Category: Feminism

Introduction

The development and growth of feminist movements and gender roles were accompanied with the emergence of various theoretical models that explained the roles of women and their positions in the society. Each theoretical model approached women issues in a different way. Though distinct on how they approached feminism, all the theoretical perspectives have an agreement on the need to continue improving womens positions and roles in the society (Gilmore, 2004).

Most of these feminist theories put more emphasis on the inferior position and oppressions of societal women. Moreover, these theories yearn to bring necessary changes that may result in the desirable women liberty and consequently offer equal rights and opportunities to them.

The history of feminist movement and the changing roles of women have revolved around the theme of liberation, equal rights and opportunities. Early feminist movements championed for equal rights and opportunities for women at workplaces.

This later evolved into the struggle for the legalization of women rights which were widely perceived as a lasting liberation for women and the end to oppression (Gilmore, 2004). The achievements of the struggle dramatically resulted into the changing roles of women as many women accessed education and developed their careers.

However, the means and how these feminism movement goals together with the spirit of gender roles were achieved, differed depending on the theoretical approach given to feminism.

In this regard, it is essential to single out feminist movement models that explain the origin of women oppression and offer solutions to such issues in the current society (Freedman, 2003). This paper discusses the liberal and socialist feminism theories while comparing and contrasting their concepts so as to identify if they explain the origin of women oppression.

Comparing and contrasting social feminist theory with liberal feminist theory

Basically, liberal feminism tries to locate the derivation of oppressions of women in the society. The theory asserts that women oppression started at the point where they lacked equal opportunities and civil rights as well as in the ancient societies which had links with the sexual role socialization processes.

In fact, liberal feminism claims that the liberation of women can be realized only when sexist discrimination is removed in order to allow women to have equal opportunity for pursuing their full individual development potentials the same way men do. This implies that liberal feminist framework lays much emphasis on legal and social reforms.

Such reforms must ensure that policies are made to generate equal prospects for females and institute individual civil rights which warrant that no person is deprived of the chance of accessing the available social-economic systems due to class, race or sex (Arriaga & Foshee, 2004). Besides, liberal feminism assumes that when the public is re-educated on issues relating to sex role socialization processes, there is optimism in realizing a more egalitarian and liberated gender associations.

Socialist feminism in contrast tries to locate the basis of women oppressions on the capitalist systems interactions. The systems were anchored on class imbalances which saw the patriarchal systems having their roots in gender inequalities. Due to these kinds of interactions within the social systems, women were subordinated and oppressed via misusing their labor within the marketplaces.

They were insistently underpaid for the efforts they gave at the markets while they received no payment at all for their home labors (Moghadam, 2005). Currently, the reality is that women are oppressed on the basis of class systems which are reinforced via chauvinist practices and attitudes. The socialist feminism intends to eradicate both male dominance and capitalism so as to stop the oppression of women.

When contrasted to the liberal feminist reform oriented theoretical framework, socialist feminism put more emphasis on the need to revolutionize the societal changes so that the apparent inequity in power distribution can be eliminated. In this case, equality does not materialize in form of the available opportunities alone, but it crucially takes into consideration the rewards.

Thus, the socialist feminism perspective facilitates and demands that all women race and class experiences are understood as a means of comprehending and alleviating their oppressions (Al-Ali, 1994).

However, to essentially achieve women liberation, the feminist strategy should allow women to be aligned with other groups of oppressed individuals so that common oppression grounds can be found. This might help them to resist the subordination of women both at home and in the market places.

Evaluation of socialist and feminist theories

Whereas feminism appears to be grounded on various fundamental premises, it emanates that there is not even a universally or single feminism version that is utterly accepted. When feminism theory is critically analyzed, only a major theme called definition diversity emerges.

As a definitional concept, feminism incorporates a description of the contemporary realities, the proposed strategies affecting societal women, analyses of both positive and negative elements that mark the present reality as well as explanations concerning feminism roots. In the analysis of societal women status, different insights have been established based on specific feminist framework used (Adam & Ofori-Amanfo, 2000).

Each framework generates variant social world interpretations and equally influences the conclusions, observations and assumptions which are made concerning the societal women experiences (Basile, 2004). Furthermore, the frameworks influence the change strategies which are utilized to amend such women oppression experiences and status.

The goals of liberal feminist movement were closely linked to those of the civil rights movement that generally brought about the social consciousness specifically the respect of human rights and liberties. Most importantly, the civil-rights movement eliminated the social inequality and discrimination in society (Freedman, 2003).

Whereas the civil rights movements looked at the whole society, liberal feminist movement specialized on the rights of women. In essence, the rise of liberal feminist movement was hugely stimulated by the civil rights movement. The liberal feminist movement majorly used the ideals and methods applied by the civil rights movement that included the non-violent means.

The liberal feminist movement was founded on the premise that women were constantly oppressed especially by their male counterparts and their position in society had to be changed to achieve desirable equality (Ezekiel, 2002). Liberal feminist movement used the legal reforms and political struggle in an attempt to achieve their desired goal.

The beliefs among the liberal feminists are that women can only improve their position in society through increased political and wider economic participation and involvement (Moghadam, 2005). Having the capability to influence the political decision making processes and take on the political power, are the main steps in influencing the legal reforms that aim at improving the women position and roles in the society.

Nevertheless, the liberal feminist movement did not put much emphasis on eliminating the economic inequality which emanates from the political inequity. In this regard, the liberal feminists did not look at the importance of economic inequality that existed between men and women (Evans, 2004). In fact, the political inequality will obviously endure provided the economic inequalities persist. The principles, goals, concepts and achievements of liberal feminist movements have been criticized by the socialist feminist movements.

Socialist movement views the development of gender roles in society as evolutionary. They view the changes that have occurred in gender relationship and roles as evolutionary and a historical process (Shortt, 1998). The argument is that the development of gender roles and relationships from the traditional perspective to the modern views are generally determined by the evolutionary factors. The factors comprise of the biological, cultural and environmental impacts that changes human behavior.

From the evolutionary perspective, gender and society are founded on the concept that gender relations are dependent on the human evolution (Evans, 2004). The evolution concept is basically the differences in behaviors of males and females over time.

The behavior differences are influenced by factors including genetic, cultural heritage and physical environment (Freedman, 2003). It is essential that the roles and relationships between men and women can be explained from the traditional perspective which incorporates changes that have taken place overtime.

Taking into consideration the genetic influence, the differences in the roles and positions of women and men in society are dependent on their favorite reproductive style (Ezekiel, 2002). In other words, the difference in reproductive style exists between the two genders while the trends in their reproductive successes are determined by dissimilar features.

The successes of these reproductive styles are assessed differently, hence, resulting into the consequence of human behavior evolutionary development (Ezekiel, 2002). The result of evolutionary development is that each of these different genders performs different functions in relation to their parental accomplishment.

It is also essential to take into consideration the significance of social environment in shaping gender roles. Generally, gender roles are shaped by the environmental stereotypes and biases that exist in society (Freedman, 2003). In fact, social behavior and norms that govern gender roles are determined by these stereotypes and biases.

Hence, it is not quit possible to violate these gender roles. The deviation from the established gender roles will automatically lead to protest from various societal parts particularly those who feel that such deviations violate the societal standards (Gilmore, 2004). The consequence will be that gender roles are highly reliant on the existing societal norms.

The socialist feminist theory is based on the belief that the association between men and women is founded on the ensuing opportunities and economic rights. The women socio-economic positions clearly define both their ascribed and acquired societal statuses which emerge when they relate with men.

The socialist feminists in this context put more emphasis on the deprived societal economic positions and claim that the poor economic statuses of women accrue mainly because they are observed to be inferior to men. Hence, they are disadvantaged to access any viable economic opportunities (Shortt, 1998).

Conversely, the socialist feminism claim that the persistent change in womens position in the twentieth century emanated due to the increased growth in the levels of economic opportunities. That is to say, when contrasted to the liberal feminist theory, the socialist feminist theory recognizes women economic equality before the legal and political equalities.

This is because all the social, legal and political affiliations are constructed from the economic relations. Socialist feminist similarly accepts the fact that the qualitative consistent change in womens positions might only occur when social revolution takes places to eliminate any form of equalities.

Conclusion

Therefore, when all the above discussed feminism framework issues are taken into consideration, it might sound well by stating that women commitments and men independence can properly be defined by the gender role differences. These are usually acquired in their socialization processes as well as when they learn their respective cultural standards that are logically hereditary from the historical cohorts.

In this respect, the different women and men behaviors together with the gender differences can critically be expounded on from the evolutionary perception. However, given that different feminists theoretical frameworks have tendered varying recommendations that could assist in the elimination of variant women and mens positions, choosing a framework which can essentially address the issue of societal women oppressions is of great essence.

The liberal feminist perspective stipulates that the political and legal reforms are very essential and form the key components of instruments that might eliminate inequities between women and men. Nonetheless, although equality can be realized through destroying the patriarchal society, socialist feminists avow that women economic statuses and positions can be improved through revolutionizing the societal changes to liberate the oppressed women so that apparent inequity in power distribution can be eliminated.

Thus, social feminist demand for social revolution serves as the best approach of dealing with the aforementioned current women oppression. This is because the socialist feminists believe that equality cannot be realized if major overhauls within the societal structure do not take place, yet this need a lot of time to be accomplished.

References

Adam, A., & Ofori-Amanfo, J. (2000). Does gender matter in computer ethics? Ethics and Information Technology, 2(1), 37-47.

Al-Ali, N. S. (1994). Gender writing/writing gender. New York, NY: Random House.

Arriaga, X. B., & Foshee, V. A. (2004). Adolescent dating violence: Do adolescents follow in their friends or their parents footsteps? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19, 162-184.

Basile, S. (2004). Comparison of abuse by same and opposite-gender litigants as cited in requests for abuse prevention orders. Journal of Family Violence, 19, 59-68.

Evans, S. (2004). Tidal wave: How women changed America at centurys end. 1230 Avenue, NY: Simon and Schuster.

Ezekiel, J. (2002). Feminism in the Heartland. Columbus. OH: Ohio State University Press.

Freedman, E. (2003). No turning back: The history of feminism and the future of women. Broadway New York, NY: Ballantine Books

Gilmore, S. (2004). The origin of feminism and the changing roles of women. NWSA Journal, 16(2), 190-196.

Moghadam, V. (2005). Gender and national identity. London, UK: Oxford University Press.

Shortt, D. M. (1998). Gender and technology: Looking to the past. Canadian Womens Studies, 17, 89-93.

Introduction

This paper discusses the history of women in the field of art. Two articles will be explored in discussing the said issue. The first article in the analysis is written by Linda Nochlin and it is entitled Why have there been no great women artists? The article is basically about women, art and power.

The second article is by Michael Camille and is entitled For our devotion and pleasure: The sexual objects of Jean, Duc de Berry. It talks about the history of art. The two articles explore and compare the main points articulated in them with the aim of drawing similarities and differences in their writings. Analyses of the articles Linda Nochlins article

Linda Nochlins writing on the subject Why have there been no great women artists? is a pioneer article on the subject of feminine participation in the field of art. The article provokes the debate on why female artists have not been so successful in the field of art as compared to their male counterparts.

The title of the article by Linda Nochlin has generated a lot of debate with some terming it as being feminist considering the fact that it is written by a female writer. However, Linda Nochlins article is a response to a question which she had been asked by a gallery owner. In her opening remarks, she tries to point out the different ways in which other individuals have tried to answer this question.

She argues that all those attempts to answer the question are commendable especially in giving the historical background of art. However, the article only serves to highlight the point that female artists were not as successful as their male counterparts.

To affirm her argument, she pinpoints that there has never been a female artist who could match the works of Michelangelo or Remembrandt and no amount of scholarly research could alter this fact which on a broader sense validates the concerns raised by the question. She further argues that the same experience on women being sidelined is clearly synonymous with other cultures such as Chinese, African and even Eskimos throughout history.

Linda then attempts to provide answers to this question by first mutilating the whole idea behind the myth of the genius artist as a case of artistic fantasy. This myth has been a part and parcel of art since the days of Pliny.

It has nurtured the notion that an individual with a real gift in art will most naturally be accorded the tag of a genius and therefore, doors will be opened for him or her to be nurtured by a renowned teacher in the field and possibly enhance his or her skills beyond the teachers scope of ability (Nochlin 20).

She argues that a work of art is rarely a personal expression of the art and therefore, if we quantify art as a total reflection of both purpose, production and patronage, it will be clearly evident to all of us that there is a systematic biasness that promotes the exclusion of women from the domain of those who are able to create and model famous works of art like those of Raphael and Michelangelo (Nochlin 176).

Interestingly, this fact is clearly illuminated in the article, For our devotion and pleasure: the sexual objects of Jean, Duc de Berry by Michael Camille. Mr. Camille portrays the Duke as a great patron of art. However, the paintings commissioned by the latter were actually an expression of his passionate sexual attraction to young men.

Many historians have made the claims that the Duke was most likely fancied with homosexual behavior and therefore expressed this passionate desire through the paintings which he commissioned. Looking at it from the point of view of Michael Camille, we are able to note that the artist was not freely expressing his own personal views but that he basically painted the views of his patron, the Duke.

This clearly confirms Lindas argument that the systems that existed did not give the artist the room to express himself or herself but rather to express the views of another in order to succeed and be promoted into the limelight of the given society in which the artist found himself or herself.

It is possible that the artists themselves might not have agreed with the views of the Duke although they became famous because of painting in accordance to the views of the Duke.

Institutions which trained and modeled artists were purposely engineered and tailored to serve certain classes of individuals and this was the general case in all Europe where the art academies throughout history were established to serve a particular domain of people while at the same time excluding others.

For example, Jacques-Louis David, most likely did not permit female artists into the art classes where they could perfect their skills in art although he was one of the leading supporters of female artists. This therefore denied the female artists the chance to compete against famous artists like Pris de Rome who rose to fame by sketching pictures of nude people.

The women artists did not have the opportunities of learning how to sketch any pictures in order to compete with such famous male artists. Therefore, even though there were considerable numbers of women artists in the later years of the eighteenth and the dawn of the nineteenth centuries, none would have come close to receiving the famous awards that their male counterparts were enjoying.

Linda makes the article further interesting when she changes the basis of her question to point out the fact that the absence of famous female artists in history can actually be examined in a broader spectrum by further raising a new question. She asks why there are no famous artists of the aristocratic classes.

She points out that although aristocrats were actively involved with works of art throughout history and also received training on the same, none of them had received an acclaimed award in art apart from Toulouse Lautrec who became a famous artist after abandoning his ancestral background.

Linda narrows down to assert that the whole question about female artists actually revolves around the production of art and therefore, to provide answers to the subject, we must keenly examine a broad spectrum of realities rather than the whole aspect of why artists chose to become artists in the first place.

Linda concludes by expanding her argument to stress the point that the same predicament faces women in all other domains that focus on studies on women.

The issues of women are actually never looked at from the perspective of women but are always subjected to male viewpoints just like in families and societies in general. Issues on women are commonly built around the male perspectives with little or no consideration at all for the womens points of view.

A careful analysis of the article by Nochlin reveals that society has not provided an equal platform for both men and women to acquire skills in art. Although women artists have been numerous throughout history, little has been done to tap and nurture their talents in art.

This is a fact that society has to reckon with and consequently address. She also makes an important contribution to the subject of art by emphasizing that for aspiring artists to become successful, they will need to build firm and lasting relationships with other famous artists or patrons, be educated in good art academies and also be given the opportunities to freely express their views artistically without placing social barriers on their work.

These three factors are very important in the development of an artists skills. Getting education from famous schools of art and academies is a very vital need for an upcoming female artist since without such education; the most talented female artist will not be able to achieve her full potential.

It is therefore important to provide the same educational facilities to women artists like their male counterparts.If this is done, women will be able to achieve the same levels of recognition as their male counterparts.

In fact, it is possible that they may even outdo their male colleagues in both talents and skills. Providing facilities that enhance equal learning opportunities for men and women in the field of art boosts healthy competition and development of robust ideas in fields of art.

It is possible that the greatest works of art are yet to be done and we can only find out if this is true by leveling the playing field and anticipating great works of art in the future.

Building strong relationships between young upcoming female artists and other famous artists or patrons of art is important to the female artist. It is quite evident that any woman in history who gained any form of fame or success for her works of art must have been inspired by a male artist.

This could either have been a father to the female artist who was himself an acclaimed artist or a husband who had links with famous artists and who therefore helped to shape his wifes skills in art.

This fact is also highlighted in Michael Camilles article, named For our devotion and pleasure: The sexual objects of Jean, Duc de Berry. In this article, Camille highlights how the Duke spent fortunes commissioning paintings and artworks which the latter passionately cherished.

It is clearly evident in the article by Camille that the artists at Jens time flourished because of his patronage of their works of art. He spent an enormous part of his wealth acquiring their pieces of art, some of which have endured to this day. It was his patronage of art that made the artists of his time famous. It is also interesting to note that none of the artists who worked for the Duke was feminine.

Though skills can be acquired in great schools of art, they can only be shaped into useful experiences through the direction of an acclaimed artist. The skills acquired in class are theoretical while the guidance of a famous artist offers the real experience and improves talent in order to produce a great piece of art which will be admired by all.

Cultural and social stereotyping which portrays a woman as bound and confined to the duties of the household especially in the nineteenth century was a clear barrier to the advancement of women in the field of art. The women who painted during this period were thought to do so in order to become famous and not as a part of their careers.

The woman was always expected to maintain her place as a housewife and not try and venture in the male dominated field of art. Such notions clearly explain the great divide between historical male and female artists. Although art has had a special place in influencing human life throughout history, it is sad to note that not a single famous female artist emerged to be famous therefore making the contribution of art to human life throughout history a one sided affair.

However, women now need to rise to the occasion and make their voices be heard. They need to be willing to explore into the unknown and fight the barriers which have existed and which have limited their participation in the field of art. Michael Camilles article

On the other hand, according to Michael Camilles article, named For our devotion and pleasure: The sexual objects of Jean, Duc de Berry, the history of art is a description of Duc de Berrys love for artwork and his portrayal as a homosexual. The purposes of the Dukes frenzy on works of art are attributed to the fact that he was not seeking to glorify the art but was actually to create an ego (Camille 169).

The Dukes collections of art were of diverse varieties and tastes. Some of his most prized possessions were jewels. The Duke owned large tracts of land which were the source of his enormous wealth and which also facilitated the acquisition of artworks and other precious collections.

However, the Duke is said to have had a controversial character. His perceived behavior of homosexuality is largely ignored in the writings although many historians have pointed to this fact. They base their evidence on two sources. The first is the information provided by Froissart who was an actual witness to the events described.

He describes the Duke as having placed his pleasures on a young boy named Tacque-Tibau (Camille 172). The other is an extract from a political article that mocks the Dukes obsessive feelings directed towards another man whose professional background was not mentioned. The article explains how the Duke lavished the latter with many pleasantries (Camille 172).

The best way to understand Jeans sexual orientation is by keenly examining the artworks which he so passionately commissioned. The January page of the Tres riches heures of Jean shows the patron at the middle of a party of homosexuals.

This was most likely depicted to portray the patrons attraction to youthful men. By taking this into account, we are now able to understand Jeans love and quest for works of art and how this is influenced by political position and power.

The Grandes Heures which was painted by a number of artists contains images of both young and old men plainly depicting themselves in sexual acts. One has a picture of a youthful man who is being fellated by an image of a hooded body in a turban. Such a figure during that period in history depicted a sodomite.

In addition, the young man was painted as ringing three bells. In the language used at that time in history, numbers represented the male sexual organs and the ringing of the bell could easily be interpreted as an act of simulating sexual feelings (Camille 183).

Another damning portrayal of art which clearly depicts the sexual scenes is that of an old man who is kneeling above a small figure of an animal whose head disappears into his crotch. The old man is also depicted with bare buttocks and his sexual organs explicitly hanging next to a larger feather (Camille 183).

Such scenes clearly and overwhelmingly attest to the fact that Jean Duc de Berry had a passionate sexual appeal towards young men which he openly expressed in the paintings which he supported. The Duke uses art as a way to communicate his odd attraction to men and spends a fortune doing this.

On a more interesting note, Jean was also a devout religious man and looked intensely for salvation by accumulating religious symbols which he later donated to some religious institutions. This is clearly contrasted to the nature of his character as portrayed in the works of art which he so passionately loved. The Dukes contribution to art cannot be overemphasized. Conclusion

The two articles provide us with a rich understanding of the gender issues that have historically existed over the centuries and how art has become a central part in illuminating and preserving these issues. Through art, we are able to clearly understand the gender imbalances that earlier generations faced and we are able to carefully study their effects on the societies then.

This gives us an opportunity to take corrective measures for the current generations in order to avoid the pitfalls which arose during such times. Art has no gender and, therefore, equal opportunities need to be given to all talented young men and women in order for them to maximally exploit their God given talents which will enable them to achieve what others failed to achieve throughout history.

Works Cited

Camille, Michael. For our devotion and Pleasure: The sexual objects of Jean, Duc de Berry, Art History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1992. Print.

Nochlin, Linda. Why Have There Been no Great Women Artists? in Women, Art and Power. New York: Harper and Row. 1988. Print.

There are many definitions for such phenomenon as a social movement. Many scholars define it differently. However, all of them agree that social movements lead to changes in societies. For instance, Chesters and Welsh (2010) point out that the social movement is always aimed at certain social changes. Johnston (2010) also shares this opinion.

However, this researcher focuses on the nature of any social movement. The researcher claims that social movements originate in masses opposition to elite classes (Johnston, 2010). The researcher provides very interesting examples of early cases of social protests.

For example, Bavarians used to come to their offenders house shooting and making noise late at night. This practice was called haberfeldtreiben (Johnston, 2010, p. 8). Nowadays the social movement is something different. It is possible to state that it has become more sophisticated. People have become more organized.

At present people join various groups which focus on particular social issues. It goes without saying that the US Civil Rights Movement which started in 1960s can be regarded as one of the most potent movements in the history of the USA.

Americans managed to improve their lives due to this movement. They managed to make people see that there was no equality in the country. Of course, the movement has not led to the creation of a perfect state. Nonetheless, the US Civil Rights Movement has become a start of a new society ready for changes.

It is also important to note that now there are many organizations which are concerned with various social issues apart from civil rights. For instance, one of the most famous organizations is Greenpeace. This organization focuses on issues concerning environment. Greenpeace is trying to advocate the rights of the planet, so to speak.

This social movement organization makes people see some burning issues to be addressed to. In many cases, Greenpeace (and other environmental organizations) made people understand that the balance could be broken. Hopefully, these organizations will manage to maintain the necessary balance. The National Organization for Women is a feminist organization which focuses on achieving equality for women.

Apart from this, the organization is preoccupied with many issues: discrimination, violence against females, racism and homophobia (National Organization for Women, 2011). There are many other organizations which pursue certain goals aimed at improving conditions of certain groups.

Admittedly, the development of social movements is beneficial for any society. The social movement, be it a feminist movement or civil rights movement, leads to drastic changes which are vital for the society. The social movement can be compared with a river flow. If there is a constant change, this leads to development and flourishing. However, if there is a dam and the river flow is stanched, this will definitely lead to stagnation and degradation.

Likewise, human societies need constant change to adapt to the world which is changing rapidly. Besides, social movements can ensure that elite will never take advantage of masses. Johnston (2010) makes a very important observation. It is impossible to deny that there have always been several groups in the society.

At that, there has been only one group ruling the rest of the members of the society. Historically, the elite group distances itself from the rest of the groups, sooner or later. Therefore, social movements are those political, social and cultural tools which may ensure the necessary balance in the society. Basically, a social movement announces that some problem exists in the society. The beginning of the discourse will inevitably lead to resolving some issues.

The National Organization for Women (NOW) is in the array of the social movement. NOW was established in 1966. The major goal of the organization has been to take action (National Organization for Women, 2011). NOW is represented in all the states of the USA. There are more than five hundred thousand members in the organization.

In fact, NOW is considered to be one of the most powerful feminist organizations in the USA (Dominus, 2008). It is important to note that the organization was created by activists of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). Some members of EEOC were eager to take action instead of discussing some issues. Among those activists were Betty Friedan, Catherine Conroy, Rosalind Loring and others.

Later it was written that 28 women met to set up a temporary organization for this purpose: To take action to bring women into full participation in the mainstream of American society now, assuming all the privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly equal partnership with men. (National Organization for Women, 2011)

In fact, the organization follows this principle and strives for reaching its aims up to now. Of course, leaders of the organization have become great model personalities for many women in the country. Interestingly, recent election of the head of the organization revealed the organizations traditional approach. Thus, a candidate Latifa Lyles, 33, who was defeated by Terry ONeill, 56, claimed that she wanted to bring new issues to the fore (The Associated Press, 2009).

Lyles stated that the organization paid too little attention to issues concerning racial discrimination. She also noted that she could focus on issues of the new (younger) generation of women. Nevertheless, ONeill has proved to be a charismatic leader who addresses numerous important issues. The new president of NOW has inspired many women to stop keeping mum and to struggle for equality.

It is necessary to note that many women join the organization due to its strong leadership. Apart from this, the organization ensures that the donating members of NOW will benefit from their membership. In the first place, women can participate in the process of making their lives better.

Donating they can be sure that their own issues will also be addressed by such a powerful national organization. Apart from this, NOW collaborates with many other organizations and companies. In fact, donating members can even benefit financially as they can obtain various discounts for products and services.

Therefore, the organization has quite a substantial support. As has been mentioned above there are more than half a million donating members. These donations help the organization to pursue its aims and goals. NOW addresses many other non-governmental organizations as well as governmental organizations. For instance, NOW addressed Supreme Court to protect stalking victims against employment discrimination (National Organization for Women, 2011).

The organization also tries to participate in some big cases. For instance, the organization addressed the Oakland Raiders (The Associated Press, 2009a). ONeill claims that the coach of the team, Tom Cable, should be suspended as he is accused of domestic violence. ONeill praised the work of the Coach, but she also insisted that he could not remain the coach of the renowned team until the investigation stopped.

The president of NOW stated that such figures as Cable were often model personalities for young people. Admittedly, it is unacceptable that a domestic abuser remains one of the central figures in the sport world.

Actually, this case is really illustrative in terms of the major ways of NOW and its major goals. NOW is one of organizations which understand the great power of media. The organization has its own website. People can learn more about the objectives of the organization and the latest campaigns.

People can also donate or become members of NOW through this website. Apart from this, the organization provides various press releases to make people acquainted with the most important actions, campaigns, cases, etc. ONeill is a public person who provides articles for many reputable newspapers and journals. Members of NOW make appearances in numerous popular national television programs (e.g. Good Morning America). In fact, the organization uses the benefits of modern technology.

It is important to note that the organization has filled a particular niche. As has been stated above, the organization grew out of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). This organization was majorly preoccupied with issues concerning harassment and various types of discrimination at work place. However, NOW replaced EEOC since the former focused on action rather than discussion.

Therefore, NOW has become the major organization to advocate womens rights at workplace. It filled that particular niche. Now the organization has a vast experience in dealing with such issues. More so, the organization is really influential in this very area. Many womens rights were protected during the last four decades. Of course, now the organization is not confined to work place. NOW addresses such issues as domestic violence, racism, etc.

Notably, there are people who argue that the National Organization for Women is out-of-date. For instance, a young feminist activist Jessica Valenti who established Feminist.com claims that there is no need in such idols as NOW (Dominus, 2008). Valenti is, in fact, a representative of the new generation of feminist activists. Valenti states that the Internet can replace all those organizations as women can discuss their problems online. Women can share their opinions and help each other using social networks, blogs, etc.

However, this standpoint is quite erroneous. Admittedly, the Internet provides activists with a variety of opportunities. Nonetheless, any social movement needs a strong centralized coordination. This makes NOW one of the most powerful advocates of womens rights in the USA. The organization uses media to promote its ideas and reach its goals.

However, the actions of the organization are centralized. It goes without saying that coordination is the core issue in any social movement. This can be illustrated by the earliest attempts to influence the order which existed at different times. Nowadays people understand that the power of any movement is in coordinated actions. For instance, the Civil Rights Movement could never succeed if there were no strong leaders and definite programs. Therefore, it is possible to claim that Valentis assumptions are erroneous.

In fact, it is possible to state that the National Organization for Women is one of the most influential organizations in the USA. This is one of the brightest representatives of the social movement in the country. This organization addresses the most burning issues helping many individuals.

Of course, it is not about helping particular women. Admittedly, any particular case discussed brings important issues to the fore. Thus, any instance of discrimination will make people aware of the fact that the problem exists and, what is more important, people will learn that women are not going to put up with it any longer. The open discussion will undoubtedly lead to changes.

To sum up, the social movement is the most powerful tool which masses can use to improve their life. The social movement is the most important stimulus to move the state forward. Any social movement leads to the development of the society. Admittedly, it usually takes a lot of time to change things. However, these changes are inevitable as long as people remain committed and organized. Now people know that coordination is one of the most important characteristics of a successful social movement.

The National Organization for Women is one of the most exemplary feminist organizations. It can also be an illustration of a successful social movement. NOW has particular objectives and goals. The organization takes action to achieve its goals. Notably, NOW employs the latest means to communicating its ideas. The use of mass media (television, the Internet) enables the organization to remain up-to-date. NOW helps particular women and, at the same time, it makes the society change for better.

Hopefully, people will keep trying to improve the quality of their lives as this will make the entire country benefit. The twentieth century was the period when social movements acquired their major features. The twenty-first century is the period when social movements will develop more effective means to pursue their goals.

References

Chesters, G., & Welsh, I. (2010). Social movements: The key concepts. New York, NY: Routledge.

Dominus, S. (2008). Feminist find unity is elusive. The New York Times. Web.

Johnston, H. (2010). States and social movements. Malden, MA: Polity.

The Associated Press. (2009). Womens group elects new president. The New York Times, p. A13.

The Associated Press. (2009a). NOW wants the raiders to suspend Coach Tom Cable. The New York Times, p. B12.

The National Organization for Women. (2011). Web.

Canada has been characterized by a political dissension for a long time. This has been in practice through various movements that have taken place from the liberalism to conservatism, through socialism of various social movements. Feminists as presented in this discussion means the group of women who view discrimination as often a cause of inequalities, and as the major participant in the current political systems.

In the fight against inequalities in Canada, women have therefore found their way into the political system. Through the struggles that Canadian women face in politics, there is clear evidence that extra efforts have to be invested. Radical feminists in Canada have at the same time rejected the already existing authority structures, therefore the term.

Consequently, the term politics is however broad in its definition by the fact that it goes beyond the political gatherings and parties and the law making structure. The following discussion is therefore inclusive of the feminist power as well as structure and power in Canada. Although politics in Canada have been known to be male dominated, women have on the other hand not been left behind on the same.

Thesis Statement

The Feminists struggles are apparent in Canada, although there are hindrances that have to be overcome for women to be adequately represented in the social-political world. Politics appears to be one of the remedies to achieve social change and improve gender parity in the nation.

Radical feminist standardized norms have found their way into the state politics, while they are under the umbrella of different coalition organizations in Canada. These include the NAC, and the Action Group that are composed of women (Andrew and Tremblay 22).

However, there have been arguments which have always opposed the women movements but radical, social and liberal feminist have stood on the ground arguing that if there is any societal change to be achieved in Canada, then there should first be an occurrence of change in the way of living as well as the way of reason.

This paper will examine the issue of women underrepresentation in relation to the Canadian politics, the challenges and the necessary measures that have to be put to place to achieve gender parity in the political arena.

The Political Marginalization of Women

Although women compose almost fifty percent of the entire Canadian population, their representation in office is marginalized with just twenty percent of legislators, twenty five percent cabinet ministers and not more than ten percent of the party officials. This makes it certain that gender underrepresentation is real in Canada.

The issue is avoided by not only the public officials but also the media (Trimble & Arscot xiv). It is clear that women in Canada have been for a long time been marginalized, thus it has not been possible enough to use small groups in the political arena where there is a need for consideration of the collaborative structures.

To start with, it is important to look at the historical background in reference to feminist power, structure, and politics in Canada. It is clearly evidenced that there has been a great current liberal feminism, which has come from the systematic coercion of women in Canada as women were regulated to the home spheres.

The social patriarch forced women to dominate on the private lives at home, thus there was no room for them to go public in power or else politics. In 1960s, the feminist activities in Canada held a new forward motion in reference to social modification where they emphasized on the obliteration of the so called patriarch rule structure.

Out of the adaptations of the feminist doctrine in Canada therefore, womens movement led to an increment in the legislative representation in the family dynamics as well as their reconfigurations. There were no much expectations of the re-emerging of the womens movement in the 1960s in reference to political stability bearing in mind the economic status of Canada after the prosperous postwar.

In Canada, there had been a tradition where women felt a bit secure if just one woman was found present in federal legislative body. For Instance, the government established the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in nineteen seventy followed by the Womens Program in nineteen seventy three under the secretary of state.

The Womens program dedicated its finances particularly to the womens groups to improve their standards of living. By the year nineteen eighty five, the parliament reviewed the Canada Assistance Plan Act and replaced it with Canada Health and Social Transfer which drastically reduced funding to among other social services, the care giving services.

It also adjusted the insurance scheme regarding employment which resulted in women being left out. All these factors contributed to poor living standards for women since most of them could not work. Thus, by nineteen sixty seven a third of unmarried women were wallowing in poverty while by nineteen ninety five, the figure had hiked to fifty six percent.

However, the government established a new ministry recognized as a Minister of womens Equality having awarded eight million dollars between nineteen ninety six up to nineteen ninety seven which was five million dollars less than that awarded from the year nineteen eighty nine till then.

Unfortunately, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women sacked almost every staff which meant the future was uncertain for Canadian women by this time unlike in other nations where women were significantly represented in the government.

For instance, the Scandinavian nations had women representation of thirty percent. This reflects fact that the Canada did not adequately embrace the social dynamics that had occurred earlier and which accelerated the women to acquire leadership (Kramarae & Spender 1602).

Feminist Theories in Relation to the Canadian Politics

Feminist theories have been known to play a very significant role in the Canadian women politics, which include: liberal, socialist, and radical theories of feminism. The structure of these three theories is similar even though their methodologies happen to be different.

All of the theories have a common goal of the improvement of the social status of the Canada women, their economic progression as well as the political arena in relation to women. Liberal feminism theory principle is based on the promotion of freedom which is supposed to be enjoyed by all women in addition to equality which should be achieved by all autonomously.

In this theory, sexual discrimination is not at all accepted by the fact that women are denied equal rights. Therefore, this makes it hard for them to peruse individual self interest.

Even though there have been great efforts which have been put in place by the liberal feminist for the entire freedom of women, they are slightly less meticulous since these feminist still hold the idea on all political decisions being made within the official political process as prescribed by the Canada constitution.

In reference to the structures of the decision making, liberal theory does not see the need for the change or modifications far from them that are affected in the idea of women inclusion on equality. Therefore, there is a room which is created by this theory where men have more room in the social structures for any feminist change to occur in the female counterparts.

The structure of decision making or any formation of law is just in the mens hands for the continual governance of women in its rule. Out of the inadequacy in the liberal theory, socialist theory came into existence in the attempts of meeting the inadequacies (Maclvor 40).

Socialist theory is the second feminist theory which held a big part to play in women and politics in Canada in reference to power, structure and politics. The argument which is based in the socialist theory is the need to attain economic means as well as the power to enjoy the economic means for the entire attainment of the political liberalism.

For a long time women in Canada had and still experience oppression even though there are changes which have been made out of the efforts of the movements. They therefore experienced alienation especially in the work force, subordinate working levels as compared to that of men, and the domestic labor as house wives.

Socialist feminists argued that there was a need for women to go public as much as they carried the greater part of the private lives. Private life involved laboring under the domestic context in which it was not possible to determine the appropriate monetary value. Therefore there was a great need to have social changes (Maclvor 26).

The social changes were to provide substitutes to the capitalist production and the construct in the family set-up. This position led to the manifestation of the third theory which agreed upon the analysis prepared by the socialist feminist in respect to social-economic status which was held by women  Radical feminism.

Radical feminism theory was spawned as a result of the disillusionment, which was created in politics. Women came into realization that they were only being exploited just for sexual purposes. According to the radical feminists, what was referred as private and individual was not just that but it was also political.

This was an attempt of signifying the real individual experiences which were current in the Canada patriarch families which underprivileged women. Some of these experiences included: rapes, wife abuse, and gender stereotyping. Even though there were great efforts which were put by the radical feminists on what is referred to as personal to be made public, the Canadian regime could not allow it.

This is because it sought public interventions in matters relating to rape cases or even sexual abuse which happened mostly in the family set-up. Socialist theory focus on the daily life politics just the same way as the radical feminist in the notion of private spheres such as sexual analysis which is different from liberal theory( Maclvor 45).

The daily experiences which Canadian women went through such as rape and wife abuse within the family, perpetuated more oppression to the women. Basically, this was because the family was politically protected from undergoing any scrutiny in the argument of maintaining privacy within the family.

The radical feminists were however determined to bring out domestic violence in politics  public set up. Men held powers which were supported legally to control women in labor and other social spheres. Thus the radical feminist felt that there was a need to overturn these powers.

Liberal Democracy and Feminist Theories

Putting in to comparison of the feminist theories and the current liberal democracy, there is a lot of which can be drawn to be similar. In the understanding liberal democracy which is a structure that is referred to as representative democracy, the elected representatives only hold decisive powers that are moderated constitutionally.

In the constitutional set up, there is more emphasis on promoting individual liberties as well as the minority rights and equality just to name a few. Basing on this description of liberal democracy therefore, it holds more of qualities in the state of promoting the minority tyranny in which the above three theories emphasized on.

Ultimate ideal, which is common in liberal democracy and feminist theories is their desire to achieve all rights of life and freedom with the promotion of dignity and a considerable moral worth to all. The whole idea to embark their steps on forward is based on the fact that liberalism principles in both cases are not meant to limit specific rights which should be provided to the specific rights in opposition to the majority.

Just as the way feminist theories received mixed criticism, current liberal democracy is also faced with the same problem. When pluralism and diversity accommodation is put into place, Canadians still remain in the state of ambivalent.

Both feminist theories and the liberal democracy have a greater role in place in reference to autonomy as well as the diversity on the enlightenment of women and the necessity to the accommodate the differences in the political set up. Following the same route of feminist theories, feminists have tried for a long time to fight for equality without full achievement, and therefore, this kind of life seems normal and natural in Canadian context.

Likewise, liberal democracy seems to take the same in reference to pluralism together with diversity. Basing on these two systems  liberal democracy and feminist theories efforts, it seems as though Canada in one way or another has already accommodated power along with inequality to rule and govern the nation.

Canadian Politics from a Global Perspective

When Canada is compared world widely, there is full evidence that more than twenty percent of the Canadian women at a considerable level enjoy political freedom. Currently legal equalities have been practiced to some extent as well as the improvement of the economic opportunities for women. All these advantages have been achieved as a result product of womens activism which happened over decades and still is ongoing.

Essential political freedoms such as voting rights, being in office run, and also the consideration of Canadian woman as a person basically under law were achieved when the feminist insisted that women have equal qualifications to that of men and held the capability of leading a democratic life in Canada.

Putting into consideration of the above factors, it would seem reasonable enough for one to expect a greater women representation in politics globally which is not the case. Despite the progress which women have made in relation to education, workforce, and public life contribution, their political interests do not exceed those of men and at the same time they are less knowledgeable as compared to men in the official political field.

By the fact that men remain the preponderance in the political arena of Canada, there has been a subtle message that has always been sent to women by the political leaders which means that the world seems close for women.

Current Political Trends and Challenges in Canada

Focusing in todays Canadian politics there has been accommodation lines which have occurred within the women which have led into a significant division in the nations and subordination by the minority communities. Women in Canada have therefore played a very significant role on promotion of politics which involves pluralism and the rights of the minority.

In relation to the recent studies which are related to womens leadership, the political representation is much subjective to the economic circumstances which affects in the decisive aspect of whether there are enough reasons unto why a woman should stand in the elected office as a candidate. In Canada, politicians responsibility is viewed to carry more weight in the capacity of a patron rather than an administrator.

This has on the other hand led to many women not putting their names as candidates as it is an aspect that proves to be a challenge to women. It also attests to be a block by the fact that not many of the local elite are always willing to change especially when it comes to the time of recruiting nominees thus male competitors always find their way forward.

Exploring further in a more detailed way on the challenges which are faced by Canadian women in politics, there is a need for cultural change which will promote the desire of more women to run for office and emerging as winners. The cultural role of child rearing responsibility which is highly left only to the women proves to be a major challenge for women involvement in politics.

Canadas social and cultural expectation for women demands them to be with their child which acts as a hindrance for the involvement of the women into the federal politics.

It is clearly evidenced in that Canadas members of parliament spend at least thirty two weeks per year without their children since they leave for Ottawa, five days per week and go back in their respective constituencies over the weekends where they still hold some office hours and participate in constituency events.

Party nomination as illustrated earlier in this discussion proves to be another challenge for the women involvement in politics. Since one has to be nominated first before he or she enters into party politics, the winnable seats are never open to give a chance to the new candidates while the few that are opened, financial barrier proves to be a challenge in most of the women wanting to get into federal politics.

In Canada, political nature has never been friendly especially to women because of the confrontations experienced which turns to be an aspect that lacks in women as compared to that of men who usually find the confrontation as a means of up-man-ship . Media has a greater role when it comes to this in the many questions that are asked to the politicians, a life that is referred to as fish bowl life.

Women are always presented in relation to how they dress, how good are their body shape and structure, hair styles and their voice where these issues becomes the first on news coverage, as aspect which is not done to men.

Women still prove to be a challenge in politics through their unwillingness to run positions in office. Unwillingness is viewed as a challenge because it has led to few women to come forward in politics however how much the blame is pushed to Canadian culture on male counterparts.

Conversely, there are women who are said to have the interest in respect to office run, but they face a challenge of not being inclined on the need to step forward. Rather they always wait for the time that they will be asked to do so.

To curb this challenge there is a need for the political parties to form committees which their sole responsibility would be on encouraging the women candidates who seem to be well qualified. At the same time, many women hold little interest in pursuit of the political careers.

Despite the above challenges that Canada women face in politics, women have continued to involve themselves in politics, an act that can be termed as miracle happenings. It is also necessary to understand on what happens once they find themselves elected in the provincial legislature and other political positions.

The big question lies on whether once these women attain political position do they make their way in changing representative institutions or in one way or another are they forced to incorporate the exiting overriding political culture, thus struggling at least to achieve their credibility in an environment which is considered to be hostile?

In the attempt of answering this question, once women attain these positions, they have reported to be discriminated by their male counterparts. At the same time, many are said to be dissatisfied when they are elected as they consider political life to be more frustrating.

For that reason, the future progress of women in politics in Canada seems to take a state of a fate which cannot be explained putting into considerations that they have not achieved a better position in politics yet.

Recommendations

It is hard to acquire total equality in Canada, but no one can negate the fact that it is a desirable aspect. Women in Canada have made great effort in the fight for equality despite the minimal progress, which is an act that needs to be acknowledged. Around twenty percent of women are always elected in the parliament since 1993.

It is clear that women account to around fifty two percentage of the total population in Canada which is an approximate of twenty one percent of the municipal councils and legislatures. Canada has enjoyed economic stability with fewer women who are elected, but on the political representation in the international set-up, Canada ranks 47^th on the elections which took place 2007.

Women are known to hold more care in different issues through the polling data which has been consistently done thus calling for equality where women should be given chances to hold the same positions just as men  a desirable thing.

Moreover, equality is important in decision making for the purpose of empowering women so as to bring about successful production of the public policies. The critical mass is needed in which the largest populations in Canada are women. For the Canadian democracy to be deemed legitimate then, it has to represent at least a half of the entire population which is composed of women.

There should therefore be a genuine partnership in gender where to some extent Canada has made some efforts in the adoption of the charter which is composed of the rights as well as freedom for all (Andrew and Tremblay 290).

Women have experienced different barriers in Canada politics thus calling for the breaking down of these blockades through the implementation of action policies by the regimes as well as the political parties. Political party leaders should at the same time holds political will and improve in their commitment which it is one tool which is necessary for the promotion of equality.

Political recruitment of the women candidates should be provided by their political parties so as to support them in running winnable positions. For the political equality in support of women to occur, it necessitates all parties to address the historical problem of inequality and identify the relevant processes which are necessary in working them.

Promoting changes in the representation of women in politics and their involvements, will not only improve the welfare of women in Canada, but will also develop the opportunities to others who are underrepresented. To solve this issue, electoral reforms are essential in Canada to ensure equal opportunities for women. This could be achieved through proportional chances for both men and women.

Women programs in Canada propose that there should be a review on Canadian Human Rights Act (CHRA) to incorporate social aspects and include women as a legally deprived group (Kramarae & Spender 1602). Out of this, there will also be a benefit of a healthier political system which is democratic in not only Canada but in other nations around the world.

Conclusion

There is still a long path for women for the attainment of equality on the political assembly. Out of feminist efforts, there has been improvement in the political aspects in Canada even though at a slower rate. Some of the achievements include the creation of women programs, which were meant to improve the Canadian women way of living.

Out of their efforts there was also a position which was created of a minister whose responsibility was to promote womens equality. Through women movements, many women have been led in politics where they have acquired official positions. Some policies such those dealing with child care have also been put in place.

A line can be drawn out of the clear evidences that gender representation in politics in reference to Canada has for a long time been an issue. There has never been an achievement of gender parity in the political history of Canada, yet women represent the larger population but they do not hold equal position in politics with men.

Despite the challenges in Canada politics which are faced by women some of them are already in politics and many desire to get into it. What pushes women in the desire of being in the political assembly is the need to make changes in the party nomination processes, media coverage, and parliament operations which are all require a cultural change.

Therefore, there is a great need for the Canadian women to be in politics so as to secure several parliamentary seats to facilitate for the necessary adjustments. To sum it all, politics have been downgraded far beyond what was referred to as an important profession by the Canadians.

However, there is a great need for a better regime which should be represented by dedicated politicians coming from both genders which can only be achieved if gender parity is valued.

Works Cited

Andrew, Caroline and Manon Tremblay. Representing women in parliament: a comparative study. New York: Taylor & Francis, 2006. Print.

Andrew, Caroline and Manon Tremblay. Women and political representation in Canada. Mexico: University of Ottawa Press, 1998. Print.

Andrew, Caroline. Electing a Diverse Canada: The Representation of Immigrants, Minorities, and Women. London: UBC Press, 2009. Print.

Bashevkin, Sylvia B. Opening doors wider: womens political engagement in Canada. New York: UBC Press, 2009. Print.

Bickerton, James. Canadian Politics. New York: University of Toronto Press, 2009. Print.

Carstairs, Sharon. The culture of women and politics. 2005. 29 January 2011. Web

Cooper, Andrew F. and Dane Rowlands. Canada Among Nations, 2005: Split Images. London: McGill-Queens Press  MQUP, 2005. Print.

Crow, Barbara A. and Lise Gotell. Open boundaries: a Canadian womens studies reader. New York: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2004. Print.

Fierlbeck, Katherine. Political thought in Canada: an intellectual history. London: University of Toronto Press, 2006. Print.

Kramarae, Cheris and Dale Spender. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women: Identity politics to publishing. New York: Routledge, 2000. Print.

Maclvor, Heather. Women and Politics in Canada. Ontario: Broadview Press. 1996. Print.

OConnor, Karen. Gender and Womens Leadership: A Reference Handbook. London: SAGE, 2010. Print

Sacouman, R. James, James Sacouman and Henry Veltmeyer. From the net to the Net: Atlantic Canada and the global economy. London: University of Toronto Press, 2005. Print

Townshed, Juleles. C.B. Macpherson and the problem of liberal democracy. London: Edinburgh University Press, 2000. Print.

Trimble, Linda and Jane Arscott. Still Counting: Women in Politics Across Canada. London: University of Toronto Press, 2008. Print.

First Respondent

The first respondent was male aged twenty-eight years. The researcher prepared a structured questionnaire and mailed it to the first respondent. The interviewee was a university graduate working with a non-governmental organization specializing in children affairs.

Since the respondent was a strong advocate of equality, he believed that in the contemporary world, there is gender equality. Feminism according to him could be defined as all sorts of crusades that encourage restructuring of society into a relatively fair place for everyone to live. The campaigns aim at addressing injustices against women such as domestic violence, sexual harassment and violence. The respondent was a social scientist graduate meaning that he knew the definition through research.

The respondent used the word liberal to describe feminists. The respondent was a great supporter of feminism activities. Upon realization that the researcher was taking a feminist course, the respondent supported the study and promised to link up with the researcher in future.

Second Respondent

The Second respondent was female aged sixty-five years, with no university education. The researcher interviewed her orally. She believed that there is no gender equality in society. She viewed feminism as the struggles of women aimed at ending male patriarchy and domination in society.

She knew the definition through the media since she had never encountered such a definition in her life. She viewed all feminists to be Marxists. She considered herself a liberal feminist. This is because she advocated for an open society that could accommodate the views of all. The respondent congratulated the researcher upon realizing that he was taking a feminist course.

Third Respondent

The third respondent was male aged forty-seven years, who happened to be a local leader. He had a post-graduate degree in political science and public administration. He believed that there is no egalitarianism in society. Furthermore, he commented that the society would never experience equality. He defined feminism as an attempt by women to draw the attention of government. He knew the definition through extensive research. He viewed feminism to be related to political liberation.

The respondent never considered himself a feminist. This was because changing the societal structure would bring about formlessness, which could lead to social problems such as suicide and reversed role-playing. Upon noting that the researcher was undertaking a feminist course, the respondent recommended that the researcher continues to conduct research to establish the relevance of feminism in politics.

Analysis and the major aim of feminism

The major aim of feminism is liberation from the house of bondage. As earlier stated, each category of feminism aims at liberating itself from certain injustices.

In this case, Shaw and Lee (11) observe that liberal feminism aims at achieving egalitarianism between men and women in society, Hurst (89) supports this sentiment. From the views of Shaw and Lee, this could be achieved through legal and political reforms. This would not change the societal structure. Radical feminism relates its problems to the capitalistic economy that is controlled by men.

In this regard, such groups aim at revising the social structure. Conservative feminism tries to understand its surrounding. Libertarian feminism asserts that people are owners of their lives meaning that they have the power to determine their own destinies. Separatist feminism argues that women have to concentrate on helping themselves meaning that heterosexual relationships are irrelevant to women.

Furthermore, economic determinism is an issue of concern to women. Women single out capitalism as being an impediment to their achievement in society. Capitalistic ideologies discriminate women from accessing resources in society. This can be seen in the following statement. It is not in the interests of capitalism that women demand economic rights or comparable worth (Shaw and Lee 656).

Woode (34) support the claims made by Shaw and Lee by claiming that capitalism is the major impediment to women success. Socialist scholars differentiate themselves from Marxism by arguing that injustices can only be abolished through revising the social structure and having sound economic policies in society.

Cultural feminist movement aims at ensuring that women are self-sufficient and self-reliant. Towards the beginning of 1990s, a new wave of feminism emerged, which advocated for rights and freedoms of adolescent females. The movement wanted the government to come up policies that could protect young women from societal injustices such as rape and sexual harassment. In this case, young women were to be allowed to come up with make-ups of their choices, including clothing and sexual allure.

Scholars underscore the fact that it is imperative to consider time, culture and country when understanding the activities of feminist organizations. Feminist scholars assert that all efforts made by women to achieve their goals and objectives are termed as feminism.

Competing school of thought argue that only modern activities should be termed feminism. Women started fighting for their rights during the 19^th century in the US and UK. They were mostly focused on promoting equality, marriage rights, parenting and ownership of property. Hansen (65) is in agreement with the views of Shaw and Lee since he notes that women are always relegated to inferior roles.

Towards the end, the movement shifted its attention to political power and authority. The movement wanted the state to allow all women to participate in elections. This meant that women were allowed to vote for candidates of their choice. Furthermore, women were allowed to contest for various positions during elections, as long as they qualified. Feminist groups advocated for abolition of slavery, which was seen as a road to elimination of male domination.

Works Cited

Hansen, Lene. Gender, Nation, Rape: Bosnia and the Construction of Security. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 3.1, (2001): 34-40. Print.

Hurst, Charles. Social Inequality, Boston: Pearson Education, 2007. Print.

Shaw, Susan, and J. Lee. Womens Voices, Feminist Visions: Classic and Contemporary Readings, New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001. Print.

Woode, Julia. Gendered Lives, Belmont: Thomson Learning, 2005. Print.

Introduction

Black women faced exclusion from inside and outside their respective groups as African Americans and females. The white feminist movement was inclined towards the experiences of white women, and it therefore perpetuated racism against African American females. Furthermore, black liberation movements focused on male struggles, and this sidelined their female counterparts. As a result, black women felt that they did not belong anywhere; it was such sentiments that perpetuated the creation of black feminist thought.

Research question

This study will look into black womens situation during the early to mid 20^th century in order to understand why this group felt like it did not belong to ongoing feminist movements. In other words, the main research question is How did black womens situation in 20^th century society explain their exclusion from ongoing feminist movements?

This study will contribute to knowledge by providing insights about the situation of women in 20^th C America. It will analyse the cultural, economic, sexual, academic, familial and political positions or situations of black women at the time in order to reveal why these women felt rejected by ongoing feminist movements.

The types of questions that will be examined in the research include: Did family situations cause excessive pressures on African American women? Did African American women face disproportionate sexual violence or harrrassment?, Were economic structures highly unfavourable to black women? and Did these women encounter undue oppression from African American males?.

The focus of this paper will be on case studies of women in the years prior to the birth of black feminism. It will dissect the challenges that these individuals underwent in their respective roles as mothers, labourers, employees, businesspersons, wives, civic leaders, victims and many more.

The research will attempt to show how their plight differed substantially from the struggles of non-black women at that time (Frances 201). This study will therefore justify the birth of black feminism by illustrating that there were real differences between subjects in black feminism and in other feminist ideologies.

Theoretical approach and method

In the paper, the theoretical supposition will be that African American women faced distinctive oppression that had not been addressed by any of the other movements in existence. Consequently, these circumstances excluded them from conventional feminist movements. The purpose of this paper will be to reveal those circumstances. It will therefore, be analytical and explanatory.

This research will be founded on the case study research design. Since the main research question starts with how, then the best research method to use in such a scenario is case study analysis.

The research will be carried out through the use of multiple case studies because this can triangulate the various findings (Brearley 50). The different sources will be used to build a case on the possible explanations involved. Such an approach will make this study unique because most analyses on the subject of black feminism tend to dwell on time-series analysis.

They usually depend on historical occurrences in order to support their assertions. However, this paper will focus on specific lives and narratives of African American women in the 20^th Century before the birth of black feminism. The reference point or the period that is referred to in the birth of black feminism is 1973. It was during the 1970s when black women realised that they did not fit into feminist movements as well black national movements.

Therefore, this study will contribute towards an authentic explanation of the situations that perpetuated black feminism. It will look at real-life experiences of black women in 20^th Century America and thus provide insights concerning this issue. One should note that black feminism was a complex phenomenon. There were many variables that intersected to lead to its formation. One must thus rely on several sources of data in order to unravel the problem.

The research method will be very systematic. The first step is defining the study questions. The latter aspect has already been done in the previous section of the research proposal. It will then point out the theoretical propositions involved in the research. The latter will be highly useful because they will allow limitation of all the data in subsequent portions of the paper.

It will also facilitate the narrowing of the research to the most valuable issues. Narratives about different womens lives in the 20^th century show that they encountered a series of challenges. Some of them were exclusive to their personal experiences; however, others were reflective of their identity as African American women.

It is the latter aspect that will be the centre of attention in this paper. Furthermore, the theoretical propositions and assumptions will facilitate linkage between certain incidents in the subjects lives. Without a theoretical framework, one might end up with endless data on the encounters of all the African American women in history. The framework will provide a specific direction for the entire research.

After establishing the theoretical propositions, the paper will focus on the analysis of units in order to compare them to the propositions made as well as contrasting patterns. Finally, the research will involve an interpretation of the results. This will involve iterating the data and the theoretical propositions made.

The paper will require narratives or cases about African American female experiences. These cases will focus on the different areas of concern identified in the paper. Some of them may be economically inclined; others may dwell on experiences of sexual violence or predicaments in academic settings.

Some cases may contain an amalgamation of these issues. No matter what their authors focus on, all cases need to be personal narratives about African American women in the 20^th century. This ought to be during the period before the formation of black feminist movements.

The data will be collected from two major sources; archival records and general documents. The Archives will come from newspaper articles, journals and magazines that report personal accounts of African American women in that era. For instance in 1912, the challenges of domestic servant hood were highlighted by an African American worker whose identity remains unknown.

She talked about her experiences with oppression in the Independent. Such sources will be insightful in answering the main research questions. The general documents will include diary entries, letters, and autobiographies. The diary entries will be written by women who lived in the 20^th century prior to the formation of black feminist liberation movements.

Furthermore personal letters that can be found in public arenas concerning these womens challenges will be an important part of the database. Lastly autobiographical books will be vital data collection points. This is because most of them cover a myriad of issues about their subjects lives. It will be possible to get a multi-dimensional perspective about these womens plights.

After collecting all the data from the subjects under consideration, an analysis will be done through iterations between each finding and the earlier propositions made during the paper. In other words, the research will entail matching of patterns so as to associate all the pieces of information found to the theoretical framework made out earlier in the paper.

Literature review

A number of papers and books focus on the historical occurrences just prior to black feminism. Some papers report that most black women were confronted with two paths; they could either educate members of the prevailing feminist movements about their unique situations and challenges as black women, or they could curve out their own path by starting black feminism (Atlink 99).

White women were unwilling to accept that racist values pervaded feminist movements. This partly stemmed from focusing on male patriarchy as the main problem for feminists. Furthermore, a number of them were in denial about their ability to oppress (McCauley 29). They believed that if one was oppressed, then it was not possible for the same person to oppress others.

Black women felt frustrated by this scheme of things (Hine 19). If they chose to simply educate existing feminists about their plight, then they would be taking on an unnecessary responsibility. Many oppressors have used this method as a strategy to divert attention from the real problem (Crenshaw 15). A victim should never be expected to educate her oppressor. This would deflect her focus away from her own challenges, which should be the object of concern in the first place.

Consequently, research illustrates that black women chose to curve their own paths rather than work with pre-existing models. These historical recordings of black feminism are useful in revealing the uniqueness of black feminist thought. However, it only focuses on the political aspect; it does not look at other facets of Blacks womens lives that might have contributed to this exclusion. This research will attempt to cover that gap by analysing those other areas.

Some studies on female African American feminists often focus on one dimension of this groups struggles. For instance, a study carried out by Schultz (80) wanted to find out how African American womens history affects societys responses to sexual abuse or rape. This analysis therefore, dwelt on the sexual issues of black women in the 20^th century; similar studies include Collins (44) and Fogg-Davis (55). Another report focused on the economic challenges of African American women in that era.

Challenges of female field and domestic workers in the South were highlighted. Later on, when black women could participate actively in professional jobs, they still faced additional difficulties in securing jobs or keeping their jobs (Jones 50). Other writers focus on certain realms of black womens lives such as academics (Perry 15).

This author reveals that African American women needed to do much more than their male counterparts in order to maintain their positions. This paper highlighted he work experiences of the group under discussion. Guy-Sheftall (194) in his book reveals that black women have unique circumstances that they encounter in their families. He cites statistics on how the US contained a higher proportion of single mothers among black families than white families in the 1960s.

African American women faced greater pressure at home than their female counterparts (Loury 22). While these analyses tend to focus on one dimension, it is necessary to bring out a more holistic picture of the black females struggle before the formation of black feminisms. This research will attempt to provide that picture through multiple case studies.

Plan of the study

The dissertation will commence with some preliminary readings on the subject matter. This will entail looking and analysing most of the books and writings on black feminism. Such a process should take a period of one month.

The purpose of carrying out this task will be to identify some of the best sources to use for the paper. Arrangements with the project supervisor concerning regular meetings will follow; this should take roughly one week. The third step in the dissertation writing process will be to allocate specific time frames for the completion of every aspect of the research dissertation.

The time frames will depend upon when the supervisor agrees with these deadlines. Having such a plan will play an important role in ascertaining that everything remains on track. At this time, substantial portions of time will be left prior to the deadlines in order to prevent the possible loss of time after editing and other last minute changes. Furthermore, a plan of the desired words to be found on each of these chapters is also another necessary aspect of the research paper.

After the planning stage, the dissertation process will entail a detailed outline of the methodological approach in the paper. This stage will also involve completion of the initial reading done earlier. The latter step will occur two weeks after the dissertation planning phase. After doing the second reading and review, a detailed plan of the bibliographic aspects of the research will be done. This will ensure that all the work is founded on strong theoretical principles.

After carrying out these steps, compilation of the literate review will be done. This will take a period of one month. The paper will start with the topics to be covered in the literature review and then follow this up with the complete compilation of all the literature involved in the study topic.

After one month, the next step will be an analysis of the research methods to be used in the paper. This will involve an outline and explanation of the research instruments in the first two weeks. In the next two weeks, the research process will entail a definition of the methods of analysis chosen for the paper.

In the coming three weeks, this study will focus on identification of the case studies since a multiple case study approach will be the main point of emphasis in the research. The sources of these case studies will be as described above; personal diaries, letters, autobiographies and first-person articles in newspapers, journals or other relevant literature.

Only the cases that talk about the African American female experience prior to formation of black feminism will be the main concern. This will begin in the 1900s and end in 1973. After identifying the sources, the next step will be redefining the research method in the dissertation. This will take a duration of one week. Shortly after that, the theoretical framework for collection of data will commence (Yin 13).

This will refer to some of the issues that pertain to this particular kind of analysis. Collection of the case studies will take a period of two months. Shortly after, pattern matching will follow; this will take a period of two months. The findings in each of the case studies will be related back to the theoretical frameworks done just before this step. After two months of pattern matching, an analysis of the findings will be done.

The patterns will be linked to the research questions in order to establish a correlation between the two facets; this process will take approximately two weeks. Afterwards, a discussion of the research results will be done in order to form a complete picture of the issue of black womens situation prior to the formation of black feminism. The latter step will take place within a period of two weeks.

The conclusion and recommendations will be the last step in the preparation of the dissertation report, and this will be done within two weeks as well. A compilation of the references used in the report and the final editing will proceed after that. This will take a period of three days. Thereafter, the dissertation will be submitted.

Works Cited

Atlink, Henrice. The misfortune of being black and female. Third Space 5.1(2006): 99-113. Print.

Brearley, David. The case study: threat or opportunity. Counsellor education and supervision 33(1993): 35-57. Print.

Collins, Patricia. Black sexual politics: African Americans, gender and the new racism. NY: Routledge, 2004. Print.

Crenshaw, Kimberle. Beyond racism and misogyny: Black feminism and 2 Live Crew. 2005. Web.

Fogg-Davis, Hawley. A black feminist critique of same race street harassment. 2005. Web.

Frances, White. Listening to the voices of black feminism. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1989. Print.

Guy-Sheftall, Beverly. Words of Fire: An anthology of African American Feminist Thought. NY: New Press, 1995. Print.

Hine, Darlene. Black women in America. NY: OUP, 2005. Print.

Jones, Jacqueline. Labour of love, labour of sorrow: black women, work and the family from slavery to the present. NY: Vintage books, 1995. Print.

Loury, Glenn. One by one from the inside out: essays and reviews on race and responsibility in America. NY: the free press, 1995. Print.

McCauley, Robbie. But some of us are brave: a history of black feminism in the United States. 2004. Web..

Perry, Gary. The unique challenges and experiences of African American women academicians at predominantly white institutes. 2001. Web.

Schultz, Priscilla. The sociocultural context of African Americans and White American Womens rape. Social studies journal 48.1(1992): 77-91

Yin, Robert. Case study research: design and methods. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, Print.

Background of the Study

The experiences of black women in the U.S. have challenged feminist scholarship to rethink the relationship between race and gender for everyone. Since the middle of the 20^th century, womens studies scholars have increasingly acknowledged that differences among women arise from inequalities of power and privilege. For African American women, gender is a part of a larger pattern of unequal social relations; how gender is experienced depends with how it intersects with other inequalities (Hooks 8).

Research Question

What was the position of black women in U.S. society and the reasons why the black women population did not consider themselves as a part of the ongoing feminist movements (in 20^th century)? (Hooks 10).

From the research question, I intend to explore the gender ideology of the Black Power Movement, the participation of women, the effect of the fight against racism together with an increased level of race consciousness on gender awareness, and the cultural changes inspired by black power.

Although womens activism throughout Americas history is evidence of emerging feminisms, I intend to focus my research on the emergence of radical feminism in which black women question not only their oppression in society but also the very nature of the gender hierarchy and the hegemonic gender system (Hooks 11). This paper is meant to open debate on how women viewed the much-hyped feminist movement.

Significance of the Study

I have found the work of Bell Hooks (15) useful in understanding the construction of hegemonic gender orders with hegemonic versions of masculinity and femininity. Hegemonic gender constructs perpetuate the idea that gender roles are somehow natural and therefore immutable.

They are developed in such a way to maintain control of and appeal across class and race by displaying essential ingredients to all groups. Until men and women challenge these hegemonic structures, which are continuously being reinforced by the media and other forces and institutions, gender equality cannot fully evolve.

Some women activists in the Black Power movement, while fighting against racism and class discrimination, began to question their own oppression but did not go to challenge these structures. An examination of the gender in the Black Power movement and the subsequent development of a feminist movement make a critical contribution to the study of gender in America. There are important similarities between the experiences of women in the Black Power movement in the U.S. including the construction of black masculinity (Hooks 20).

Theoretical Approach and Methods

The Black Feminist movement emerged as a response to the Black Liberation movement and the Womens Movement. During this period, the term black was often used to refer to black men while woman was used to refer to white women. As a result, this led to the neglect of the existence of black women and their needs.

The main goal of the movement was to come up with a hypothesis that could deal with the way race, gender, and class were interlinked in their lives and to take measures that could halt sexist and classist discrimination. There have been arguments that the Black Feminist movement fought for the freedom of everyone in the society since it sought to eliminate racism, sexism and class subjugation.

The Feminist Theory is one of the theories that emerged as a result of this movement. There has been known to exist a special bond between Black Feminists and post-colonial feminists since both fought for the recognition of both the men in their own society and the Western feminists. (Hooks 35).

Literature Review

No one-research study identified examines how Black women addressed the barriers attributed to race, gender, and social class during the black feminist movement. This literature review will provide insight about the political identity of Black women through the lens of Black feminist thought.

This section will begin with an overview of feminist theory to offer a context and visualize the origin of Black feminist thought. The literature review will also connect issues of race, class, and gender with the critical variables of self-determination and self-definition as fundamental components of Black feminist thought. To embrace the uniqueness of Black feminist thought, the study will define and describe the outsider-within phenomenon that has plagued Black women since their enslavement.

Feminist Theory

The purpose of this section of the literature review is to offer a comprehensive understanding of standpoint theory. One should have a firm grasp of this theorys tenets to have the proper foundation to understand Black feminist thought theory. There exists multiple related and yet distinct feminist standpoint theories. They are grounded in one original idea, which is that knowledge is socially located and arises in social positions that are structured by power relations (Hallstein 32).

Standpoint theorists (McClish & Bacon 27) asserted that there are two reasons an epistemology generated from an oppressed group, such as women, is more valid than the knowledge of those in dominant positions. The first reason insists that the oppressed must understand the ideology of those in power to survive, and the second reason asserts that those of subjugated groups offer fuller insight into the social order since they possess no desire to maintain the status quo.

In one of the central tenets associated with standpoint theory, Orbe (230) asserted that research must begin from a persons concrete lived experiences and emphasize the need to be aware of a specific societal position. Orbe also noted that research and knowledge production about women must begin from womens lives and that their vision is not necessarily truthful.

Therefore, no one standpoint can serve to represent the cognitive behavior, belief, or attitudes of all women due to the existence of multiple differences among women. With a true understanding of standpoint theory, one may now explore the specifics of Black feminist thought.

Theory grounds how researchers identify, name, interpret, and write about individual and collective experiences. It can be challenging to find and apply theoretical constructs that are appropriate for explaining and understanding the experiences of Black women. To try to interpret the experience in a fair and just manner, one must have the proper theoretical lens.

Thus, it is important to identify a theory that reflects Black womens political and social positions and that of others with whom they interact in the world. Black feminists (McClish & Bacon 30) argue that Black womens perspectives are grounded in their unique experiences.

Feminist activists and historical scholars apply the wave model to describe the womens movement in the United States; however, this model obscures the historical role of race (Springer 1059) as part of the movement. Black feminism came into being during the subsequent wave of the womens movement that began towards the end of the 1960s. (Smith 56).

While some traditional theories provide frameworks that are adaptable enough to conform to any groups development, Black feminist thought is more specific in its integration, validation, and centering of Black womens unique realities, perceptions, and experiences (Collins 14).

In the 1960s and 1970s, the womens liberation and Black power movements (Cole & Stewart 130) aimed to redefine the roles and broaden the privileges of historically disadvantaged groups. These movements worked to accomplish these ends through the redefinition of the constituent groups identities and political consciousness. In 1973, the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO) was formed (Smith 60). In 1974, a group of Black women known as The Combahee River Collective, gathered in Boston, Massachusetts (Smith 62).

The name Combahee River came from a military action in South Carolina led by Harriet Tubman. During this gallant incident, 750 slaves were set free during a military organization that was designed and executed by a woman. Members of these groups have been involved in defining and clarifying the political identity of Black women and were committed to struggling against racial, sexual, and class oppression.

The focal point on their individual subjugation is encompassed in the concept of personality politics (Smith 63). Identity politics support the notion that the most profound and radical politics stem from ones own identity and not one that works toward ending someone elses oppression.

Political identity (Cole & Stewart 135) describes a pattern of beliefs related to the social and structural relationships that connect the individual to social groups. It asserts that human existence is interconnected and that systemic obstacles rather than individual shortcomings limit disadvantaged groups. It proposes that the political realm is personally relevant and meaningful, and that collective actions are the best responses to social problems.

Black feminists distinguish their struggle from that of White feminists, as the struggle of Black feminists is both anti-racist and anti-sexist (Smith 64).

White feminists do not claim as a facet of their struggle the element of race. Another distinction (Smith 65) is the feelings of solidarity that Black feminists have toward progressive Black men, which differ from the fractionalization that White women who are separatists have toward White men. To demonstrate solidarity with Black men, the vision of Black feminism embraces the unified struggle to diminish the forces of racism, class separation, and sexism.

Black Womens Understanding of Race, Class and Gender

Chandra Talpade Mohanty (50) asserted that from the perspective of some of the most disenfranchised communities of women in the world, it is likely to envision a just and democratic society capable of treating all its citizens fairly.

Conversely, she stated that if we begin our analysis from, and limit it to, the space of privileged communities, our vision of justice is more likely to be exclusionary because privilege nurtures blindness to those without the same privileges. A Black feminist framework takes into account the intersectional dynamics of race, class, and gender (Coker 654).

While this framework provides a platform to examine and better comprehend the commonalities that exist between Black women, it also recognizes differences among Black women. A review of the extensive work of Dr. Patricia Hill Collins (227) served as a primary source to offer a conceptual framework for comprehending Black feminist thought.

Working jointly and in systematic fashion, the discriminations of racism, sexism, and, in many cases, class inequality remain pervasive in the personal and professional lives of many Black women. Patricia Collinss (18) conceptual framework of Black feminist thought and its themes rendered an insightful vantage point into the experiences of all Black women.

Black feminist ideas are built in the principle that black women, as an assembly, possess definite themes (Collins 19). The ideology of Black feminist thought declares that visibility of Black women asserts self-determination and self-definition as essential, challenges the interlocking nature of oppression, and presumes an image of Black women as powerful and independent subjects (Collins 20).

A self-determined person is one who has the power to decide ones own destiny just as a self-realized person has the power to name ones own reality (Collins 21). This research indicates that to foster and facilitate a personal or professional relationship with a Black woman, a balance of, respect for, or at minimum, a healthy recognition of these themes needs to exist.

The social construction of black womanhood

The-outsider-within syndrome is a common and critical factor that unites the experience of U.S. Black women in the labor market. The outsider-within syndrome is a social condition where Black women appeared to belong to a group but were not accepted as an equal.

Collins (72) outlined the origin of the syndrome. Prior to World War II, the two categorical areas of employment for U.S. Black women were domestic and agricultural work. Development and transference of both skill sets are a direct result of Black womens enslavement in this country.

As domestic employees, Black women performed duties that allowed them to form nurturing ties with White children and often with the employers themselves. Hallstein (38) also noted that women occupy a position inside and outside of the dominant culture. The outsider-within syndrome is also described as bifurcated in that a womans perception of her structural position allows her to see her own socially located knowledge and that of the dominant culture and its feminine conception.

The Five Distinguishing Features of Black Feminist Thought

The effects of institutional racism are complicated by racial segregation and accompanying discriminatory practices designed to deny equitable treatment to Blacks. The general purpose of Black feminist thought (Collins 76) is to resist the practices and ideology generated by oppression. For Black women (Collins 77), the impact of institutional racism, sexism, and discrimination based on class remain observable and tangible.

The common experiences generated by these existing conditions, stated Collins (78), mean that Black women live in a different world than those who are not Black and women. These conditions amplify the need for a conceptual framework that distinguishes Black feminist thought from other feminist schools of thought.

Experience and consciousness.The first feature recognizes interdependence between experience (Collins 78) and consciousness. The link between what one does and what one thinks characterizes the Black womens experience as a group. Collins (78) emphasized that the deficiency of political activism on the part of the subjugated group evolves from their flawed consciousness of their own subjugation. There are two possible interpretations (Collins 79) of the oppressed groups consciousness if Black womens collective wisdom is not present.

This can be interpreted to mean that subordinate groups have a firm identification with the power group thus depriving them of a valid independent analysis of their own subjugation. The second interpretation is that the oppressed group is less human than the powerful group. Both interpretations, according to Collins (79), sees the lack of activism by Black women or any oppressed group as a sign of the groups inferiority or a flawed consciousness of subordination.

The legacy of struggle.The second feature is the recognized link between Black womens oppression and the legacy of struggle. The legacy of struggle, according to Collins (79), referred to Black womens struggle to exist in conflicting worlds: (1) that of the White, privileged, and oppressive; and (2) that of the Black, exploited and simultaneously oppressed. Acknowledging that this dilemma exists, (Collins 79) does not confirm that every Black woman recognizes or embraces its existence.

Dialogic relationship.The third feature of Black feminist thought is that there exists a dialogic (Collins 79) relationship that characterizes Black womens experiences and group knowledge.

This feature insinuates that variations of thought may accompany alterations in the course of action thus lead to the production of modified experiences that uphold altered individual or group perception. Within the context of this feature, Collins introduced the notion of rearticulation, which occurs when Black women receive a different view of themselves and the world.

This rearticulated consciousness strives to empower Black women and promote resistance (Collins 80). Williams et al (181) identified the use of dialogue as a Black feminist thought theme. This too suggests that oppressed groups use dialogues to establish empowered bonds and relationships.

Black women intellectuals.The fourth distinguishing feature claims Black women intellectuals (Collins 81) as the coalition-building group of Black feminist thought. Collins continues to emphasize that a Black woman intellectual can reside within and outside of the academic arena.

The experience of the Black woman affords her the right and ability to provide a vision of Black womanhood that is unavailable to members of other groups. According to Collins, the intellectual must promote and push the themes of self-determination, self-definition, and group autonomy. The concepts of self-determination and self-definition will serve as variables of interest and exploration for the developmental networks of Black women.

Significance of Change.The significance of change symbolizes the last distinctive facet of Black feminist thought. Collins (81) asserted the changing social conditions experienced by Black women generate a need for constant Black feminist analyses of shared differences that characterize Black womanhood.

Collins used the aforementioned concept of outsider-within syndrome as an example. She acknowledged that in todays world of work, far fewer Black women are domestic employees, but Collins submits this image has experienced a modern transformation. Black women still hold the lions share of contemporary emotional nurturing, lower tier administrative, and cleaning up after people positions.

The Constraining Walls of Social Location

An image that helps convey how the Feminist Theory limits opportunity and represents the relationship between structure and culture is found in Gloria Naylors novel The Women of Brewster Place. The characters in this story live on a dead-end street that has been closed off by a brick wall. The wall separates Brewster Place from the rest of the community.

It shuts out light to apartments, it creates a dark and unprotected area where destructive activities occur, and its presence suggests that there is only one way out. The wall on Brewster place is a powerful symbol of the ways racial oppression, sexual exploitation, and class domination constrain the life chances and choices of the women who live there.

For black-American women, the social structures that are identified and discussed in this book are similar to the wall; they create barriers, limit opportunities, and constrain choices. At the conclusion of The Women of Brewster Place, the wall at the end of the street becomes the focus of collective social action. In a final act of defiance and rage, the residents of the street tear the wall down.

The wall and the responses and reaction of the residents to it provide a useful device for illustrating the relationship of social structure to human choice and action. Within the walls constructed by race, class, and gender oppression, black women create lives for themselves, their families, and their communities. Their lives are an active outgrowth of the continuous interplay between their cultural background, their personal abilities, and their struggles with the constraints of social structure (Naylor 2-120).

Outcome Literature Review

While research that examines the reasons why the black women population did not consider themselves as a part of the ongoing feminist movements from the perspective of Black women is scarce, it is my hope that this study will encourage others to continue the scholarship. Although gender as a category of consciousness was not developed during the Feminist movement, looking back at the movement with a gendered analysis based on the feminist theory does give some important insights that may not have been obvious at the time.

The Black Power Movement clearly demonstrated the resilience of the gender system. The language of the movement is particularly interesting. Black Power advocates used a very masculine language that focused almost exclusively on the Black Man. Even if Black Power leaders felt the need to focus on recruiting men, it is interesting why they did so in gendered language. They equated the lack of power with the denial of manhood, thus tying masculinity to power.

The movement derived its concept of manhood directly from the model of hegemonic masculinity of the ruling class, the same elite whom advocates of Black Power challenged, yet they never seriously questioned the structure of masculinity, nor the oppression of women (Hooks 52).

Because power, sexuality, and manhood were so intrinsically linked, it was not surprising that the Black Power movement in the United States should place a new emphasis on the black male body. At the same time that the Black is Beautiful slogan provided a necessary counter to Western ideals of beauty, this new emphasis on blackness reasserted the power, strength and sexuality of the black body, and of the black male body in particular.

This focus tended to assert male sexuality and power, while exploiting black female sexuality. The hyper-masculine sexualized male body of the African man thus played on the white male fears that arose from the mythical construction of black male sexualitya side effect of British imperialism and the colonizing agenda.

Cultural critic Bell Hooks (84) points out that the black male body has also been feminized by white men in order to assuage that fear, so that, like all women, black men were seen as more body than mind and more instinctive than logical. The hyper-masculine image of Black Power served in part to counteract this feminization.

Research Outline

For my future research, I intend to follow the following outline in order to fully answer my research question:

1. Introduction
2. Sexism and the black female slave experience
3. The imperialism of patriarchy
4. Racism and feminism: The issue of accountability
5. Black women and feminism
6. Conclusion

The chapter on racism and feminism and black women and feminism are extremely important to me since they will help me to reflect on my research process and outcome.

Plan of Study

Time Schedule

Works Cited

Coker, Andrew. African American Women Adult Learners: Motivations,

Challenges, and Coping Strategies. Journal of Black Studies, 33.5 (2003). 654-674. Print.

Cole, Edward, & Stewart, Andrew. Meanings of Political Participation among Black and White women: Political Identity and Social Responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71.1 (1996): 130-140. Print.

Collins, Patricia. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge, 2000. 69-82. Print.

Collins, Patricia. Learning from the Outsider within: The Sociological Significance of Black Feminist Thought. Social Problems, 33.6 (1986): 14-23. Print.

Collins, Patricia. Healing Identities: Black Feminist Thought and the Politics of Group. A Journal of Feminist Philosophy, 21.2 (2005): 227. Print.

Hallstein, Dennis. A Postmodern Caring: Feminist Standpoint Theories, Revisioned Caring and communication ethics. Western Journal of Communication, 63.1 (1999): 32- 56. Print.

Hooks, Bell. Aint I A Woman: Black Women and Feminism. London: Pluto Press, 1981. 8-100. Print.

Orbe, Patrick. An Outsider within Perspective to Organizational Communication: Explicating the Communicative Practices of Co-cultural Group Members. Management Communication Quarterly, 12.2 (1998): 230-279. Print.

McClish, Gregory, & Bacon, James. Telling the Story her Own Way: The role of Feminist Standpoint Theory in Rhetorical Studies. Rhetoric Society Quarterly, 32.2 (2002): 27-55. Print.

Mohanty, Talpade. Under Western Eyes Revisited: Feminist Solidarity Through Ant-Capitalist Struggles. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 28.2 (2003): 50-100. Print.

Naylor, Gloria. The Women of Brewster Place. New York: Penguin, 1983. 2-120. Print.

Smith, Barbara. Home girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. 56-102. Print.

Springer, Keith. Third Wave of Black Feminism? Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 27.4 (2002): 1059-1082. Print.

Williams, Robert., Brewley, David., Reed, James., White, Dennis., & Davis-Haley, Raymond. Learning to Read Each Other: Black Women Graduate Students Share their Experiences at a White Research I Institution. The Urban Review, 37.3 (2005): 181-199. Print.

Introduction

In the 21^st century, the importance of positive democratic values has been on a stable increase. More specifically, society has demonstrated a growing level of recognition in regard to human rights and equality. People of different backgrounds and statuses are placed in the center of heated discussions within the domains of social studies, economics, and politics. In a way, modern society has been actively trying to amend for the past oppression of certain communities. At the same time, in this context, a topical issue remains and consists of severe disparities experienced by women. The efforts of policy-makers in this regard have been equally active, and social awareness of the inequality led to considerable attention being devoted to the matter at hand. The profound discrimination of women was embedded in the history of even the most developed societies across centuries. Such a situation prompted the emergence and rise of feminist movements that aimed to defend women and earn the same rights as their male counterparts.

The discussion remains heated today, as certain disparities remain present in social policy, economic relations, and employment conditions. Accordingly, the contemporary feminist movements continue to insist on womens inherent rights to equality. However, critics of these views often object to the very necessity of such activist groups in the current environment. This paper argues that not only are feminist movements still needed in the contemporary world but the nature of the discussion has become more complex than ever.

Background Information

The ideas, upon which feminist movements are based, stem from the disparities embedded in the history of society. In the past, womens roles in many cultures were diminished in favor of patriarchal ideas. More specifically, most of them were expected to remain outside politics, economics, diplomacy, or decision-making, in general. Instead, women had to focus on their households, while giving birth and raising their children. Even childbirth per se reflected the misogynistic views. For noble people of the past, having a son was considered a blessing, as boys were seen as heirs that will continue the lineage. In the cases of daughters, the prospects were often limited to forming favorable alliances through marriage with another family. In other words, women of the past could not enjoy the same benefits as their male counterparts. Furthermore, their potential was disregarded on the mere basis of gender, irrespective of the personality. As a result, many talented women had to remain under social constraints in favor of mediocre men whose sole advantage was gender-based.

Under these circumstances, the rise of feminist movements was a matter of time. Indeed, the history of the world has several prominent examples of women in power, sciences, and arts. Great nations of the past had female rulers, and major research fields saw massive contributions from talented women. However, these figures still had to endure severe skepticism on behalf of the male population, while working in considerably more difficult conditions. Therefore, these instances are likely to represent rare exceptions from the patriarchal paradigm of rules. To amend for the discrimination, courageous activists launched campaigns against the disparities, attempting to improve the contemporary positions of women. Occasional writings between the 16^th and 18^th centuries could account for a systemic movement (Fernflores, 2019). It was only in the late 19^th century that feminist activists gained the resources to affect communities and confront the patriarchy on a wide scale.

During this period, feminism had tangible and indispensable goals in the form of granting women the rights to vote, obtain higher education, and develop their careers on equal terms. Following the initial surge of the movement, governments finally came to acknowledge the magnitude of the situation and satisfied the demands of the female population. However, the need for feminism did not cease to exist upon the legislative foundation of womens rights. These actions amended for the evident flows on systemic level, but the efforts did not suffice for the profound social transformation. Fernflores (2019) argues that misogyny persisted within institutional and personal domains, poisoning an array of activities in which women were engaged. Even though female candidates acquired the right for a career, employer did not become eager to develop womens talents, keeping their patriarchal preferences. In other words, the legislative changes did not translate into the shift of the paradigm of social thought.

Ultimately, women remained oppressed in their professional, social, and academic activities despite gaining access to them. This indeterminacy prompted feminist activists to change the direction of their movements across the 20^th century in attempt to reach the minds of the population and secure womens position in society. Current observations suggest that social philosophy has made considerable progress in this regard. By the 2020s, the level of awareness concerning the issues faced by women has become unprecedently high, leading to major positive changes. In this context, a question arises of whether modern society retains the need for feminism in the first place, and this matter deserves additional exploration.

Topical Issues of the 21^st Century

Today, the legislative frameworks of developed nations focus on the equality of citizens rights regardless of their characteristics. Therefore, it is possible to suggest that the initial objectives of earlier feminist movements have been attained. Nevertheless, the contemporary social landscape has become highly changeable in the era of globalization and progress. Interpersonal relation framework has acquired an unprecedented level of complexity that adds new issues while highlighting the pre-existing ones. Under these circumstances, social activists can observe and address more profound problems that persist in todays communities. As discussed above, the legislative recognition of womens rights is, without a doubt, a positive development.

On the other hand, many women remain subject to the public disapproval based on their desire to pursue the same goals as men. In the age of global opportunities, conservative views continue to encourage women to concentrate on household duties and children, often at the expense of their professional aspirations. As a result, millions of talented women are deprived of due success and recognition because of the societal pressure. Furthermore, those who still opt for personal and professional development, experience serious disparities at the workplace. Stoel and Geary (2019) observe a serious impact on behalf of the traditional gendered approach to the division of labor. According to these obsolete views, certain areas of expertise are reserved for men, thus preventing women from developing their expertise in a positive environment. In many cases, such field includes the work that is demanding in terms of manual labor and physique, and the proponents of the division claim that it is enabled by objective biological differences. However, if a woman opts for the work in the military, law enforcement, construction, or any other sphere, there should not be any unnecessary barriers on her way.

While professional matters are an important element of the present disparities, other spheres of activity remain subject to gender biases, as well. For example, Czymara et al. (2020) discuss the role of sex in public health and conclude that women often experience serious conditions due to the stress imposed by social biases. Moreover, in the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, women were found to be affected by lockdowns (Czymara et al., 2020). The disparities were observed on both physical and mental levels, resulting, for example, in the increased shortage of paid work hours for women as compared to male employees. This case highlights the interrelated nature of the contemporary social problems. In addition, the age-old disparities are complemented by adjacent biases based on socioeconomic and racial prejudices. While women, in general, remain subject to discrimination, female residents of color and indigenous peoples experience further oppression at the intersection of biases (Moreton-Robinson, 2013). Such a complexity signifies that feminism, as a movement, remains needed in the 21^st century. Moreover, it is required to address more profound issues using the foundation laid by the pioneers of the movement in the 20^th century.

Ideas of Contemporary Feminism

The contemporary feminism pursues a similar overarching objective as its predecessors. It consists of the complete and unconditioned recognition of women as capable individuals who deserve to be viewed and treated equally to men. At the same time, the details of the movement have been subject to profound changes, as well. Todays feminist activities are built upon the 20^th-century foundation that granted equal civil rights to both sexes. Following the initial success, the focus of attention has shifted from the broad political and legislative discussion to the societal aspect of life (Di Stefano, 2019). In other words, the ultimate purpose of the 21^st-century feminism is not to affect global decision-makers but to reach the minds of individuals. This objective is enabled through the increased level of social awareness observed presently. People of today pay more attention to injustices and disparities, seeking new avenues of improving the situation.

Feminism of the 21^st century reflects the complexity and diversity of the age in that there are different approaches to the philosophy. From a generalized perspective, the central ideas of modern feminism revolve around establishing womens equal status in all aspects of social and professional relations in reality and not merely on paper. While both history and modernity possess examples of prominent female personalities, present-day views dictate that successful women should be the norm. In other words, the very emphasis on specific success stories reflects the disparities, as prominent female figures are considered out of the ordinary. These ideas comprise all spheres of human activity, from basic, essential areas to sophisticated arts, sciences, and political governance (Desai & Khan, 2020). Overall, sex-related biases persist on the individual level, prompting feminist movements to remain active and relevant in the current environment.

Practical Execution

The discussion regarding the feminism of the 21^st century requires an emphasis on the practical implementation of this theory. The diversification of approaches to womens empowerment has entailed the emergences of varying, often conflicting modes of action in this regard. The world has come a long way from the 20^th-century suffragettes to the present-day activism that focuses on specific cases. The examples of such efforts may be both positive and negative, which controversy to the controversy surrounding contemporary feminism. The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women encourages modern activists to support womens empowerment across the globe (U.N. Women, 2019). For example, Womens Peer Groups supported by this organizations have been able to address the issue of child marriage. Historically, girls across several Indian states were forced to marry at very young ages, having no agency in this regard. These women were controlled by the patriarchal traditions that deprived them of any possibility of choice of their lifetime partners. Womens Peer Groups organize meaningful actions against child marriage in five Indian states, contributing to the eradication of these damaging practices.

On the other hand, certain feminist movements cannot be seen as inherently positive, becoming a reason for controversy. In this context, feminist movements, opposing gender biases, may violate the integrity and equally of other domains of oppression. More specifically, 21^st-century feminism is claimed to rely upon the white majority and its understanding of justice (Henry, 2021). These ideas are fueled by the white paradigm of social thought, often disregarding the particularities of other ethnic groups and placing them in a vulnerable position. At the same time, women of color have to endure even more serious oppression in comparison to white females. According to Behrendt (1993), a similar situation is observed in the case of aboriginal females of Australia, whose agency was compromised in the fallout of the colonization of the continent. Therefore, feminist movements across the globe may benefit from a stronger emphasis on the intersection of race and gender in the current complex environment.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the emergence of feminist ideas and their rise across the globe was caused by the profoundly detrimental influence of patriarchy embedded in most developed societies. From the early ages of human history, the roles of women were actively diminished in favor of their male counterparts. By the 19^th century, the degree of oppression existed in the domain of the direct violation of human rights. Therefore, the initial surge of feminism across developed nations pursued the global objective of providing women with the basic rights that were guaranteed to men. Eventually, this mission was accomplished, causing reasonable doubts regarding the necessity of continuing feminist efforts across the rest of the 20^th century.

However, the legislative transformations could not eradicate gender-related biases that permeated most aspects of society. Despite being granted equal rights on paper, women continued to face severe discrimination in terms of studies, work, and other activities. Thus, the 21^st-century feminism remained relevant, even though its particularities have changed along with the environment. Within the contemporary landscape, feminist movements pursue the eradication of social biases on all levels to ensure that women have not only theoretical rights but also the right conditions to fulfill their talents. Modern feminism is as complex as the society, in general. Having both positive and negative examples of efforts, this philosophy still retains its importance in terms of preserving and developing the democratic principles upon which society is based.

References

Behrendt, L. (1993). Aboriginal women and the white lies of the feminist movement: Implications for aboriginal women in rights discourse. The Australian Feminist Law Journal, 1, 2744.

Czymara, C. S., Langenkamp, A., & Cano, T. (2020). Cause for concerns: gender inequality in experiencing the COVID-19 lockdown in Germany.European Societies, 23(1), 6881. Web.

Desai, M., & Khan, K. (2020). Feminist Praxis and Globalization. In N. A. Naples (Ed.). Companion to Feminist Studies. John Wiley & Sons.

Di Stefano, C. (2019). Configurations of masculinity: A feminist perspective on modern political theory. Cornell University Press.

Fernflores, R. (2019). Feminist history and feminism and the future. Journal of Academic Perspectives, 4, 110.

Moreton-Robinson, A. (2013). Towards an Australian indigenous womens standpoint theory: A methodological tool. Australian Feminist Studies, 28(78), 331347. Web.

U.N. Women (2019). Women rising: Womens activism that has shaped the world as you know it. Web.

In her short tale Perspectives Past and Present, author and poet Alice Walker famously uses the statement Womanist Is to Feminist as Purple Is to Lavender, meaning that womanist is a larger ideological framework within which feminism plays a part. By contrasting the softness of pink with the boldness of purple, commonly referred to as the royal color, she uniquely celebrates womanism and sets it apart (Izgarjan & Markov, 2012). Likening feminism to a feeble lavender sort is an unfair comparison and brings to mind discussions about whether or not the movement lost favor with many women during the cultural diversity. This research report analyzes why the Alice Walker used the statement Womanist Is to Feminist as Purple Is to Lavender.

In Walkers view, gender is a broader category that encompasses feminism as a subtype; womanism is inherently pro-humankind. In this religion, oppression based on race and class takes precedence over that based on gender. She views womanism, an ideology based on Black womens lived experiences, Black culture, Black mythology, Black spirituality, and Black orality, as a basis for the survival of the Black race (Izgarjan & Markov, 2012). The often-quoted line by Walker that womanist is to feminist as purple is to lavender implies that feminism is a subset of womanism rather than its distinct ideology.

The innovative association of lavenders milder hue with the idea that feminism is associated more with white women than women of color is another example of this statement. Her metaphor of a garden where every flower is given the same amount of care and attention also relates to this concept (Izgarjan & Markov, 2012). A womanist wants to see a future where men and women may live together while yet retaining their identities and cultures. Having men in the conversation allows Black women to discuss gender inequality without making sexist remarks about them.

In conclusion, Alice Walker used the statement Womanist Is to Feminist as Purple Is to Lavender to express her attitude towards black womens experiences. Her ideas are based on seeing a future perspective where men and women will be living a life that is free from identities and cultural barriers, such as feminisms decentralization and the stress of studying the impact of social constructs like color, race, gender, and status have had on peoples experiences.

Reference

Izgarjan, A., & Markov, S. (2012). Alice Walkers womanism: Perspectives past and present. Gender Studies, 11(1), 304315. Web.

Defining feminism and multiculturalism according to Okins article

Is multiculturalism bad for women? This paper intends to clarify the issues that are raised due to feminism and multiculturalism and explore if multiculturalism is beneficial to the women. However, before we even go further we have to understand what is multiculturalism and feminism. Okin has the idea that women ought not to be disadvantaged by their sex in explaining feminism. She further explains that women should be treated equally with men when it comes to recognizing their human dignity and should receive equal opportunities to live freely just as the men do. In explaining multiculturalism, her main concern is the minority cultures that do not protect their members rights but rather let the special group rights protect them (Okin, 1999).

Why certain minority cultures deserve special group rights according to Kymlicka

Kymlicka argues that the minority groups should form large special groups because they will be reducing the chances of extinction. He further argues that the special groups that are formed will be easier to deal with the smaller cultures and their culture will not be lost in these special groups. He also says the formation of special groups gives harmony even in the modern democratic states. The harmony that these groups bring is important in keeping all the groups in contact with their culture. It is said Americans do not have a culture of their own. This may not be true because many people have migrated to the United States and they bring their culture along with them. This puts the United States as a rights special group because it carries different minority cultures in it (Kymlicka, 1995).

Okins critique of such special rights

Okin criticizes such special rights for two main reasons. Firstly, they indulge the cultural groups in having more interest in the differences among and between groups rather than focusing on the differences that are within them. Secondly, special rights groups have a low interest in the individualism of the different cultures that form the special rights groups. She insists that individuals need a culture that belongs to them only because in such settings, the individuals develop their self-esteem resulting to them having a clear vision of what they want their lives. Cultures are the foundation of the formation of family life to be formed and she criticizes that the special groups can kill the formation of culture-oriented families (Okin, 1999).

The liberal response to Okins critique

In Okins article, she notes that women are overlooked when it comes to decision-making. Many cultures favor men over women and it was not an issue that started in the recent past but it has been here since the biblical times. Okin openly a states that even though there is a lot of proof showing that women are undermined in different cultures, little has been done to rectify the situation. Kymlicka is Okins major critic and in his arguments, he advocates for group rights, which are rooted in individual rights. He also says that a minority culture that chooses to form a special rights group ought to govern itself by recognizing the liberal principles. Okin criticizes this fact by saying that group rights may result to oppression because discrimination of other cultures may occur. Kymlicka objects giving group rights the authority over the minority culture that practice open sex discrimination. Okin says that people who defend group rights should tackle these private culture to protect the different cultures that are in the special group rights. This will ensure that the cultures bring up girls who are not afraid to achieve what they are required to achieve. She also states that it is important to develop self-respect in all the different cultures.

The solution Okin offers

Women are discriminated against across many cultures. Cultures may not be able to eradicate this discrimination but a clear way to start is by giving special care to women and girls even though the men will still benefit. The foundation of liberalism is having an interest in all the minority cultures that are put together to form the larger special group. Not only should men occupy the top positions of the group but also the women should be given a chance so that there can be some equality in the group.

The tension between womens interest and multiculturalism (own experience)

Women are affected in cultures in various ways. For instance, in the Muslim culture women are required to remain as virgins until they are married but no attention is given to men. As I was walking down the streets one day, I came across a group of Muslims who were claiming that a certain girl had committed adultery. At that point, I kept on wandering to myself why they were questioning the girl alone yet it takes two fornicate. I pitied the girl because she had to face the consequences of her actions alone. Yet, I do not mean that she should have not been reprimanded but they would have taken into consideration both parties.

Evaluating Okins criticism of multiculturalism

In the good faith of avoiding the extinction of the minority cultures, then the special groups would be a better alternative. People may say the United States does not have a culture but the various immigrants have carried their culture to the country making it a land of diverse cultures. In some way to reduce feminism, multiculturalism may be considered because it brings different cultures together.

Conclusion

On a final note, multiculturalism is bad for women. Despite the fact that multiculturalism brings different cultures together, many the cultures underestimate women. Dealing with equality on feminism should be addressed from the root of every culture. That is the only appropriate way in dealing with feminism.

Reference List

Kymlicka W. (1995). Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (1^st ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

Okin S. M. (1999). Is multiculturalism bad for women? (1^st ed.). New Jersey: Princeton University Press.