in terms of age, experience, and qualifications to be able to complement each other’s work (Littleton-Kearney & Slepski, 2008).
Preliminary Briefing: Essential Information
Participation in the briefing of the team members is a perfect way to make sure that you are psychologically and physiologically prepared for performing your task. This way you can get the information that is crucial for effective work in post-disaster conditions. It includes:
geographic characteristics of the region, its climatic conditions (temperature/precipitation/atmosphere pressure (Almonte, 2009);
political situation in the country (especially important if there are arm conflicts) (Almonte, 2009);
linguistic peculiarities of the area (local dialects, needs for translators and interpreters, a basic glossary for communication with patients) (Chang, 2007);
diseases common for the region (the necessity for prophylactic treatment and particular vaccinations) (Lal & Spence, 2016);
sanitary characteristics (it is especially important to know if there is a drinking water source nearby) (Lal & Spence, 2016);
criminal records (concerns personal security issues such as crime rates, terrorism, and safety measures that have to be taken) (Hunt, 2008);
cultural background and religion (care providers should be especially interested in cultural aspects that concern people’s attitude to treatment as well as ethical norms: e.g. if it is accepted for a man to examine a woman, if a body can be examined post mortem or it should be buried immediately, etc.) (Chang, 2007);
major objectives of the mission: what needs the population and authorities have and how they can be satisfied (Clark Callister & Harmer Cox, 2006);
information about other members of the delegation (logistics staff, support team, etc.), their tasks and responsibilities (Tomasini & Van Wassenhove, 2009);
problems that can be solved with the help of social support networks (including communication with your family or friends, which can be necessary for alleviating the stress) (Nilsson, Sjöberg, Kallenberg, & Larsson, 2011);
organizational aspects (working, eating, and sleeping hours, food supplies, etc.); information about all the required documents (visa, ID, insurance, etc.) can also be referred to organizational issues (Almonte, 2009);
medical capabilities in care provision (including all types of care); level of health care in the region (it can be drastically different from the one in your country, which sometimes results in the lack of opportunities for providing adequate care) (Chang, 2007);
worksite characteristics (it is important to know whether you are going to work in the open or on the hospital premises);
ways to cooperate with the local health care system in order to reach a compromise (Almonte, 2009);
information about the equipment used in the region (as a specialist, you must make sure that all the tools and technologies that you need for your work are present and take with you everything that is missing) (Almonte, 2009);
description of medical procedures accepted by the local medical system (admission, discharge, consent of the patient before treatment, tests, meetings, etc.) (Chang, 2007);
peculiarities concerning patient records (you should know whether the information should be recorded manually or electronically, in which language, etc.) (Chang, 2007);
guidelines for multitasking (you may be responsible for several tasks simultaneously and should be able to organize your actions properly) (Almonte, 2009).
Besides all the enumerated factors, it is also important to remember that, according to the International Disaster Preparedness Standards, as a participant of humanitarian mission you must possess special qualifications in at least one of the major spheres: health, nutrition, WASH, shelter, food provision (as well as inspection and protection), finance, security, gender issues, psychological issues, etc. (McCann & Cordi, 2011). Thus, briefing is not enough for those who do not have any of these competencies.
Personal Gear
After you receive all the necessary information, you can start selecting and packing your personal gear. Any humanitarian organization provides some items that you may need but it is still up to you to decide what personal objects will make you comfortable. Critical elements must be packed first (McCann & Cordi, 2011).
The list of gear should include (McCann & Cordi, 2011):
shoes (anything suitable for the weather and worksite needs);
sleeping items (tent, sleeping bag, linen, mattress, pillows – essential in case a shelter is not provided immediately);
accumulators and batteries;
cell phones, computers, tablets or any other gadgets that can provide stable communication and a possibility of data registering;
stationary (pens, pencils, paper, notebooks, etc. – in case there is no electricity and the use of gadgets for recording is impossible);
personal medical equipment.
Packing your gear is a mandatory part of the preparation process. In extreme situations, the absence of some of the elements may cost you your life.
Conclusion
The humanitarian and emergency management is a multi-faceted and complexly organized process. A lot of vital aspects of it must be considered before addressing each particular case. The quality of the preparation for the mission (which takes into account both the needs of the population and those of the health care providers participating in humanitarian missions) tells directly on the ultimate success of the operation.
References
Almonte, A. L. (2009). Humanitarian nursing challenges: a grounded theory study. Military medicine, 174(5), 479-485.
Aoláin, F. N. (2011). Women, vulnerability, and humanitarian emergencies. Mich. J. Gender & L., 18, 1-22.
Chang, W. W. (2007). Cultural competence of international humanitarian workers. Adult education quarterly, 57(3), 187-204.
Clark Callister, L., & Harmer Cox, A. (2006). Opening our hearts and minds: The meaning of international clinical nursing electives in the personal and professional lives of nurses. Nursing & Health Sciences, 8(2), 95-102.
Dijkzeul, D., Hilhorst, D., & Walker, P. (2013). Introduction: evidence‐based action in humanitarian crises. Disasters, 37(1), S1-S19.
Eklund, L., & Tellier, S. (2012). Gender and international crisis response: do we have the data, and does it matter? Disasters, 36(4), 589-608.
Enarson, E., Fothergill, A., & Peek, L. (2007). Gender and disaster: Foundations and directions. Handbook of Disaster Research, 130-146.
Felten-Biermann, C. (2006). Gender and natural disaster: sexualized violence and the tsunami. Development, 49(3), 82-86.
Hunt, M. R. (2008). Ethics beyond borders: How health professionals experience ethics in humanitarian assistance and development work. Developing World Bioethics, 8(2), 59-69.
Lal, S., & Spence, D. (2016). Humanitarian nursing in developing countries a phenomenological analysis. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 27(1), 18-24.
Lautze, S., & Raven‐Roberts, A. (2006). Violence and complex humanitarian emergencies: implications for livelihoods models. Disasters, 30(4), 383-401.
Littleton-Kearney, M. T., & Slepski, L. A. (2008). Directions for disaster nursing education in the United States. Critical Care Nursing Clinics of North America, 20(1), 103-109.
McCann, D. G., & Cordi, H. P. (2011). Developing international standards for disaster preparedness and response: How do we get there? World Medical & Health Policy, 3(1), 1-4.
Nilsson, S., Sjöberg, M., Kallenberg, K., & Larsson, G. (2011). Moral stress in international humanitarian aid and rescue operations: A grounded theory study. Ethics & Behavior, 21(1), 49-68.
Olivia, F. W., Claudia, L. K., & Yuen, L. A. (2009). Nurses’ perception of disaster: Implications for disaster nursing curriculum. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 18(22), 3165-3171.
Olivius, E. (2014). Three approaches to gender in humanitarian aid: Findings from a study of humanitarian aid to refugees in Thailand and Bangladesh. Department of Political Science & Umeå Centre for Gender Studies, 1-23.
Seager, J. (2006). Noticing gender (or not) in disasters. Geoforum, 37(1), 2-3.
Thompson, M. (2006). Women, gender, and conflict: Making the connections. Development in Practice, 16(03-04), 342-353.
Tomasini, R. M., & Van Wassenhove, L. N. (2009). From preparedness to partnerships: Case study research on humanitarian logistics. International Transactions in Operational Research, 16(5), 549-559.
West, D. M., & Orr, M. (2007). Race, gender, and communications in natural disasters. Policy Studies Journal, 35(4), 569-586.
There are several debates concerning the issue of gender war. According to some people, gender war exists within all societies in the world. Most scholars have analyzed and presented different opinions on this issue. However, it is critical to note that a great level of disparity still exists.
The book “Huevos y la Mujer Latina” critically examines whether gender war exists within the present society. Various propositions can be drawn from this book. Ideally, the book presents a supportive ideology about the presence of gender war in different societies (Segura 11).
The book indicates the significance of understanding the meaning of gender. Evidently, this term has been used to refer to different meanings within most communities. Therefore, its meaning is embedded in the socio-cultural beliefs and practices within these societies.
Generally, most sources indicate that gender is mainly a sociological construction. From this perspective, it is already evident that gender war exists. The political and sociological elements within every society play a crucial role in this war. This is because these factors create and sustain the war on gender (Segura 20).
Observably, the present societies are marred with issues of equality and equity. These aspects dominate all components of human lives. Notably, in every undertaking, the society is troubled to address the issue of gender.
Distribution of resources and opportunities must occur in consideration of gender parity. However, most people always tend to avoid either of the gender in such situations. This practice has always led to the development of intense gender war.
As eminent in the book “Huevos y la Mujer Latina,” the situations prevalent within a particular community dictates the kind of gender war. This means that not all communities will face the same type of gender war. The book highlights different types of gender conflicts that are prevalent within most societies.
Conflict based on gender roles and delegation of duty is a predominant type of gender war (Segura 57). Generally, there are confusions on certain roles. This emanates because gender and role is not deliberated on in a comprehensive manner.
The book identifies the role of public administration and governments in the development of gender war. Particularly, this is with reference to the ancient societies in which most systems only favored a particular gender.
It is believable that certain jobs and roles have specifically been set aside or left for a given gender (Segura 76). This has always generated many questions. In some scenarios, the system has led to the emergence of gender war. Globalization has contributed to immense development within different societies.
Consequently, technological advancements have also influenced the concept of gender. Nonetheless, there are still numerous instances of gender war. The book argues that gender is entrenched into the societal factors and dynamics. Thus, as the society advances, there is a corresponding complication in the gender system.
The book provides a comprehensive analysis of the different kinds of gender wars. As an important tool, it is applicable within diverse societal contexts (Segura 92). It is appropriate for various personalities involved in gender issues to get access and read this book.
The book unearths some stereotype thinking and perceptions that people have had on gender and war. The book might also elicit critical and opposing views from other scholars. Principally, this may concern the issue of existent of gender war and their various types.
Works Cited
Segura, Camacho J. Huevos Y La Mujer Latina: The De-Masculinization of the Macho. Mountain View, Calif: Floricanto Press, 2007. Print.
In recent decades, many studies aimed at researching gender-related issues have been held. Most of them had led to the formation of gender stereotypes, which were then firmly rooted in society. The purpose of this paper is to discuss a study conducted by Hyde, which dispels these stereotypes, and analyze an episode of South Park to determine whether media form their own idea of gender differences.
Summary
Hyde’s study reveals the idea of the similarity between genders and disproves the theory of differences between men and women. In her article, the researcher compared the psychological characteristics of the two sexes using the statistical method of meta-analysis. Six areas, including cognitive variables and motor behavior, were analyzed, and the result of the comparison was expressed in the effect size (Hyde 581). In the majority of cases, the study showed that the psychological differences between men and women were close to zero or not pronounced. Interestingly, the magnitude of the effect in the communication reflected the predominance of women but to a small extent (Hyde 584). The superiority of men was recorded in terms of interrupting the interlocutor during a conversation.
However, some significant differences were identified as well, and they were associated with motor activity and some aspects of aggression. In particular, throwing velocity in men was much greater than in women, and aggressiveness was also greater in males, but the intensity of its manifestation had reached moderate values. Thus, the results provided an opportunity to support the theory of gender similarity proposed by the researcher.
Media and Gender Differences
The chosen episode of South Park has been analyzed in terms of physical and verbal violence exhibited by the representatives of the two genders to either prove or invalidate Hyde’s theory. The episode called “Butterballs” centers around the idea of bullying in which both males and females participate. The number of manifestations of aggression has been calculated to find evidence whether men tend to show aggressiveness a bit more often, as claimed in Hyde’s research. In total, 20 instances of aggressive behavior have been found (“Butterballs”).
In particular, males were aggressive in 60% of instances (12 out of 20) and bullied other people, and females exhibited aggression in 40% of cases (8 out of 20). On the one hand, these findings prove the gender similarities theory since the research has shown that men show physical and verbal aggression more often than women do. On the other hand, these results are not illustrative enough since, in the episode, the majority of scenes showed dialogs and interactions between males, which does not allow to obtain accurate evidence for both genders.
Nevertheless, it can be assumed that media create their own idea of gender differences. In “Butterballs,” one of the persons being bullied is a girl named Lorraine. She is being bullied for her appearance, and other students call her ugly. One of the main male characters is teased and harassed because he cannot physically protect himself. By choosing these characters as subjects of bullying, the episode supports the stereotype that girls that do not look attractive enough in the eyes of their classmates and weak boys are often bullied (“Butterballs”). This approach reveals the idea that media are the source of a stereotypical approach to gender differences. Any person can be bullied (as well as become a bully), and it does not depend on their gender.
Gender Differences and Age
The article shows that gender differences do not change strongly with age. According to the text, “the fluctuating magnitude of gender differences at different ages argues against the differences model and notions that gender differences are large and stable” (Hyde 588). This allows assuming that differences among people depending on their individual capabilities and viewpoints rather than their gender. As people grow older, some of their features can become more (or less) pronounced, and the intensity of these changes depends on the context in which they live and function.
If they accept the stereotypical representations spread by the media, then they will support the theory of gender differences. Nevertheless, the research suggests that, in fact, genders have much more in common in terms of psychological variables. The episode of South Park reinforces the idea that gender differences do not change strongly with age. In “Butterballs,” both adult males and females bully and show aggression towards other people.
Importantly, it is quite difficult to state whether gender differences change with ethnicity. More research and evidence as applied to male-dominated cultures should be analyzed. As noted by Hyde, social context is particularly important in that matter (588). Gender differences were not pronounced when the participants were subjected to deindividuation. Further research using this strategy is required to find evidence whether gender differences will change for people from different ethnic backgrounds.
Gender, Age, and Ethnicity
Media can both mislead and enlighten men and women on such topics as gender, age, and ethnicity. Media play one of the most significant roles in forming representations of gender. They have the tools to affect social consciousness and promote stereotypical views of the roles of men and women in various aspects of life. People of both genders can learn about culturally dominant ideas from media. That is, they can get insights into the approach in which men are regarded as dominant and women as subordinate and even passive (Hyde 590). At the same time, media can also enlighten people of both genders on the different forms of behavior that can be employed depending on the person’s peculiarities and settings.
Also, men and women can learn quite a lot about age and different age groups from the media. Depending on the goal of media, they can act either as destructive or as positive social constructors (Hyde 581). Children can be regarded as the future of the nation or as active consumers, and the population will perceive them based on the information they receive. Regarding youth, media can form people’s opinion of them as of a social problem or the reverse. Moreover, in the negative scenario, elderly people can be portrayed as a burden. In the positive scenario, senior citizens can be regarded as leaders upon whom the youth can rely.
Further on, people can receive different information about ethnicity from the media. On the one hand, they can spread and encourage gender inequality and prejudices (Hyde 590). If the purpose of media is to portray a particular ethnic group as criminals or abnormal, it will result in discrimination. On the other hand, men and women can learn about diversity, different roles played by men and women, and their importance for the well-being of the global community from the media.
Conclusion
It can be concluded that the article by Hyde has provided certain fundamental insights into the hypothesis of gender similarities. The analysis of aggressive behavior in the episode of South Park has reinforced the conclusions drawn by the researcher. Mass media play an important role in forming social consciousness, and they are the source of prejudices and stereotypes related to gender differences. Nevertheless, more evidence is needed to determine whether gender differences change with ethnicity.
Works Cited
“Butterballs.” South Park, season 16, episode 5, Comedy Partners. 2012. South Park Studios. Web.
Hyde, Janet S. “The Gender Similarities Hypothesis.” American Psychologist, vol. 60, no. 6, 2005, pp. 581-592.
The recent advances in gender equality sparked discussions about whether increased presence of women at high corporate positions has any effect on a firm’s financial success. The article, Does Gender Matter? Female Representation on Corporate Boards and Firm Financial Performance – a Meta-Analysis, by Pletzer, Nikolova, Kedzior, and Voelpel (2015) seeks to address the issue of a company’s financial performance in relation to the female representation in the top management (p. 1).
Researchers evaluate current evidence on the women’s participation in the boards of directors to examine the association between these numbers and the company’s performance using a new methodological approach. In addition, these professionals include their own recommendations based on the data available.
Description of the Research Problem
Even though the tendency toward improving women’s presence in the managerial positions exists, gender parity is still under reach for most corporations and public institutions (Quarterly, 2015). For example, it was found that only one-fifth of board seats at US stock index companies were held by women in 2014 (2014 Catalyst Census: Women Board Directors, 2015). It is well-recognized that increasing gender diversity is necessary for ethical reasons; however, scientific studies that deal with the relation of women’s share of board seats and a company’s financial performance often provide conflicting evidence which creates ambiguity (Pletzer, et al., 2015, p. 1).
Pletzer and his colleagues aim to analyze the available data and use it to resolve this ambiguity. Specifically, the researchers gather and evaluate current evidence on positive and negative effects of female representation on a board of directors, and conduct a literature search to determine whether there is a statistically measurable difference in financial performance between firms with different percentage of women on the boards of directors or not. The meta-analysis has no external funding (Pletzer, et al., 2016, p. 1).
Research Methodology
The article under discussion consists of such elements:
Abstract;
Introduction;
Methods;
Results;
Discussion;
Conclusion;
The abstract is clear and concise; it provides a quick overview of the content of the article. The introduction to the meta-analysis reveals some background information and includes the thesis statement. In the “Methods” section, the researchers specify the study design, data collection, and assessment strategies. In addition, it includes the definition of variables related to the study.
The researchers gather evidence, following such process: they search EBSCO database for English-language academic studies with a quantitative design which contain relevant search terms (such as “gender diversity” or “woman diversity”) and were published between 1986 and March 2014 (Pletzer, et al., 2016, p. 5).
In addition, Pletzer and his team perform a hand-search in the “Works Cited” section and a separate search on Google Scholar. Only studies that appear in peer-reviewed academic journals include the correlation coefficient or have the necessary variables are used in this research (Pletzer, et al., 2016). The study design is not entirely appropriate due to the lack of manual evaluation of the evidence in accordance with standardized scales. The results of a meta-analysis of a total of 20 studies are as follows.
Data and Research Conclusions
The female participation across 3097 companies is limited (14% on average). No statistically significant evidence is found in support of a connection between female participation in the board of directors and the company’s financial performance. The findings correlate between developing and developed countries, which means that the income of a country has little or no effect on the effect sizes. “The relationship between female representation and firm performance remained independent of how firm financial performance was measured” (Pletzer, et al., 2016, p. 14).
Contributions to the Literature
The contribution of this research is that its authors deemphasize the fact that the relationship between female representation and financial condition of the organization is likely to depend on a variety of factors (Kochan, et al., 2003; Ali, Kulik, & Metz, 2009). The professionals make use of a linear model that can be advantageous for other studies as well, because it is applicable even in more specific cases, such as the reaction of the stock market towards the appointment of women in the top management (Sudeck & Iatridis, 2014, p. 73).
Although Pletzer and his team partially succeed at reaching their objective, their conclusions are of limited value due to the complexity of the issue under examination and several limitations of their methodology.
Critique of the Article
The strength of this meta-analysis is the approach toward data collection. The search query terms defined by the researchers, the inclusion of peer-reviewed studies from two reputable databases means that most of the evidence is scientifically valid. The inclusion of hand-searched articles, in addition to automated search, also improves the quality of data and the sample size. There are, however, several limitations to this meta-analysis. The first limitation is the small sample size: the resulting pool of data contains information from 20 studies.
This fact makes the statistical power of the data low. In addition, the researchers do not evaluate the quality of studies according to standardized scales. Instead, it is assumed that the quality of the studies will be consistent due to the fact that they are peer-reviewed and published in academic journals. In reality, the quality of data is lower than expected (Pletzer, et al., 2016, p. 15). The biggest limitation lies in the linear model, which implies a direct correlation between the board of directors’ gender diversity and the company’s financial performance.
Ali, M., Kulik, C., & Metz, I. (2009). The Impact of Gender Diversity on Performance in Services and Manufacturing Organizations.
Kochan, T., Bezrukova, K., Ely, R., Jackson, S., Joshi, A., Jehn, K.,… Thomas, D. (2003). The Effects of Diversity on Business Performance: Report of the Diversity Research Network. Human Resource Management, 42, 3-21.
Pletzer, J. L., Nikolova, R., Kedzior, K. K., & Voelpel, S. C. (2015). Does Gender Matter? Female Representation on Corporate Boards and Firm Financial Performance – A Meta-Analysis. PLoS ONE, 10(6), e0130005. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0130005
Currently, institutions of higher learning around the world have already been populated by both genders. A few decades ago, gender imbalance was commonplace in institutions of higher learning around the world. The Western world was the pioneer of championing for gender balance in institutions of higher learning.
Today, the achievement of gender balance in higher learning is still in progress. Equal representation of both men and women is yet to be achieved in institutions of higher learning. Institutions of higher learning play a vital role in developing professionals and other pillar personalities in the society. The people who dominate politics, the economy, and other key professions in the society are usually products of higher education. This means that gender balance in institutions of higher learning will inevitably spread to other areas of the society.
Governments in the West have spearheaded several campaigns with the aim of achieving gender balance in institutions of higher learning. Some of these campaigns have been effective while others have not achieved much. It is widely recognized that gender imbalances in institutions of higher learning tend to translate into other forms of discrimination. All stakeholders in branches of higher learning should be aware of the need to foster equality in their institutions.
Gender imbalance in institutions of higher learning affects both genders. This imbalance mostly touches on learners’ choice of subject and adherence to gender stereotypes. Commonly, women are on the receiving end of gender imbalance. This paper will explore the issue of gender imbalance in higher education using European data.
Overview of the gender issues
Gender as addressed in this case refers to the existing social concepts regarding males and females. These concepts inform a society’s behavioral expectations in males and females. This means gender perceptions sometimes dictate how a people in a certain society act or behave. Over time, these ideologies can transform into ideologies that are reflected into everyday life.
Gender based ideologies feature in households, marketplaces, community settings, and states or countries. Higher education and its accompanying institutions are also influenced by gender-based ideologies. This is in spite of the fact higher education is thought to be free of weak ideologies.
Institutions of higher learning in most European countries have almost an equal number of students from each gender. However, the situation in institutions of higher learning is not replicated in the rest of the society. The representation of women in the other important spheres of the society is lacking. Men have dominated the world of politics, the business world, and other leadership positions. Ironically, the top leadership in most institutions of higher learning is dominated by men.
The connection between subject choice and gender also features in higher learning. For instance, very few women graduate with degrees in science, mathematics, and technology. On the other hand, women form over 75% of graduates in health, welfare, and education degrees (Ledwith and Manfredi 19).
When the level of learning goes one notch higher to the doctorate level, participation of the female gender decreases. According to statistics, this decrease amounts to about thirty percent in most European countries. Decreased female participation in the doctorate level explains why top leadership in the society features less women.
Gender imbalance affects almost all aspects of higher education. The effects of this imbalance plague higher learning in different forms. The higher learning environment is also subject to different forms of stereotypes.
These stereotypes create “a picture of a typical student in each subject, a typical doctoral student, a typical professor, and a typical governor of an institution” (Sen 30). Pursuers of higher education might feel obliged to act in a manner that fits into some of these stereotypes. All the above pointers paint a picture of the prevailing gender issues that affect higher education in Europe.
Higher education
Access to higher education marks the beginning of the relationship between gender and higher education. Both genders rarely have any problems when seeking entrance into institutions of higher learning. Most countries in Europe admit more females than males into their institutions of higher learning (Schomburg and Teichler 98). However, the process of admission to institutions of higher learning usually begins in the secondary school level where most students pick their areas of study.
This means that gender stereotypes that are characteristic of the high school level are likely to affect what most students in the institutions of higher learning choose to study. For instance, students can pick up undertones of gender stereotypes from their high school teachers. This brings the issue of teacher training into the equation. Teachers in high schools and other tertiary learning institutions should not perpetuate gender-based stereotypes that might affect students’ choice of study in institutions of higher learning.
Students also gain admission into institutions of higher learning based on their families’ advice. Some students can be advised to choose certain professions by their family. Sometimes these advices are based on gender stereotypes that may be carried on to institutions of higher learning (Kaufmann 100).
Another issue that can influence gender balance is the activities that transpire within an institution of higher learning. Interaction between genders can have an effect on gender balance in higher education.
All students should expect the same treatment from their lecturers, professors, and other administrators. There are instances where students from either gender expect leniency. Scenarios like these usually lead to gender based discrimination or sexual harassment. It is up to administrators of institutions of higher learning to ensure equal treatment of all students.
In addition, performance appraisals need to be conducted in an open and well-defined manner. Standardization of these platforms plays a big role in ensuring incidences of gender bias are eliminated. Institutions of higher learning should also improve the students’ experience in these institutions by providing feasible role models. Not all instructors in institutions of higher learning should be ‘just instructors’. The institutions’ administrations should invest in a few professionals whom the students can emulate.
In Europe, approximately 8% of students in higher institutions are parents (Pascall and Lewis 353). Being both a parent and a student can be a challenge for most people. Nevertheless, the challenge is usually bigger for female students. It is within reason for institutions to provide these student-parents with a more flexible schedule. An arrangement such as this one would go a long way in fostering gender balance in institutions of higher learning.
The issue of gender-based pay gap affects almost all countries in Europe (Schomburg and Teichler 108). Whenever students are undertaking higher learning, employment concerns are usually close to their hearts. Many female students have to work harder or earn less than their male counterparts. Higher learning institutions should dispel these notions by ensuring their employment policies are free of gender discrimination.
For instance, the institutions should strive to ensure they employ an equal number of male and female workers. In addition, pay levels should be standardized for both male and female employees. Research shows a decrease in the number of women seeking a masters’ level of education (Pascall and Lewis 361). Although no research has proven it yet, this decrease might be related to the disparities in salaries. When men earn more, they can afford to pay for the high tuition in masters’ programs.
Research and gender
Gender issues mostly feature on social science research. However, sciences and mathematics ignore the gender aspect in their research. For instance, all the famous scientists are women. If there was research that concentrated on the achievements of female scientists, it would be easier to catch the attention of female students. Integrating the gender issue into all research subjects could be beneficial to both genders.
Gender and administration
Gender imbalance in higher learning is a continuation of the imbalance in institutions of higher learning and countries at large. The administration of various countries and institutions of higher learning is dominated by the male gender (Jacobs 180). Although there are various legislations that have been instituted to deal with this issue, more stakeholders need to be involved in the matter. The current situation indicates that efforts to streamline gender balance in higher education are a joint effort between various institutions.
Conclusion
Unless all areas that present gender disparities in institutions of higher learning are addressed, gender balance will not be achieved in these institutions. In addition, achieving this gender balance requires constant data collection and analysis. There is need to streamline gender issues in the adjacent stages of higher education namely high school and employment. Other administrations such as political and educational administrations also need to address the issues of gender imbalance in their institutions.
Works Cited
Jacobs, Jerry. “Gender Inequality and Higher Education.” Annual Review of Sociology 4.1 (2006): 153-185. Print.
Kaufmann, Franz-Xaver. Family Life and Family Policies in Europe, New York: NY, Oxford University Press, 2002. Print.
Ledwith, Sue, and Simonetta Manfredi. “Balancing Gender in Higher Education A Study of the Experience of Senior Women in a New UK University.” European Journal of Women’s Studies 7.1 (2005): 7-33. Print.
Pascall, Gillian, and Jane Lewis. “Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe.” Journal of Social Policy 33.3 (2004): 373-394. Print.
Schomburg, Harald, and Ulrich Teichler. Higher Education and Graduate Employment in Europe: Results of Graduate Surveys from Twelve Countries, New York: NY, Springer, 2006. Print.
Sen, Amartya. “The Many Faces of Gender Inequality.” New republic 5.2 (2001): 35-39. Print.