Feminist Accountability Approach

Introduction

Social institutions play a crucial role in enriching individuals and promoting social justice. Building communities that struggle against social injustices need effort from every member of society. Strong communities reject racism, gender-based violence, and gender discrimination that treat males and females unequally. The feminists accountability approach puts women at the frontline of fighting against social injustice. The proponents of the approach believe that historically women have been subjected to unequal treatment to their male counterparts. Intersectionality and universality of womens struggles promote a united approach to social injustices. Cultivating accountability among communities is important in addressing harm and strengthening social interactions.

Feminist Accountability Approach

Various socio-political movements and ideologies have been adopted in defining and describing social growth. Feminism is one of the socio-political movements that define economic, social, political, and personal equality of the sexes (Russo, 2019). The approach is based on an ideology that the community should not regard males as stronger than females. Accountability involves recognition and redress of harms that a community has caused to itself and others (). Consequently, accountability is an active experience since it requires individuals to act on something rather than waiting for it to be done to them. Systemic oppression negatively impacts individual psyches, ideas, and relationships. Therefore, the feminist accountability approach involves the collective responsibility to fight social injustices regardless of gender and race.

Intersectional Approach

Social and political identities are often combined to create different modes of discrimination and privileges. Intersectionality is a concept that takes into account individuals overlapping identities and experiences to understand the complexities of the problems they face. Womens prejudice is multifaced since it can be racial, gender-based, or sexual, among others. The feminist approach to accountability requires society to take into account all social and political factors that enhance social injustices such as sexual discrimination (Russo, 2019). Taking into account the social factors that enhance systemic oppression promotes active struggle against oppression.

Moreover, the approach propounds that understanding intersectionality helps in developing unique and relevant approaches to social prejudices. Furthermore, the approach requires society to rather than inflicting shame and punishment, take responsibility for its contribution to systemic oppression. Consequently, collective responsibility toward social justice is enhanced, including marginalized communities and groups (Russo, 2019). Integrating intersectionality into accountability is important since it promotes active participation and includes marginalized people in society.

Global Approach

Although communities have a divergent cultural background, social injustice is consistent and universal. Discrimination against gender takes similar approaches in various parts of the world. For instance, limited access to education among females and the promotion of a patriarchal system is a global problem (Russo, 2019). Consequently, the systems that address accountability must take into account the globalization of systemic oppression (Russo, 2019). Understanding social injustice from the global perspective provides diverse approaches to fighting against injustices (Russo, 2019). Additionally, the global approach leads to the universalization of human rights, indicating that no sex is better than the other. Therefore, integrating the global approach to social injustice promotes the aspect of universality and unity in promoting individual rights.

Conclusion

Social injustice is prevalent among global communities and promotes retrogressive growth. The feminist accountability approach requires every member of society to take part in the fight against social injustices. The approach puts intersectionality and globalization at its center, encouraging collective responsibility. While intersectionality allows the inclusion of marginalized groups, globalization promotes a united response to systemic oppression. Therefore, addressing social harm and promoting social interactions requires the involvement of every person in society.

Reference

Russo, A. (2019). Building Communities. In (pp. 1940). NYU Press. Web.

Feminism  Women and Work in the Middle East

Introduction

Feminism

Feminism is the phenomenon that includes the combinability of political and social movements, notions, and processes which deal with inequalities of gender rights, equal womens rights. The history of feminism consists of different movements and theories for the rights of women.

The first wave of this phenomenon began in the 19th century and saw the end only in the early 20th century. This period was based on the development of equal womens rights for their ownership. They also strived for political power, for the right to vote and influence political decisions. This first wave of feminism history covered a great range of women belonging to different groups such as Conservative Christian and Radical groups. Women were provided with the political right to vote at the end of this period.

The second wave lasted up to 1980 and was based on fighting social and cultural rights for women. This phase allowed women to understand the sense of life and their possible rights to act and be involved in the social life of people. The second wave merely deals with the end of discrimination.

The third wave of feminism started in the early 1990s and covered all the aspects of the first and second waves of feminism history. But this wave tries to mild the notion of femininity which is too concentrated on the experience of the white women belonging to the upper-middle-class. The representatives of this period follow the ideology that the notions of gender and sexuality are the central ones; they focused on micro-politics. This phase comprises debates between the representatives of different feminism classes: the problem was that some feminists saw the significant differences between the sexes and some of them never considered these differences to be so important. The third wave covers the present time as well. (Humm, 1995, p.251).

Main body

Feminist theory is the embodiment of feminist aspects in the theoretical courses and philosophical fields. This theory helps to understand the ideology of feminism; it centers on gender inequality, sexuality, and gender politics. Feminists discovered the problems of discrimination, stereotyping, and patriarchy. According to the famous feminist and writer Elaine Showalter, the theory includes the following phases:

  • Feminist critique (in order to see the ideology of feminism theory);
  • Gynocriticism (discovers problems of female creativity);
  • Gender theory (the exploration of the sex system and the influence of literary effects on it). (Messer-Davidow, 2002).

Feminism has brought radical changes in society all over the world.

These new rules of the social life included broad employment of women, their full right to divorce by their own will, and to make individual decisions, women had the complete right to their own property. (Harding, 2003) According to the investigations of the research center, the combinability of work done by a woman far outweighs the amount of a mans work. Every woman does household work together with paid employment and thus performs 20% more tasks than a man. This question was the central one during the meeting of the representatives of the Human Rights Research Center; they began their discussion with such words as the population of women is about 51%, they perform 66% of all the work, get only about 10% of the total income and have less than 1% of the whole property. (Bebel, 2004).

The fundamental tasks of the women in the Middle East and Gulf countries completely differed from the views of feminists from the whole world. According to some Islamic sources, the main issue for the female representatives was to study the peculiarities of the religion. The conversion of the countries brought improvements for the women: they got inheritance rights, polygamy was reduced to four wives and they were able to select a community leader. Though new inheritance rights did not make women equal with men, they made a contribution to the development of mysticism. A special place is given to the adoption of Islamic clothing or the veil. This so-called dress of the women from the Middle East is a kind of protest against western intrusion. It highlights the differences between males and females; it is a sign of class discrimination among its wearers. The women of these countries reject the fact the male public notion may be only a patriarchal construct and do not perceive fundamental inequality. The usage of veils in everyday practice by women was a protest against male politics, but with the development of history, the imposition of the veil made an independent womens movement for their rights on the social and political levels. Women had taken part in the revolution as a part of an independent group rather than as a separate coalition. (Trends in History, 1985).

Their feminism was not only aimed at the creation of independent organizations; the main slogan of their movements was: women are fewer in number though better in education. There were two groups of women in those countries:

  • those women who followed governmental politics; they were called traditionalists;
  • Reformists  women who followed strict rules of the regime.

Some critics put strict contradictions between Islam and Feminism because according to their grounds these notions are incompatible. In the Middle the female population should submit to the male power while they submit to God and to their religion.

East

Islamic and Egyptian feminism is a global phenomenon that always has some space for religion. Egyptian feminist discourse was developed on the basis of an Islamic one. The fundamental argument of feminism is the principle of equality of all human beings described in the Quran but the patriarchal ideology subverted the situation. The main methodologies of Islamic feminism are the independent religion investigations and the interpretation of the Quran, which devoted a lot of verses to gender equality. (Margot, 2002).

Islamic feminism

A great contribution to the development of feminist discourse was made by Huda Shaarawi, an Egyptian feminist and nationalist. Her works influenced the women of all Arabic countries. She founded Egyptian Feminist Union and promoted her speeches throughout the world. (Ashby, 1995) Shaarawi created the Intellectual Association of the Egyptian Feminist Union; her views focused on the suffrage of women and changes in the Personal Status Law. All her memories of the feminism in Egypt she described in her work Harem Years. (Hatem, 1989).

The womens self-esteem and independence were ruined by centuries of living in social, cultural, political, and gender inequality. Staying at home and bringing up children are considered to be the only tasks that can be perfectly done by women but they never were interpreted as a wok. It is difficult to understand the value of education and the inner development of every woman as a personality in these countries; why they studied and got professions? &or it was just wasting of time, money, and energy?. (Susan, 2003) The notion of feminism never influenced real womens lives in the Middle East. One can notice the difference in understanding the notion of independence by our female population and that of gulf countries. For those women, this notion is rather contradictory: either to be independent of a man and a family or to be a wife and a mother&. Officially women are liberated in active public life, but they are always compared with men; the subordinate position of women is seldom pronounced though it is vitally expressed. (Ahmed, 1992).

Muslim feminist writers such as Mernissi and Ahmed reflected the situation in their works describing the attitude of God to women. According to Mernissi God was not kind to women and described a patriarchal compromise against the female population. In Ahmeds view, the gender relations were not rough as patriarchy was rather indulgent towards women. (Mernissi, 1991).

Conclusion

The research carried out proves the fact that feminism in the Middle East and Gulf countries differs a lot from the American one where social and gender discrimination was destroyed by strong-willed and independent women who gained their rights and equal position in life. Feminism in the Middle East countries did not leave a print on a happy future of the women; they still have to fight for their rights and independence in making choices, selecting place of job, and influencing the political life of the country on the same level with male population to gain equality in the society.

References

Ahmed, L., 1992, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate, New Haven & London: Yale University Press.

Ashby, Ruth, & Deborah, Gore, 1995, History: Women Who Changed the World, Viking Press, pp. 184-186.

Bebel, August, 2004, Woman under Socialism, University Press of the Pacific.

Bracha, Ettinger, 2006 The Matrixial Borderspace, Essays from 1994-1999, University of Minnesota Press.

Farrow, Lynne, 2003, Quiet Rumours: An Anarcha-feminist Reader, AK Press.

Harding, Sandra, 2003, The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies, Routledge.

Hatem, Mervat. 1989, Egyptian Upper- and Middle-Class Womens Early Nationalist Discourses on National Liberation and Peace in Palestine (1922-1944).

Humm, Maggie, 1995, The Dictionary of Feminist Theory, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, p. 251.

Kember, Sarah, 2001. Resisting the New Evolutionism, Women: A Cultural Review, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 1-8.

Margot, Badran, 2002, Al-Ahram Weekly Online, Issue No.569

Mernissi, F., 1991, The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Womens Rights in Islam, (M. Lakeland, Trans.) New York: Basic Books.

Messer-Davidow, Ellen, 2002, Disciplining feminism: from social activism to academic discourse, Duke University Press.

Susan, Darraj, 2003, We All Want the Same Things Basically, Feminism in Arab Womens Literature Women and Language, Vol. 26.

Information reproduced from TRENDS IN HISTORY, 1985, 4 (1), pp. 49-71.

Harriet Martineau, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Marianne Weber: Feminist Sociologists

Introduction

The concept of feminism appeared in European countries in the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Now the concept of gender equity in the social, political and economic realm of life is spread around the world. Many writings and social researches related to feminism and criticisms on gender inequality were bringing forth the eminent women writers of these eras. It is clear that the socio-demographic files, economical and political situation of their era strongly influenced these writings. This essay looks into the lives of three prominent sociologists namely Harriet Martineau, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Marianne Weber and contributing factors for their writings.

Main Body

Harriet Martineau was born on June 12, 1802 in Norwich in a well established England family. She suffered from hearing disabilities and she lost the abilities of tastes or smell at the early childhood. But she was well acquitted with different theories on womens rights at the early period of her life itself. Later, it helped her to become a creative writer about the common peoples issues ranging from womens equal rights, abolition of slavery prevailed in England society in 18th and 19th century. She wrote the subjects related to education, economics and politics and travel. Harriet Martineau is considered a foremother to sociology and the feminist movement.

The second writer, Charlotte Perkins Gilman was born on July 3, 1860 in Hartford, Connecticut. From her childhood she was influenced by few women supporters, who were advocates, for the equal rights of women in the society. In 1884, at the age of 24 she got married but soon after the birth of her first child she suffered from a nervous breakdown. Due to her ailment she got divorced and moved to California. It led her to become financially unstable and she turned to writing as a source of income. Gilman wrote poetry, and short stories and she is also well known for her lectures on women topics. She strongly believed that the economical empowerment of women will only lead to the social and political empowerment of women in Europe. In her writings she pointed out the need of gender equality in family as well as work place. Third feminist writer, Marianne Weber was born in 1870, in Oerlinghausen, Germany in the prestigious Weber family. She went through several hardships during her childhood. She lost her mother an year after giving birth a second time. She grew up without a mother and her father was a rare visitor to her family. She also experienced poverty in her childhood. But at the time of her childhood years Germany was one of the most powerful economies in the world. This economical and political prosperity of Germany played a significant role in the formation and molding up of a strong self-determined personality of her own. Later during the First World War she acted as a peace maker and had a great presence in the sphere of political and social activities in Germany. During her visits to America she was attracted to other feminist ideologists and she created her own intellectual salon where feminists were able to exchange their ideas. Through her writings she always advocated for the equal rights of women with men and remarked the importance of financial self-sufficiency among women in the society. Harriet Martineau, Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Marianne Weber clearly attributed the social economical and political situation in Europe of 18th and 19th Century with longstanding interests in the constructions of their works. Despite the growth of industry, urban centers and immigration, women were considered as the second class citizens in the society. But through their writings they challenged the customary approach to male dominated society and gender inequalities among the European society. They highlighted the necessity of moving beyond the familiar mode of social norms and values and justify the relevance of the gender mainstreaming among the public. Hence, the above mentioned three authors works act as a milestone for the development and mainstreaming the gender equality in the society.

The provocative ideas, public stances and/or political activities show off their sociological imaginations and provide early models for what we now call feminist sociology and public sociology?

Sociology is now firmly entrenched in academies. But a century ago vibrant and women-centered public sociology coexisted with academic sociology. It helped to form an alternative vision for sociology and sociologists and it has a greater implication in the 21st century. Harriet Maetineau herself a model of womens accomplishment for later feminists, was often a genuine promoter of other women. She wrote that the inequalities of women in the society correlated with local situation of her society. During her travels to United States for two years she wrote several books. She is the first Englishwoman to make a full analysis of the situation of American women in her book Society in America. She and her book received far more attention, both positive and negative criticism from the public. Through her writings she always made strong argument for equal pay for equal work. In her writings on womens work Martineau repeatedly expressed a concern for health as well as pay. She wrote in several pieces concerns about the quality of life and well being of servant women because of the crushing demands of their employers. Martineau was also very outspoken for the equal education of women. Moreover, her writings and remarks give an indication of the emergence of feminism in nineteenth-century England and America. It also served as a theoretical foundation for the feminist sociologist in the contemporary era in the field of sociology. Thus, Maetineau was known for her feminist views and also remembered for her empathetically approach to the social work profession in the 19th Century.

Charlotte Perkins Gilman was a prominent social activist and a leading intellectual of the American womens movement in the beginning of 20th century. Her brilliant and ingenious writings explored courageous women through social reforms, and acted as a role model in overcoming personal hardships. From her childhood she suffered lot of agony from males which helped her to build a strong personality with effective participation in the public sphere of the society in later stages of her life. She illustrated her personal life and argued for personal freedom for women through her famous short story called The Yellow Wallpaper, in which she draws a picture of a young womans mental breakdown based on her own experience. She gives a description about the environment in the story that she finds very offensive. The wallpaper is symbolic of the boundaries that women are expected to obey. She observed the role of women in society and put forth her social theories in Women and Economics. In this work she argues that culture and not heredity has forced women to be dependent on men. She wrote on topics including sexual equality, socialism, and utopian societies. In sum, Charlotte Perkins Gilman through her works tried to propagate the idea of women self-sufficiency, self-esteem, economical independence and social reform among the women in the male dominated society. Gilman participated in several important intellectual movements like cultural feminism, reform Darwinism, Fabian socialism etc. Through her remarkable writings, as well as correlation of her struggles in her personal life to the writings, Charlotte Perkins Gilman was truly a woman of great significance and pioneer in the feminist movement.

Marianne Weber was one of the most profoundly influential thinkers of the twentieth century. She was greatly influenced by the economic and political situation of Germany. Weber was a dual personality with involvement in both academic work and political sphere of Germany. She has a very intellectual relationship with the feminist group of her era. She became the first female Member of Parliament for Baden, in 1920, and the president of the Federation of German Womens Organizations. Through her work she criticized the dominant order of the existing society. She mainly made her sociological theory on the basis of three core concepts such as the need for female autonomy, the significance of womens work in the production of culture, and the situated and unique standpoint of women. In Marianne Webers work on marriage, she pointed out that only men could achieve greater autonomy and self-fulfillment through conventional marriage. She always advocated for the economical independence of women which leads to empowered and self esteemed women in the society. She also called for gender equality through women leaving the household and the concept of wage earners. As she converted theory into practical life by establishing salon which provides public sphere for feminist to share their ideas and for the formation of a better equipped society for the empowerment of women folk.

Conclusion

In todays world women are not being given equal priorities with men in all aspects such as distribution of economical and social resources. In developing countries women are more exposed to poverty and its aftermath. But in western societies, women have become commodities who are treated as objects to sell goods and services. The post-modern feminism believes in scientific knowledge rather than early fictions. Now we need a collaborative and network effort of both men and women to provide equal rights and respects for women. The post-modern techniques of mass media like internet, electronic media and civil society can coordinate these efforts in association with our post-modern feminist movements. Along with government efforts, civil society and non-governmental organizations have their own specific role to improve the situation of women folk around the world. In short, the feminist movement and social theories of three eminent writers have great relevance in this era.

Works Cited

Charlotte, Perkins Gilman. Free Essays. 2003. 2009. Web.

Gracia, Jodi Di. Charlotte Perkins Gilman 1860-1935. 1998. 2009. Web.

Kotalik, Tiffany., Byrd, Laura., and Oetjen, Shawn. Women Sociologists. 2009. Web.

The Feminist Gendering Into International Relations

Feminist reading to IR started to enter World Politics academia late in time in the late 1980s. Examining this perspective within IR helps explore fresh ideas about the discipline, notably the argument advanced by many feminists that World Politics is gendered and have been monopolized for a while by men and the male perspective.

A Historic Overview on Feminist Contribution to IR

Feminists started to appear in IR-related Conferences and issue their writings in the late 1980s, early 1990s (Wibben 2004, p.98). This is illustrated in such classic books as Jean Bethke Elshtains Women and War (1987), Cynthia Enloes Bananas, and Beaches and Bases (1989) (Wibben 2004, p.98). These are early female contributions to IR academic and the

In terms of conferences, the theme of gender and politics was being explored in conferences. This is perhaps helped shed light onto feminist thought because conferences, by virtue of their interactive character, help disseminate thought. Accordingly, female perspective into IR was introduced to the academic platform through such conferences as the 1988 Millennium special issue: Journal of International Studies conference at the London School of Economics, the 1989 conference at the University of Southern California, and the 1990 conference at Wellesley (Wibben 2004, p.98-99).

These are briefly the debuts of a minor stream in IR, the feminist, within a male-dominant stream. The Millennium special issue, afore-mentioned, in particular has marked a turning point. The significance of it lies in that feminist writings having become recognize as literature (Steans 2006). A school of thought has been initiated, allowing the discipline of IR that had been monopolized by mens writing to have some space. Taking advantage of this space, feminist IR scholars have tried to demonstrate that IR can be approached from a gender perspective.

The Gendering of IR: Examination of the Feminist Perspective

IR is a multi-dimensional discipline. It touches upon various sub-issues: international politics, international economics, international institutions and so on and so forth (Steans, 2006, p.03). Correspondently, there are many issues that feminist IR scholars have studied. Perhaps the most important ones are the ones related to international which, stereotypically, represents the subject of predilection for male scholars.

First of all, although the label feminism is attributed to female IR writings, one must say that there is nothing such as a homogeneous corpus of feminist writings. One may find, for instance, a stream that starts out from the premise that there should be equality between males and females (liberal feminists) while there is another that stresses the difference between genders (Steans, 2006, p.12). However, all schools brought fresh perspectives to IR by adding a dimension not present before- gender.

Female scholarship brought about new formalization of the nature of IR. Whereas the Westphalian reading into IR has prevailed academe for decades, female perspective drew the attention to matters beyond boundaries between states to that of matters related to the individual and the citizen. Hence, their contribution has allowed opening a space for interrogations of our knowledge claims, we begin to ask questions relating to who we are as subjects and how we relate to others in our societies and to those outside (Jabri and OGorman, 1999, p.1).

Moreover, issues related to global inequality and distributive justice, human rights, cultural diversity, and democratic practice became the focus with feminist IR. This has misplaced, somehow, the state-centric readings that have come to characterize international politics writings. In discussing such issues, they tried to critically analyze them, in order to show how they affect and transform international relations Jabri and OGorman, 1999, p.1). So have a new focus with feminist writings, new areas explored or rather explored more deeply than by their masculine counterpart.

Their contribution has included a revision of notions that are well widely accepted within international politics, namely sovereignty and security. Feminists find that the concept f sovereignty, having been established by men, is highly masculine. In this respect, they criticize the fact what John Hauffman insightful capture as a male definition of sovereignty: states [as] the expression of patriarchal power [and correspondently] state sovereignty is gendered by its assertion that leadership is monolithic, hierarchical, and violent (Youngs, 2004, 83). The violent component in particular has been questioned. Violence is not intrinsic to statehood or relations among states. On the contrary, international relations should allow for exploring themes that are transnational such as human rights.

Furthermore, they are interested in the effect of war and the like issues on individuals. They investigate the effects of war at a micro-level. Wars in IR have long been studied as a security issue, overshadowing that war implies the pitting of peoples against each other not only states. It is not only states as the abstract level or states as leadership that are concerned with war. Rather, it is children and women who suffer from war. There is a move from supra-structure to infra-structure of a state.

Conclusion

The feminist gendering into IR has been beneficial because it has brought a fresh perspective. On the one hand we have a dislocation of the concept that IR and International Politics, in general, are the domains of male. Once this dominance has been broken, women explored the field differently. This is illustrated for instance in the way sovereignty is redefined as not necessarily a concept that conjures violence. Moreover, state, security, and war are all notions that have been looked from a new perspective. There is more focus on individuals rather than leadership with feminist IR.

Bibliography

Wibben, Annick T.R, 2004, Feminist International Relations: Old Debates and New Directions, The Brown Journal Of World Affairs, 2004 , Volume X, Issue 2, pp.97-114.

Steans, Jill, 2006, Gender and international relations: issues, debates and future directions, Jabri, Vivienn, OGorman, Eleanor, 1999, Locating Differences in Feminist International Relations In Women, Culture, and International Relations (online), Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.

Feminist International Relations: a contradiction in terms? Or: why women and gender are essential Youngs, Gillian, 2004, Feminist International Relations: a contradiction in terms, International Affairs, 80, pp 75-87.

The Feminist Theory, Prostitution, and Universal Access to Justice

Abstract

Prostitution is regarded as a crime in many countries around the world. It is especially considered to be a repulsive and deviant social act in many developing nations. However, civilization has led to the acceptance and legalization of this practice in a number of western nations. Different scholars have addressed the issue of prostitution from varying perspectives. A number of theories have been applied to achieve this objective. One of them is the feminist theory. In this paper, the author analyses the feminist model with respect to criminology and prostitution. In the essay, it is concluded that the theory is a key component of the reforms needed in the criminal justice system with respect to prostitution. In this regard, the issues discussed point to the fact that the theoretical framework has more benefits than limitations. The underlying principle in relation to the application of the model is to enhance universal access to justice.

Introduction

Prostitution is regarded as a criminal activity in various jurisdictions around the world. It is believed to be one of the most ancient trades in human society. However, in spite of its long history, it is considered to be against the social framework and cultural values of many communities. As a result, a number of laws have been put in place to regulate or ban the practice.

In this essay, the subject of prostitution is discussed in the context of the feminist theory of criminology. To this end, the various issues relating to the theory are outlined in the paper. According to Britton (2000), the feminist model is essential in understanding the criminal nature of women offenders in the world. In the analysis made in this paper, it is apparent that the criminal nature of prostitution is best understood by taking into consideration the various paradigms of the theory of feminism.

A Review of Feminist Theory

Feminism is part of the larger sphere of criminology, an academic field in social sciences. It mainly focuses on the victimization of women in the society. According to Daly (2008), the criminal justice system is characterized by a number of issues relating to the feminist theory. To this end, Daly (2008) makes reference to gender inequality. Other issues are delinquency and prostitution. The concepts are largely associated with the feminist theory. The long term objective of this theory is to ensure that gender equality is achieved. Given the critical role played by this model in modern criminal justice systems, it is important to examine some of the various categories associated with it.

One of them is the liberal feminism. According to Britton (2000), this type of freedom of thought was advanced by Freda Adler and Rita Simon. Liberal feminism is given a lot of recognition within the North American region. The proponents of this particular theory hold the view that women suffer intense discrimination in the society. Daly (2008) provides a similar perspective to support these suppositions. Daly (2008) argues that female discrimination in terms of sex and career goals place women at a disadvantage with men. Liberal feminists are of the opinion that women should be given the opportunity to participate in societal matters without any hindrances. Impeding their participation will deal a major blow to efforts aimed at eliminating gender based discrimination.

There is also another type of feminism with a strong inclination to the economy. Marxist feminism is derived from the understandings of the economic foundations of a society in relation to social and gender relations. Britton (2000) suggests that this particular theoretical framework is derived from the Marxism theory. Britton (2000) is of the opinion that the Marxist social model created some form of gender bias. Under the Marxist system, female members of the society are over-burdened with labor compared to their male counterparts.

The Marxist social theory created an environment where the women are dominated by the males. In this regard, Marxist feminism concurs with the principles of the liberal feminism (Daly, 2008). Different social classes emerge from the ideals of the Marxist social theory. For instance, capitalist societies result in unequal gender interactions. Daly (2008) suggests that due to the unequal interactions, of a capitalist society, rape is common. The same contributes to other sexual violations.

Radical feminism, on its part, focuses on gender based abuse inflicted on women. However, Britton (2000) points out that this form of feminism provides criticism to the liberal type that has been advanced. Based on this theory, crime and other unfair social relations are brought about by the power and privilege bestowed on men. Daly (2000), on their part, points out that a number of social relations are based on patriarchy. The same explains the masculine control of labor and sexuality.

The various types of feminism discussed so far point to the male dominance in a society. The gender imbalances contribute towards crimes like prostitution. According to Britton (2000), male dominance of sexuality results in high cases of female prostitution. To this end, the feminist helps develop the criminal justice systems.

Literature review

There is a broad spectrum of literature touching on the feminist theory in relation to prostitution and the larger criminal justice system. In this regard, the various phenomena of the theory are discussed from previous studies. Also, the applications of the same, in criminology help to advance the notion that the feminist theory will shed light on gray areas in the criminal justice system (Wynter, 2006).

Empirical Phenomena

The primary aspect of the feminist theory is that it is a social movement. Wynter (2006) held this perspective from the understanding that social movements enable the criminal justice systems to evolve. Davis (as cited in Daly, 2008) argues that feminist theories are developed from research and extensive knowledge of the subject. The theory cuts across a wide array of subjects including art law and science. Advancement in areas like criminal justice has forced the subject to be an issue of discussion many pieces of literature (Hannah-Moffat, 2003).

As already mentioned in this paper, prostitution is an illegal activity in many legal systems. However, Wynter (2006) argues that prostitution is an avenue through which the male gender is empowered at the expense of women. The radical feminism challenges this perspective. Wynter (2006) points out the irony of feminists, based on the radical perspective. According to Wynter (2006), there are feminists who appear to be in support of sexual workers. However, such support is limited by the claims that sexual work is deplorable. Based on this argument, it would appear that radical feminists rely on morality to advance their ideas.

The ethical argument against prostitution has been the subject of debate between liberal and radical feminists. According to Daly (2008), the conflict results from failure to have a common ground on matters relating to ethics. Some of the contentious issues include morality, virtue and degradation. The politics behind the ethical debate apply to the criminal justice system (Mottier, 2004). In this regard, some of the elements of this theory become necessary to discuss.

Social life encompasses, among others, sex and gender issues. According to Gelsthorpe (as cited in Daly, 2008), feminism (with respect to criminology) must ensure that gender is the main principle of social life. Within a social life, power is an integral aspect. To this end, Daly (2008) suggests that the criminal justice systems must be cognizant of the fact that power is a key element in the social relationships.

Criminology requires the feminist theory to allow an insight of context regarding peoples behavior. In the cases where social change is necessary political commitment becomes vital (Daly, 2008). The feminist theory also calls for openness and creativity when it comes to the evaluation of knowledge. All these features are critical to criminology since they provide for an avenue to approach crimes that result from gender biasness (Hannah-Moffat, 2003).

The discussion about the elements of this theory points to instances of an overlap between feminist aspects and those of criminology. A study by Stubbs (as cited in Daly, 2008) points out that the feminist theory in criminology emerged as early as the 1960s. At the time, stakeholders on matters relating to gender related crime, found the subject interesting. To this end, research became necessary.

The chronology of the feminist theory in criminology begins with the intention to rope in the female folk into the society. Britton (2000) suggests that the same was brought about by the disparities in the treatment of girls and women in relation to crime and victimization. Discourse on matters relating to feminism were stemming from the absence of empirical information relating to female criminalization (Mottier, 2004). Consequently, the disparities between girls and women shifted to matters relating to race, class and various ethnic identities.

In the 1980s there was a major shift in which the feminist agenda took a racial dimension. In America and Europe, the women of color sought for a comprehensive analysis for racial interaction across the genders (Wynter, 2006). The criticism to the racial interactions was coupled by several epistemological questions regarding the real meaning of feminism. Feminists, from a criminology background, felt that it was time to re-evaluate the assumptions that define the concept.

Several feminist scholars have developed the perspective that there are three main epistemological orientations of the subject. According to Gelthsthorpe (as cited in Daly, 2008), a number of scholars suggest that feminist empiricism can either be viewed through realism or social construction perspectives. The second epistemological concept is the standpoint which refers to the standpoint of an argument and its place in criminology (Prins, 2006). Finally, Daly (2008) cites deconstruction as the breaking down of critical thinking concepts.

The epistemological orientations made it possible for gender to be observed from a unified point of view. For instance, Wynter (2006) argues that in the 1980s, issues affecting men and women could not be viewed from the same perspective. To this end, deconstruction is seen as a way through which the racial issues, with respect to feminism could be discussed. During this period, universalist claims became non-existent.

Application of the Feminist Theory

The theory of feminism finds acceptance in the criminal justice system. In this regard, reference is made to the application of the theory on matters touching on prostitution. According to Britton (2000), capitalism gives rise to instances where one gender is given power over the rest. In most cases, men commit offenses but hide behind the banner of their perceived gender superiority. The liberal feminism helps to demystify any gender imbalances.

The feminist theory is applicable in cases where the crime of prostitution requires a review. According to Britton (2000), women are the most affected party in this illegal trade. Women get arrested in swoops and are charged with solicitation and indecent exposure. An understanding of feminism implies that amendments to the law are necessary. The amendments should include incriminating both parties to the prostitution trade.

Proponents of prostitution argue that the trade should be legalized to ensure that there is equity in terms of labor. As mentioned earlier, the capitalist economic system creates labor inequalities based on gender (Daly 2008). In the framework of liberal feminism prostitution can be considered as a trade no lesser than any other. The situation is brought about by the absence of jobs in cases where women are intentionally left out. Liberal feminism calls for the inclusion of male prostitutes into the fray. The stereotype that prostitution is a female crime would subsequently disappear.

The theory of feminism can help address the moral dilemma of the subject. The same is seen in cases where the trade is legalized. The illegality of prostitution results from cases where the trade is carried out against certain ethical practices. According to Daly (2008), the ethical debate results in a review of various aspects of feminist etymology. As already mentioned, the epistemological orientations made it possible review of standpoints. Wynter (2006) argues that, in the observation of gender from a universal standpoint the progress to criminal justice in addressing victimization becomes impeded. To this end, deconstruction is seen as a way through which ethical issues, with respect to feminism and morality.

In general there is a greater benefit to the application of the feminist theory in criminology. The same will further the discourse on gender based victimization. Consequently, justice will be seen as being fair to everyone in the system (Daly, 2008). That notwithstanding, it is essential that the concept be further evaluated in terms of the pros and cons. In the subsequent section, a detailed analysis of the benefits and shortcomings of the theory are illustrates. The result will help develop the thesis statement for the essay.

Advantages and Shortcomings of the Feminist Theory

The applicability of any theory is largely dependent on its ability to realize the core objectives. In this regard, the ideal question to ask would be whether the theory can help address the gray areas with respect to prostitution or not. According to Britton (2000), the main shortcoming to the feminist theory in criminology relates to social and cultural spheres. The relationship between the people in the society takes centre stage.

The feminist theory of feminism is, indeed about the interrelationship among the people in a society. Britton (2000) argues that the theory should be about how individuals fit in a society and the perspective of the other members. Unfortunately, the empirical connotations of the subject do not agree with the perspective of an individuals fit. The empirical notions suggest that the theory is generalist.

The application of the feminist theory demands that stakeholders observe the general treatment of individuals in a society. According to Britton (2000), the character in reference should be the female folk. The theory does not give an in-depth analysis of how the females are the affected parties when it comes to the issues of prostitution. The theory does not mention the male parties who are also involved in prostitution. The same can be illustrated by the difference on the subject of morality between the Marxist and liberal feminist.

The shortcoming of this theory can also be reflected when it comes to issues relating to the cultural diversity of a society. As previously mentioned, there is a need for the deconstruction of the universal standpoint. According to Britton (2000), universal standpoints will always emerge in various societies. To this end, the theory might not match up to the infinite dynamism. An example is seen in the case of patriarchal societies. The problem here is that in many cultures and societies, the role of the male perceived as superior to that of the female folk. In a society like the kind mentioned it difficult to separate an individual from a place where they have always called home.

The advantages of this theory range from reforms to the criminal justice system to safeguarding minorities from victimization. The law is expected to ensure that all the people in a given jurisdiction access justice without bias. According to Wynter (2006), girls and women have been subject to victimization due to institutionalized forms of bias. When the criminal justice system creates the impression that women contribute towards prostitution, the same can be seen as bias. Fortunately, the feminist theory helps to deconstruct the gray areas in the law. Consequently, discrimination based on gender would cease to exist (Prins, 2006).

As previously mentioned, failure to respond to the plight of men and boys acts is one of the major limitations of the feminist theory. However, the idea that a law can be amended to accommodate equality, acts as a precedent for further amendments. To this end, the limitation is not strong enough to prevent a response to the question raised in this essay. The subsequent section concludes the discussions of this essay by providing a thesis statement.

Conclusion

The essay points out that, prostitution is a criminal activity in various jurisdictions. Criminology cites the feminist theory as one of the aspects of encouraging a discourse on the subject. The respective benefits of this theory imply that there is victimization when it comes to matters relating to prostitution as a crime. Britton (2000) argues that the theory of feminism is essential in understanding the criminal nature of women offenders. The discussions in this essay raise the question as to whether the feminist theory can help advance equitable justice.

To this end, the ideal thesis statement to the study would be that the feminist theory is a key component in the reforms of the criminal justice system with respect to prostitution. Britton (2000) sets the pace for further discourse on the subject of prostitution. Should the same be legalized? How can victimization be avoided in the prosecution of prostitution? The question prompts further research on the subject.

References

Britton, M. (2000). Feminism in criminology: Engendering the outlaw. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 571, 57-76.

Daly, K. (2008). Feminist perspectives in criminology: A review with gen Y in mind. Web.

Hannah-Moffat, K. (2003). Getting women out: The limits of reintegration reform. Criminal Justice Matters, 53, 44-45.

Mottier, V. (2004). Pragmatism and feminist theory. European Journal of Social Theory, 7(3), 323-335.

Prins, B. (2006). Narrative accounts of origins: A blind spot in the intersectional approach?. European Journal of Womens Studies, 13(3), 277-290.

Wynter, V. (2006). Theyre not stupid girls. Griffith REVIEW, 13, 107-111.

The Feminist Performers: Yoko Ono, Marina Abramovic, Gina Pane

The feminist movement is of significant value to art, although sometimes it is rather underestimated. The feminist artists ccontributed to the womens image, its role in society, and exposed the passiveness and submissiveness the women are obliged to endure. During the 1960s, the Japanese NIST artist, Yoko Ono, created a powerful performance in Japan and New York. While the artist was sitting on the stage, everybody was allowed to pick up the scissors and cut off a piece of her clothing (Vabethany, 2013). The most awkward and outrageous moment was when a man cut off a huge piece of her closing, exposing her underwear to the public. However, this might have been the aim of the artist  to illuminate the fear and aggression that vulnerability evokes.

Touch constitutes intimacy and vulnerability, and it thus reveals a spectators ability to feel these while interacting with others. During her performance, Marina Abramovic allowed the public to use different items on her, including a feather, a scalpel, paint, a gun, and a bullet (Butler et al., 2007). Soon, she was bleeding and almost shot  through touch, the artist explored the nature of the passivity of a person exposed to the people with no compassion toward others. In another work, Art Must Be Beautiful, Abramovic, naked, violently brushed her hair back with one hand while combing her hair forward with the other hand as she repeated Art must be beautiful; the artist must be beautiful (Butler et al., 2007). In this case, through touch, the artist addressed the sexist demands of the female body in the beauty industry.

In addition, some other works explored common gender and race rejection. While Onos performance was received more peacefully in her native country, Japan, the public in New York was more audacious, demonstrating their attitude toward the Asian artist. Another performer, Pane, addressed the pain of the females body on behalf of the women themselves (Butler et al., 2007). She cut her lips and fingernails, and then, looking at the public, drank milk which became stained with blood. The performance suggested the cost of nurturing, familiar to each woman. Thus, through touch, the feminist artists addressed many issues concerning feelings, genders image, and the publics attitude toward both women and men.

References

  1. Butler, C., Phelan, P., & Kirshner, J. R. (2007). WACK!: Art and the feminist revolution: The Returns of Touch: Feminist Performances, 196080. MIT Press.
  2. Vabethany. (2013). [Video]. YouTube. Web.

Intersectionality and Feminist Activism

Introduction

Nowadays, much attention is paid to the discussion of social discrimination in order to better understand its causes, manifestations, and ways to combat it. Most theories view racial and gender discrimination as inherent, while the experiences of people belonging to affected groups remain poorly understood. For example, African American women often face police violence. However, like in the instance of George Floyd, whose killing provoked massive demonstrations in the United States, society is unaware of this reality (Blue, 2020). At the same time, the identities of the African American women who have been beaten, defeated, and slaughtered are not generally recognized. This example demonstrates how some persons may be subjected to two or more forms of prejudice at the same time without being capable of defending themselves. I decided to write about intersectionality in relation to feminism, as this topic is not sufficiently discussed in academic research and the media.

The theory of intersectionality refers to conceptualizing the links between the systems of oppression that affect the most vulnerable populations. Focusing on the concepts of power and privilege, intersectionality in the feminist theory studies how minority women struggle with social, racial, age-related, and domestic prejudices. Crenshaw (2016) stated that it is impossible to address if a problem is not clearly formulated. The topic of intersectionality and feminist theory should be explored to better understand its role in informing the necessary policies to help those who need some strategies to improve their lives. Therefore, I hope to study the academic literature to discuss the existing tendencies and difficulties to contribute to the understanding of the identified topic in terms of gender and female studies.

Research Question

What influence does intersectionality have on the formation of feminist theory and activism? Intersectionality has provided a paradigm for studying the self-supportive crossovers of gender, race, sexuality, wealth, as well as other social divides. It has given a hugely complex criticism with social and philosophical consequences for feminist ideology and the more extensive social studies. While racial and gender discrimination is widely studied as a problem in the literature because of its social significance, most studies look at discrimination only from the perspective of men. Furthermore, intersectionality offers a lens through which to formulate a theory and use a unified vocabulary to investigate the link between gender, ethnicity, sexual preference, nationality, and health in order to bridge gaps. The use of intersectionality is helpful for problem-solving because it provides an analytical framework for conceptualizing social injustice and interpreting womens specific experiences. By applying this approach, I hope to clarify the intersection of systems and institutions that lead to multiple forms of discrimination. I also look forward to contributing to the synthesis of relevant examples and concepts that will help solve the problem, facilitate interventions and policies to address social inequalities in the United States.

Presentation of Literature and Key Concepts

In this critical essay, I will primarily rely on academic sources to shed light on the role of intersectionality in feminist theory and activism. First, the ideas of Crenshaw (2016) will be used to refine the definition of intersectionality and define its role in informing feminist research. A cursory examination of this material reveals that it will be helpful in comprehending the underlying trends addressed by one of the most influential proponents of the target concept. Secondly, Crenshaws (1991) essay appears to be crucial for understanding racial politics and violence towards women. Thirdly, Lycke (2006) effectively explores the relevance of intersectionality for feminist studies, focusing on intersectionalitys capacity to integrate diverse forms of prejudice to build a new narrative. In addition, Gill and Brah (2014) study the case of the parents of Shafiley Ahmed, where parents killed their daughter in so-called honor violence. In addition, Ang (1995) draws attention to women and postnational feminism, a survey of which helps to understand this Asian authors vision of feminism. Taken together, these resources will provide a different perspective on a chosen topic to discuss the premises and effects of intersectionality in terms of their role in feminist theory and activism.

Definition of Key Concepts

In this article, intersectionality is a key concept associated with feminism. It occurred as a result of different minorities struggles to preserve their rights and combat societal injustice. Societies of lesbian, homosexual, bisexual, and transsexual (LGBT) persons, disabled people, and people of other ethnicities, in particular, have difficulties in asserting their rights (Lykke, 2006). Professor Kimberly Crenshaw gave the name to this feminist sociological theory in 1989 (Crenshaw, 1991). Intersectional feminism advocates claim that there is no one and universal womens experiences and that the battle for female issues is inextricably linked to the fight for the LGBT societys equality, as well as the struggle for equality and authoritarianism.

The struggle for equality of all groups of society without exception has become an integral part of the human history of the modern period. Feminism can be seen as the most massive movement against traditional discrimination. In its development, the struggle for womens rights has given rise to a large number of sociological theories. I will use the definition of intersectional feminism given by Crenshaw (1991). This authors definition is that intersectionality is that a person can have multiple social identities that form a single whole. The criteria for belonging to some groups are based on race, ethnicity, gender, financial well-being, mental and physical illness. According to this theory, African American women in the United States remain poorly understood compared to other parts of society because the unique identity of African American women is formed by the intersection of two or more elements.

The concept of patriarchal absences, which will explain intersectionality, is widely accepted in society. This means that when considering racial or other minority issues, the scope primarily includes men expected to care for their children. In a speech titled On Intersectionality, Crenshaw (2016) argues that with the current structure that views discrimination through the lens of patriarchal absence, it is nearly impossible to eradicate intersectionality from womens lives. According to Crenshaw (2016), it is essential to point out that little attention is paid to women and their specific security, family, and employment issues. In other words, the current structure does not allow for qualitative improvements and should be adjusted accordingly.

Honor Based Violence (HBV) is violence against a family member by relatives who are convinced that the member has caused dishonor. In this context, it usually means acts of a sexual nature that are prohibited in this culture: adultery, premarital sex, rape, or homosexual behavior (Gill and Brah, 2014). However, reasons may also include non-sexual relationships, such as a wifes complaint against her husband, who beats her and her children, and seemingly inappropriate behavior when she sat down or dressed incorrectly. Despite these differences, the vast majority of victims of honor-based violence are women, and the perpetrators are most often male relatives. According to Gill and Brah (2014), honor is defined as a virtue or character trait associated with honesty, morality, and altruism (p. 72). It is a symbolic and rhetorical construction, the meaning of which is constantly contested, as it has different connotations depending on cultural and linguistic groups.

Analysis

In this part of the article, I will structure the analysis according to the research contributions of the mentioned authors. There will be two components, one dealing with the relevance of intersectionality in feminist ideology and the other with feminist theory. Also, I want to discuss the theories and concepts of gender studies, taking into account the analysis of auxiliary literature. As the founder of intersectionality, Crenshaws ideas will receive more attention, but the assumptions of other scientists will also be duly examined.

Intersectionality focuses on connecting human identities, while intersectional feminism looks at how women from different backgrounds face discrimination. It is sometimes simpler to think and explain that everyone feels the same way or that LGBTQ+ individuals have the same perspective, but this is not the case. People must realize that all distinct identities, particularly those involving many overlapping forms of oppression, are legitimate. From the outset, the Western feminist movement focused primarily on middle-class white women. However, the womens movement cannot make a difference without paying attention to the needs and concerns of all women. According to Lykke (2006), 25 to 50 percent of women experience gender-based violence in their lifetime (p. 151). However, when statistics are presented without explaining how differences in living conditions affect outcomes, they obscure or confuse different levels of oppression. Bisexuals and people of color, for instance, are more likely to be victims of abuse than white or heterosexual individuals. In other words, all women are at risk of gender-based violence, but some are at much greater risk, depending on their race, sexual orientation, and life experience.

Advocates of intersectionality in social work argue that without network operators consider intersectionality, they will be less valuable to various parts of the community, such as those experiencing domestic abuse or disabled victims of abuse. According to an intersectional concept, the exercise of spousal abuse advisors in the United States imploring all people to report their perpetrators to police is of little use to women of color due to a heritage of racially charged police misconduct, and those advisors should make adjustments their counseling services for people of color.

Key concepts:

  • Interlocking matrix of oppression;
  • Standpoint epistemology and the outsider within;
  • Resisting oppression.

Speaking about the essence of Crenshaws research, one cannot fail to mention the tendencies towards oppression and discrimination of various social groups. According to Crenshaw (1991), chauvinism can never be selective, which means sexism, racism, religious intolerance, and homophobia are closely related (p. 1241). The author believes that all forms of discrimination are part of a single system of oppression adopted in the state. If society allows the restriction of the rights of a specific group, this trend is likely to spread to members of other minorities in the future. According to the logic of intersectional feminism, African American homosexual women are the most disadvantaged segment of US society, as they have the maximum number of characteristics that become typical causes of persecution.

Studying the practice of American shelters, Crenshaw (1991) found that their work does not consider the specifics of the life experience of people of color: they are more likely than white people to become victims of domestic violence and face poverty and unemployment. They are more dependent on their couple, less knowledgeable, or unable to take advantage of the available conflict resolution opportunities. These social status characteristics are not considered when organizing assistance, and people of color are especially vulnerable in difficult life situations. Crenshaws research demonstrates that while racism and sexism constantly intersect in the daily lives of American citizens, anti-discrimination feminist and anti-racist projects are separate from each other and do not account for the complex impact of multiple power mechanisms on the disposition of opposing groups (Crenshaw, 1991). As a result, despite the governments efforts to help them, the programs do not work, and their situation remains challenging.

The intersection of discrimination theory is emerging as a new tool for analyzing the concept of African American feminism. An intersectional approach shapes and reinforces the vision that separates black feminism from the rest of the feminist movement. The division of American feminism into black and white leads to a revision of bourgeois feminism as universal. Intersectionality discredits white feminists and denounces their privileged position. At the same time, it brings together initiatives to create a holistic feminist movement based on the fight against racism.

Ignoring distinctions is a critical challenge in the situation of violence towards women because the aggression that many women experience is frequently determined by other aspects of their identity, such as color or class (Crenshaw, 1991). The work of feminists to politicize womens experiences and anti-racists to address non-white experiences frequently continue as if the issues and perspectives they express are mutually incompatible. Although racism and sexism regularly intersect in real life, they seem to exist separately in feminist and anti-racist practices. As an example, the author cites the problems she encountered in the course of her research. Crenshaw (2016) describes how anti-racist and feminist practices often fail to address the privacy concerns of non-whites. For example, they do not study the phenomenon of violence: second-wave feminists do not raise this issue, realizing the possibility of discrediting themselves. Some anti-racist fighters believe that talking about violence can be viewed as a purely national factor.

Political intersectionality is another issue that should be discussed in this document, as it provides a broader perspective on the causes of the identified problem. There is a lack of protection for public institutions, with disproportionate consequences for communities. As a result, the courts cannot accept the issue and contribute to similar cross-cutting issues faced by minorities. The shift of resources to group management from service delivery is another negative outcome associated with individual punishment. Instead, it seems rational to argue that structural and institutional reforms would be more helpful in achieving social justice. In other words, political intersectionality emphasizes the interdependent nature of institutions and vulnerable groups. The former has power, and the latter must treat them individually without assistance from courts and agencies.

An emphasis on masculinity and masculine power lies at the heart of political intersectionality. In Crenshaws (2016) source, it is clear that the speaker opposes considering social gender and racial discrimination only in terms of male dominance. It has been argued, in particular, that an intersectional fallacy is to think that African American men are in trouble just because they are not socialized enough to take responsibility for their families and communities. It should be agreed that it is unacceptable for a discourse on social injustice to be based solely on patriarchal absence, as Crenshaw (2016) suggested. For example, Obamas My Brothers Keeper Alliance aims to help men of color bridge opportunity gaps and ensure they have sufficient resources to support their families. However, there is no program for African American women, as there is no paradigm for including them in discourse. Some programs target both men and women in terms of poverty or employment, but a gender approach to solving specific problems of women is not accepted and is not implemented in practice.

When examining the gender social structure, it is clear that the state plays a vital role in the development and preservation of gender disparities and injustice. The state pursues social, demographic, and family policies, in some cases supporting specific parental roles and a balance of gender prescriptions. However, it should be emphasized that the state is not a monolith in policy implementation. It is also not the only source of strength, and the resistance, challenges, and conflicts of various agents are recognized as the essential subject of research in feminist sociology. As a system of male domination, patriarchy is reproduced through the state, family, division of labour, religion, education system, and other social institutions. Researchers call the mind to the matter that, despite legislation and policy and the massive participation of women in paid employment, their disadvantaged status remains in a variety of situations (Crenshaw, 1991). Gender inequality is being reproduced despite quotas, womens parties are being created, programs of equal opportunities in various institutions. The womans secondary status is preserved; there are cultural contexts where sexism, control, and prescription of gender roles are still acceptable and not criticized.

The solution proposed by Crenshaw (2016) refers to seeking a prism for a deeper understanding of the difficulties people face. Namely, the many ways African American people are excluded from social, political, and economic life, and employment must be studied in detail to find an appropriate solution. The author emphasises the importance of a loud voice for the affected people, as their experience should become evident to society. By clearly identifying the difficulties and differences that distinguish a particular person, you can make actions more effective. Moreover, knowledge production is viewed as a situational process generated by the position of the researcher. Researchers are called upon to capture multiple voices, explore multiple positions, realising their privileges and limitations within a complex matrix of dominance (Crenshaw, 2016). The plight of the oppressed does not necessarily give rise to the political prospects of liberation, but it does give rise to their vision of reality.

Intersectionality is not limited to identity issues; research questions and level of analysis may vary. The effects of ethnicization and feminization of social discrimination were determined based on statistics and field research. There is a correlation between ethnicity and gender in the social situation of economically disadvantaged women, who remain one of the most stable and densest socially vulnerable groups in Australia. Intersectionality has drawn attention to the socio-cultural mechanisms that make them vulnerable, as well as to interdependent ethnic and gender characteristics.

Intersectionality can be understood as an emotional attachment to the social whole, manifested in communicative practices, and it can remain unconscious and latent until a certain point. When it is politicized from below or from above, it becomes an essential resource for collective action. Hegemonic forms of belonging are citizenship and ethnicity, and they can be organized everywhere. However, in modern society, aspects of social belonging, such as religion or cosmopolitanism, are increasingly becoming factors of consolidation within the framework of political initiatives. For example, in the feminist movement, ideas about the ethics of dealing with people can be notedthe politicisation of belonging leads to fundamentalist and human rights movements. The intersectional approach allows the author to understand how various political projects construct the positions of their potential supporters, denote their position in a complex power structure, and appeal to categories of solidarity based on race, class, gender, and ability.

According to Lykke (2006), a Swedish researcher, the recognition of intersectionality in gender studies and its influence outside of academic feminism is related to several circumstances. This approach redefines old research problems and contributes to conflicting empirical research results. In addition, it brings together different paradigms of social knowledge that recognize a plurality of power mechanisms in the context of domination and oppression. Moreover, the concept of intersectionality becomes public, integrates into political discourse, and thus acquires social significance. The media use it to become familiar and understandable to different audiences and travel through scientific disciplines. The category of intersectionality is integrated into a contemporary global discourse on human rights and is debated internationally and regionally when it comes to multiple forms of discrimination. Currently, intersectionality is especially actively used in research on identity formulation and life strategies (Lykke, 2006). At the same time, forming identities around peoples perspectives is complex, and they are the target of contextually relevant changes. For example, analysis of autobiographical narratives demonstrates how storytellers change their position and re-formulate their identities.

In terms of feminist activism, intersectionality promises to overcome contemporary social and racial segregation. Ang (1995) suggests that this success is possible because intersectionality has been transformed into a common language that unites a wide range of feminists, even those who were suspicious or openly critical of it. Therefore, as Crenshaw (1991) suggested, the intersectionality appropriated by mainstream feminists in the United States has not been used to analyze differences within the feminist movement. Nevertheless, she began to play the role of a theory that unites everyone to understand the existing differences and attract societys attention. As a result of this transition, it became possible to rewrite significant conflicts within the feminist movement in this new common language. He presented these as minor differences in the overall structure of Crenshaw (2016). The collapse of conflicts means that the unity of the feminist movement can be reborn; those who remain outside the consensus may be excluded. The function of a universal language has become a dominant discourse that can rethink and redefine the relationships of different strands of feminist theory. An example of such an operation to rethink and resolve conflict is the relationship between intersectionality and poststructuralism and feminism.

It should be noted that there are some methodological difficulties in using intersectionality in empirical research. Much of the work in this area is based on qualitative methodology and, in particular, on case study methodology. Typically, the research object is a group with harmful privileges, experiencing lawlessness, oppression, and exploitation. The subject of research is usually the multiple mechanisms of power that generate the studied experience. Observations and interviews are used as narrative data. The immediate units of the empirical analysis are texts in which various categories are voiced corresponding to a complexly organized experience. Despite these limitations, intersectionality has become an integral part of feminist debates and gender politics. Researchers explore specific contexts for the generation of situational knowledge and reflect on their unique position in this process. Finally, intersectionality allows us to focus on critical axes of power, including factors of social division, which are denoted by several categories, such as gender, ethnicity, age, sexuality, and citizenship. However, depending on the historical and cultural context, as well as the research problem, other parameters of distinction and stratification can be actualized.

The study and prevention of honor-based violence is another area of feminist activism discussed in the literature. It seems necessary to focus on one striking example when the British court found the parents of 17-year-old Shafiley Ahmed guilty of the murder of their daughter, committed in 2003 on the basis of the so-called family honor. went missing in 2003, and her remains were found the following winter. During the investigation, the police suspected that her parents, who had come from Pakistan, had been killed. Her lifestyle did not fit into the traditional norms of this community, as Shafileya refused to marry of convenience, which her parents insisted on. After that, they began to claim that their daughter shamed the family. The parents were charged with murder only in 2010, when their second daughter, who witnessed the murder, revealed the truth.

The testimony of the murdered womans younger sister became the main proof in this challenging case. As the prosecutor explained, the girl was killed by her parents because, in their opinion, she disgraced her family in front of everyone, and they were disappointed. The girl wanted to meet young people like her peers, but her parents did not share her views. In this case, HBV is expressed in forced marriage. In many traditional cultures, it is taken for granted that marriage is primarily a matter of relations between relatives. However, in Europe and the United States, it is generally accepted that forced marriage against will is a much more serious violation of human rights than even rape. In some communities, families use forced marriage to try to suppress behavior they consider dishonorable. If a young immigrant refuses to marry at the behest of the family, a cycle of violence can begin.

However, the intricacies of HBV are often lost when trying to sort out cases. Translations of terms encompassing honor rarely convey their entire cultural interpretation, distorting their meaning. For instance, the Urdu term izzat, which means to honor in English, alludes to the many socio-cultural links and linkages that bind families and communities groups together (Gill and Brah, 2014). Despite the fact that the term honor has many good connotations, it is frequently used to excuse violence, harassment, and even killing. Its significance in inciting and justifying gender-based violence must be made more transparent to successfully combat such crimes. It is crucial to remember that honor violations do not necessarily result in sexual violence, and people are not the only victims. However, the vast majority of cases involve violence perpetrated by men against women in order to obtain and maintain the social construct of honor (Gill and Brah, 2014). Accordingly, in the case of Shafileyah Ahmed, concerns about protecting families from dishonour caused by violations of the current code of honor outweigh concerns about the value of life and womens autonomy.

The murder of Shafilei Ahmed reflects the problem of domestic violence as well as cultural and social hardships. The fact that the girl was from a Pakistani family is closely related to beliefs about Islam, alleged barbarism, and human rights violations against women. At the same time, this is a simplified approach to explaining such cases, only linking them to the cultures of South Asia, which are primarily defined as those that practice HBV and violence against women. However, domestic violence is not well understood as it depends on individual perpetrators. As Gill and Brach (2014) rationally pointed out, HBV occurs not only in Asian cultures but also in Western and immigrant families, emphasizing the need to promote multiculturalism and pay attention to the cultural characteristics of families and communities. It is inappropriate to blame minorities for being responsible for HBV, as criticism of illegal and harmful practices differs from community to community.

The Australian feminist perspective is applied in the article by Ang (1995), who argues that feminism is a multicultural nation with cultural differences. It is essential to be aware of the characteristics of specific countries and population groups. For example, in Australia, Aboriginal women face discrimination from the white population and are also socialized. According to Ang (1995), the hegemony of white and Western people is expressed in a discourse in which women are considered for more than 500 years of historical development (p. 57). This hegemony predominantly views Aboriginal women as a population that cannot gain power, making them feel like foreigners in their own country. The current world system was created by whites, which creates asymmetry in society. For example, Australian women are often categorised as non-English speaking women, but whiteness is considered the norm. Consequently, there is no duality and diversity in the interpretation of feminism in Australia.

White feminists insist that they are fighting for equal rights with men in education and the workplace and against domestic violence, while issues of race and sexual orientation are outside the scope of their programs. Ang (1995) notes signs of deep divisions between white feminists and indigenous peoples. This happens not only in Australia but also in America, Canada, and some other countries. While the feminist movement in Australia is powerful, Indigenous Australians continue to suffer persecution both within and outside their families. The vast influence of white feminism among Aboriginal women is undeniable, but according to Ang (1995), Aboriginal Australians are still excluded from mainstream feminist discourse in their country. Australias social security indicators reflect a situation in which Aboriginal women are at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, making them one of the most socially marginalized and vulnerable groups.

Concerning Crenshaws idea of intersectionality, it must be noted that African American people in the United States and Minority peoples in Australia suffer numerous forms of prejudice at the same time. Ang (1995) develops ideas of intersectionality, although the term is not used in this authors work. In particular, the author argues that whiteness is not a biological category but a political one. For example, they were white, and being black is not the same in the US, UK, and Australia. The relationship between white female hegemony and local populations must be de-universalized to reveal the unique experiences of women (Ang 1995). In this regard, the author mentioned above and Crenshaw (2016) look the same as both contribute to a paradigm shift through which feminism should be viewed. Differences must be viewed with care and understanding to formulate an approach based on bias rather than inclusiveness, as a generalization of experience has proven ineffective in achieving equity and social justice.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it should be clarified that intersectionality asserts that women from racial, ethnic, and social minorities can simultaneously face different types of discrimination. The interaction of domestic violence, cultural prejudice, disability, and other related issues has not been adequately explored in the literature, so it is essential to understand this theory in feminism. This article has shown that Crenshaw is one of the critical researchers and promoters of intersectionality. Based on several real-life examples of violence against women, an intersectional approach has been found to address pressing issues of feminism and gender studies. This approach allows maintaining the political orientation of gender studies. It promotes convergence and study of inequality challenges by focusing on specific culturally defined contexts.

Discussions of honor-based violence and the hegemony of white feminism in Australia have shown that intersectionality is inherent in the culture, historical context, and relationships with dominant powers. In general, the key to overcoming multiple forms of discrimination is to rethink the paradigm for de-universalizing womens experiences so that courts, politics, laws, and social and political institutions protect them. Thus, intersectionality defines both the theory and activism of feminism, stating that the current paradigm cannot reflect the accumulation problems faced by women. At the same time, intersectionality suggests overcoming them by focusing more on learning from unique experiences and introducing more innovative policies.

Reference List

Ang, I. 1995. , in Caine, B., and Pringle, R. (eds) Transitions: New Australian feminisms. Allen and Unwin: St Leonards, pp. 57-73.

Blue, V. J. 2020.The New York Times.

Crenshaw, K. 1991. , Stanford Law Review, 6, pp. 1241-1299.

Crenshaw, K. 2016. Keynote, WOW  Women of the World Festival, 2016, Southbank Center, London, UK.

Gill, A. K., and Brah, A. 2014., European Journal of Womens Studies, 2(1), pp. 72-86.

Lykke, N. 2006 Intersectionality  a useful concept for feminist theory?, in. Pavlidou, T.- S. (ed.). Thessanoliki: Zitis, pp. 151-160.

Race at the Intersections: Sociology, 3rd Wave Feminism, and Critical Race Theory

Introduction

The epilogue explores the contributions of Audre Lorde to the first historically Black Spellman college and the community of women worldwide. Guy-Sheftall (2009) traces the relationship of Lorde with the educational institution and narrates how her works of literature and activism in the LGBTQ+ and feminist fields have changed the modern society. I find the example of the author very inspiring since she proved that well-written ideas and passionate approach to activism could change the reality of oppression.

Something About the Subject Makes it Hard to Name

In this reading, the author examines the phenomenon of racism not merely as an issue but a systematic, institutionalized, and cultural phenomenon that is hard to eliminate. Yamato (1990) classifies racism onto four categories depending on the awareness of the oppressor. Yamato (1990) also states that although many people today believe that organizing a workshop or debates is enough for fighting racism, it is not going to lead to a substantial change. I think that this attitude is right because the straightforward approach is not going to eliminate the structuralized inequality and internalized hatred that need to be addressed in a multidimensional way.

Invisibility is an Unnatural Disaster: Reflections of an Asian American Woman

In this reading, an Asian American female author explains her journey to being acknowledged as discriminated minority. Yamada (1981), an American citizen of Japanese descent, stresses the importance of addressing the phenomenon of internalized oppression. She claims that while people harm ones identity externally, this oppression can be normalized in a victims mind. This observation is interesting since racism is rarely addressed from the internal point of view and needs to be eliminated similar to the structural inequality imposed by others.

The Ideology of Colorblindness

The text explains what colorblindness means in terms of race and the global issue of racial oppression. It also elaborates on why this approach is not a viable option for fighting discrimination. Guinier and Torres (2007) argue that colorblindness is based on the idea that race is nothing but the color of ones skin rather than a set of cultural, ethnic, social, and economic peculiarities. From that standpoint, racism should be confronted as a personal problem, an individual illness, rather than a social inequality. Like the author, I find this strategy unreasonable since racism is not merely discrimination on a skin color basis, but a social problem that needs to be addressed on a bigger scale.

Verbal Addressing

The reading provides insight into the Big Terminology Question, or how people from South America verbally address their heritage and descent. Martinez (1998) argues that the question of what Mexican and people from other Latin American countries should be called is controversial since the area is surrounded by a complex history of colonization and oppression. This debate shows that race and ethnicity are terms that are highly connected to ones history and culture and are not isolated phenomena that can be generalized or depolarized.

Age, Race, Class and Sex: Women Redefining Difference

In this chapter, Lorde addresses the importance of recognizing the race and its issues not as a singular fact determined by ones skin color, but a set of numerous other factors. Lorde (2020) argues that in the fight for gender equality, women of color are often left out as activists emphasize sex over class, income, ethnicity, race, and culture. These differences should be acknowledged, and only a multidimensional approach to inequality will overcome the global scale of oppression.

References

Guinier, L. & Torres, G. (2007). The ideology of colorblindness. In C. A. Gallagher (Ed.), Rethinking the Color Line: Readings in Race and Ethnicity (pp. 143-149). McGraw Hill.

Guy-Sheftall, B. (2009). Epilogue. Bearing witness: The legacy of Audre Lorde. In R. P. Byrd (Ed.), I Am Your Sister: Collected and Unpublished Writings of Audre Lorde (pp. 253-260). Oxford University Press.

Lorde, A. (2020) Age, race, class and sex: Women redefining difference. In J. Benjamin (Ed.), Race and ethnicity: difference and decolonization (pp. 97-102). Kendall Hunt Publishing.

Martinez, E. (1998). De Colores Means All of Us: Latina Views for a Multi-Colored Century. Southend Press.

Yamada, M. (1981). Invisibility is an unnatural disaster: Reflections of an Asian American woman. In C. Moraga and G. Anzaldua (Eds.), This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color (pp. 35-40). Women of Color Press.

Yamato, G. (1990). Something about the subject makes it hard to name. In G. Anzaldua (Ed.), Making Face, Making Soul (pp. 20-24). Aunt Lute Books.

Contingent Foundations: Feminism and Postmodernism

Postmodernism

Establishing the relationship between Postmodernism and feminism becomes imperative in the understanding of the two issues. They have varying standpoints on the socio-political conception of issues. Feminism exalts the idea of emancipation while Postmodernism relishes in non-standardization- abolition of historical or political foundations. Therefore it can be safely said that the two are not conceptual or political allies. Postmodernism does not only negate but is also incompatible with feminist theoretical articulation and emancipation of women. Feminism offers women theoretical bases on which to interrogate the issues of womanhood while Postmodernism takes this away by arguing for the death of subjects. abolition of the foundations of the ideals of reality.

Postmodernism has some inherent vagueness that makes it too broad to be applied meaningfully in situational analysis. It functions as a historical characterization, a theoretical position, an aesthetic description and a social theory. For instance, it cannot be adequately espoused on feminism -a social theory since it (postmodernism) incorporates a number of positions as a social theory. It is a paternalistic disdain towards the irrational usually represented in Classical and Modernists view of the universe. Its use heralds a warning, usually elimination of normative foundations for instance death of man, death of history and death of metaphysics. As such in its strong version, Postmodernism reduces the socio-political universe to some logically worked out plan- a retreat from utopia. The utopian perspective, according to Butler, is the critical theoretical basis of issues. With this kind of relationship is it really possible that Postmodernism can adequately be used to critically interrogate the theory of feminism? And if so what would be the possible outcomes of such an analysis?

Within the broader trends-cultural, historical, philosophical or even political issues the views and understanding of Postmodernism are as varied and as diverse to be useful in the discussion of feminism. Feminism looks at the realities and fantasies lived by the woman to construct a non-violent relationship with others and attempts to include this other within itself. It demands to reveal that women cannot be judged in terms of phallogocentric ideals, which fixes them to realms of biology and role. On this feminism comes closer to Postmodernism. However, its possible to transform rather than negate fixed/ultimate principles gives us the ability to differentiate them. Feminism transforms by bringing to fore insights for liberation with which women learn more about their world, social relationships.

Postmodernism weakens the practices that have formed the core of western philosophies and purportedly develops a stable state of politics without contingencies. However, to claim that a subject is stable is to claim that there can be no opposition to this stance. It seeks to eliminate all these foundations that are basic in the modernists understanding of issues. This understanding is unthinkable without a foundation. The feminists believe that a blanket overhaul of these foundations or original philosophies as desired by Postmodernists is not in order. Postmodernists believe that historical narratives should be universal truth free from any contingencies. Feminism trusts in embedded or interrelated subjects within culture and history. Thus for feminists the issue of death of subjects is what ought to be rejected since it is fallacious. We must always have an origin for our ideas, ideals and beliefs.

This elimination of the possibility of subjects is dangerous to the ideals of autonomy (man), emancipation (history) and philosophy (metaphysics). Also, reflexivity and accountability which are essentially necessary are eliminated from the social analysis. The postmodernist death of subjects undermines attempts by womenfolk to theoretically speak on their own. This is because it dismisses ideological foundations when women need it especially now that they have to emancipate themselves from this patriarchal society. Truth is that to speak about an issue one must first have it, plus gain the right and insight to speak about it. Women must first learn the subjects to demystify them before articulating them.

The author, Butler simply want some carefulness while using either feminism or Postmodernism, in establishing the effect of making claims and, be they political or otherwise. We need theories to explain how things are or become possible. She asserts that there are certain philosophical presuppositions required in making any emancipatory claims. That said, are the Postmodernist idea of the death of the subjects of man, history, metaphysics plausible? Can a society function without a particular referential origin such that there is no reality but just representations. And anyhow what is reality and in what way is it presented. This question is imperative because, seemingly, that is the core of Postmodernism and from that, we can understand it. I ask this because I dont think it is really logical the idea of death of subjects If its possible i cannot begin to imagine how. I understand that any idea, person or institution has to have a particular point of reference.

References

Butler, J. (1992) Contingent Foundations: Feminism and the Question of Postmodernism  New York: Route ledge.

White Privilege in Conflict and Feminist Theories

White Privilege

It is difficult to understand the role whiteness as the standard plays in supporting social honor past that which is concurred minimized others. The term white privilege induces that a white individuals whiteness accompanies a variety of advantages and benefits not shared by many minorities. For example, the phenomenon can be observed in a working environment where there are two employees with a similar degree of qualification, but one is white, and another is a person of color. For this situation, a white individual may get help, frequently unacknowledged support, in view of his or her whiteness. Another instance is that many white individuals grow up considering the policemen a source of security, assuming they do not pose any harm to them. They rarely view police workers as dangerous. The instance of Amadou Diallo, toward the end of the twentieth century, showed that not all share this privilege. The policemen released more than 40 shots at this unarmed African American man with no criminal record. Discrimination, at that point, is reflected in different aspects of life and social structures such as medical services access and passing rate differentials among whites and non-whites.

Conflict Theory

The possibility that positive qualities and objectives may be gotten from a contention circumstance started to be evident during the racial struggles in the middle of the 20th century. There is no doubt that conflicting circumstances could create a feeling of understanding and regard between clashing gatherings that could help colored people in accomplishing social objectives. Conflict theorists tend to problematize whiteness comparable to non-white individuals. They see how the privilege of whiteness and denial of non-whiteness are connected to the social and political meaning of race and ethnicity.

Feminist Theory

Standard feminist theory has been reprimanded for focusing on the necessities of white women and generally disregarding the requirements of women of color or expecting that their situations are similar. This has prompted white women talking in the interest of all women, making it a circumstance of one size fits all. Nonetheless, feminism is an antiracist development, as there is a requirement for a political development that features the crossing point of race and gender mistreatment. According to the feminists, it is vital to perceive that for women of color, this separation and abuse is doubled or even tripled. Both conflict theorists and feminist activist researchers share the view that white privilege poses a risk to the societal development and needs to be eradicated. Hence, the abstract meaning of race and whiteness are targeted by the theorists. They bring up issues that the observation or ordinary ways to deal with the investigation of race relations are often neglected or overlooked.

Examples of Denied Privilege

As an African American female representative, I can recall some instances of false accusations and biased behavior because of my racial identity. For example, when I was a new student at high school, I registered for the course on mathematics that had the highest requirements. At the first class, the teacher assumed I was not qualified for that course and that I needed to register for the course with the lower degree of complexity. He suggested this without asking me about my educational background or testing my knowledge. Situations like that happen from time to time to me at different spheres of my life. Therefore, sometimes I feel I am denied of privilege due to my race.