Category: Feminism

Prostitution as a Feminist Issue: Argumentative Essay

Why is prostitution a feminist issue, and what should feminists say about it?

Prostitution is often referred to as the world’s oldest profession (Dylewski and Prokop, 2018). A long debate stands regarding prostitution amongst feminists and sex work in general. In order to fully understand the issue of prostitution and what feminists should say about it, it is important to understand what we define as prostitution. Prostitution is the act or practice of engaging in promiscuous sexual intercourse, especially for money (Miriam-webster, n.d). The market of prostitution is an issue for feminists as such markets are harmful to women – both as individuals and as a group (Shrage, 2016). The trade-in sex has predominantly involved women being providers and men as consumers. As a result, several feminists argue that the selling of sex harms women due to the stigma related to the work therefore we should challenge the double standards of sexual morality and negative attitudes we have towards sex as a society. It is important to recognize that various feminists’ will view the issue of prostitution differently. I believe as do liberal feminists that we should decriminalize prostitution. Prostitution is a choice that women can make whether or not to engage in similar to other forms of employment. This essay will identify why prostitution is a feminist issue and use different feminist ideologies to address what feminists should say about prostitution. To address the second part of the question, this essay will examine radical, Marxist and liberal feminist perspectives.

Firstly we begin to address why prostitution is a feminist problem some scholars claim the problems with prostitution stem from the nature of the work and its transactional ability. Several women are forced into prostitution by traffickers and pimps or other disadvantaged situations (Kessler, 2005). Some feminists argue that prostitution is problematic due to the inherent nature of sex work, whilst others allege that it stems from contingent features of the social environment in which it is performed (Shrage, 2016). This is highly probable as we live in highly patriarchal societies where women have been exploited in various capacities. Shrage (1989), argues that the sex industry is defined by attitudes and values that are oppressive to women. Due to the existence of patriarchy, prostitution manifests itself in four different ways: subordination, sexual appetite, sexual contact, and our social practices.

Sexual appetite; Freud uses the term ‘libido’ to refer to the natural instinct and desire for sex. Ericsson (1980) contends that the human sexual appetite is as natural and similar to our craving for food. He argues that by looking at sexuality in the same naturalness as food we realize that it can be obtained in multiple ways if not bought. This natural craving or sexual appetite explains the non-economic demand for prostitution. However, considering the Dani people of New Guinea who observe a 5-year period of sexual abstinence without any problem, this craving Ericsson asserts is merely a cultural phenomenon not biological. Subordination or male domination; is equally prevalent within our society. Prostitution mainly -but not exclusively- caters to the male clientele. Women are the providers of the service and men receivers. This division of labor involving women catering to the needs of men is present in other domains as well.

Sexual contact pollutes women; women are valued more for their lack of experience or purity and innocence in regard to sex. This manifests itself linguistically as sexual interaction with a man involves the description of women being ‘fucked’ ‘banged’ and ‘screwed’. Ann Garry attests that within our culture sex is related to harm done by men onto women, thus treating a woman as a sexual object already portrays her as lesser than fully human. The terminology used to discuss sexual interactions impacts how we identify women therefore, terms such as ‘screwing’ present the prostitutes as mere animals or instruments of satisfaction (Shrage, 1989). The last norm states that our social practices make us who we are; our sexuality is an organizing category. A person that engages in relations with someone of the same gender is homophobic or a woman who engages in sexual activity with multiple partners is either loose or slut. These cultural classifications and our tolerance of them structure the meaning of prostitution within our communities. Shrage, therefore, argues that our tolerance for prostitution and participation in an industry that exploits women; the prostitute’s actions and those who participate in it imply they accept the values and beliefs that marginalize women. Ultimately these four are reproduced through prostitution which are the embodiment of patriarchy which explains why prostitution is a feminist issue.

Socially constructed notions of gender and sexuality influence feminists’ views towards sex work and prostitution. Lorber (1994), considers the social construction of gender and the masculinity and femininity dichotomy. Various aspects of society such as family, media, and school reinforce gendered notions which support the organization of society. Through this system, male/masculinity is viewed at higher than female/femininity, with the former as dominant and latter as submissive. With this understanding in sexuality, gender places male sexuality as a ‘dominator’ to the female ‘submissive’ (Kessler, 2005). Therefore prostitution is not only problematic due to its patriarchal nature but also its reinforcement of gendered identities. Barry (1995), adds that under patriarchy women are undifferentiated among and from each other; as a result, they are seen as different to men and therefore lesser to men. Mens assertion of dominance includes control of women’s bodies and sexuality. As Kessler (2005, p.6) mentions “men assert dominance over women in a hierarchical fashion, which includes control of women’s bodies and sexuality. Women, within the gendered organization of sex work and prostitution, are situated as passive under the reign of dominant masculinity. A patriarchal notion of men’s unlimited access to female bodies and female sexuality places the sex worker and prostitute in a subordinate position.” Therefore, men purchasing of females is an assertion of their dominance supported by a patriarchal system. Similarly, Satz (1995) argues that “If prostitution is wrong it is because of its effects on how men perceive women and on how women perceive themselves. In our society, prostitution represents women as the sexual servants of men” (Satz, 1995, p.78).

Cultural relativism is a crucial role when addressing prostitution. In the western world specifically, prostitution is thrives in a society that is oppressive to women in nature and flourishes on the ‘general acceptance of principles that marginalize women socially and politically (Shrage, 1989). Therefore prostitution may not be viewed negatively in every society, however, in this context it is. Shrage asserts that prostitution should be determined through our ‘social reality’ not ‘objective reality; meaning, we analyze the effects of prostitution as they are portrayed within our society and how it perpetuates damaging stereotypes that our society believes in and supports (O’Brien, 2015). In this context, prostitution is an issue as it perpetuates the patriarchal beliefs and values that marginalize women which is damaging to all women (Shrage, 1989). Shrage (1989) adds that the problem with prostitution is it is a perfect example that epitomizes other cultural assumptions that legitimate women’s subordination.

This first section has identified some of the reasons why prostitution is a feminist problem. Charges four norms of prostitution that embody patriarchy and the gendered nature of prostitution. Female prostitution oppresses women not only because of the impact on those involved but its practice perpetuates the socially hegemonic beliefs which oppress all women in all domains of their lives.

This next section will address what feminists say about prostitution. Radical feminists attest that prostitutes are victims of patriarchy whilst Marxists argue they are victims of capitalism (Kessler, 2005). These two schools of thought portray the power structures that support prostitution, however, I think they provide a one-sided view on prostitution. I believe victimizing prostitutes presents them as passive actors. These theories only include the prostitutes whose claims support either a patriarchal or capitalist cause. I do not disagree completely with the radical and marxists views however I believe there is more to consider.

Radical feminists support the eradication of prostitution as they claim it is a form of oppression against women that stems from the inevitable oppression of women in a patriarchal society (Kessler, 2005). According to radical feminists, patriarchy is the main source of women’s oppression with men as the dominant self and women the submissive other. Due to the unequal status of women in society, radical feminists argue prostitutes are victims of exploitation and abuse; prostitution ought to be abolished (Dworkin, 1987). MacKinnon (1992) a radical feminist alleges that prostitution is a form of gendered violence against women. Women are vulnerable to violence in a patriarchal system and this vulnerability makes women potential victims. Consequently, radical feminists advocate for the eradication of prostitution. As much as I agree with the vulnerability that women face through prostitution, I disagree with its eradication which is where my views differ from radical feminists.

The labeling of women as victims is damaging as it creates this idea of helplessness and presents the prostitutes as passive actors. Not all experiences of prostitution are violent or negative because the reason women engage in prostitution varies. Sunny Carter (1994) for example had a very promising experience with prostitution. After her son’s diagnosis of cystic fibrosis, her annual salary was not sufficient to cover the costs to keep her son alive for as long as possible. As a hooker, Carter found it was a useful job that supported her and her son. Therefore we can’t make generalize that all prostitutes have had negative experiences and are victims of prostitution; prostitution is not a homogenous entity. Although critics will argue that her engagement perpetuates patriarchal norms. Despite Carter’s engagement being a choice that several women make to be prostitutes radical feminists dismiss these notions proclaiming them as a reflection of internalized sexism and male privilege (Beran, 2012).

Marxist feminists reinforce the role of capitalism in prostitution. Marxist feminists argue that ‘prostitution is the manifestation of the unequal class position of women vis-A-vis men’ (Shrage, 1989, p.354). Marxist theory also supports the notion that the bodies of prostitutes are commodities because their bodies are for sale. In a society of class structures, there will be a ruling class and a laboring class. The ruling class is therefore in a position to exploit the laboring class; additionally, those in the laboring class are often at the bottom of the social order who exchange their labor for a wage (Robinson, 2007). Similar to wage laborers prostitute is dehumanized and their value is measured by their market price and given to the ruling class. additionally, like wage laborers, they are compelled to work by economic pressure (Jaggar, 1994). This theory is applicable to prostitution in that a prostitute’s labor is sex work and her body becomes a commodity. The ruling class in this instant could be considered the patriarchy that benefits or profits in the expense of the laborer who is the prostitute. Robinson (2007) mentions that although Marxists feminists account for issues of class, they equate the socio-economic position of the prostitute to that of the waged laborers which bypasses gender issues. In addition, wage labourers are exploited by the ruling class, prostitute are exploited by both the ruling class and the men within the society. This is due to the presence of male prostitutes. Therefore, under Marxists feminists understand all work in a capitalist society is exploitative hence categorizing sex workers with other wage earners. In addition, Friedrich Engels a supporter of Marxist theory, opposed prostitution and viewed it as a practice that dehumanized the women who sold themselves and the men who hired them. Therefore according to Marxist feminists the abolition of prostitution is vital part of ending capitalism.

Financial desperation leads to women being in extreme circumstances such as engaging in prostitution. However, as Karl Marx asserts all wage labor is a form of prostitution in a capitalist society; prostitution is a form of capital exchange that brings dependence. Within prostitution, there is a lot of dependence which brings about subordination.

The Marxist feminist theory differs from the radical feminist theory as it places the prostitutes to being exploited by capitalism rather than being exploited by male dominance and violence (Kessler, 2005). Although Marxist and radical feminist theories are valid explanations of the presence of prostitution, i contend that they are both incomplete in explaining the individual experience of the women involved. Marxist believe it is necessary to abolish prostitution, however, legal prohibition is not the appropriate way. ‘Since all form of prostitution result from an inequality of wealth, such inequality must be eliminated’ (Jaggar, 1994). Therefore, according to Marxist feminist we ought to abandon capitalism since capitalism provides men with power to control the means of production which forces women to sell their bodies.

Some feminists argue prostitution is merely a job like any other, and the prostitute is a wage laborer like any other. However, Carole Pateman (1994), argues that sex work undertaken by prostitutes is different from other jobs as it portrays the inferior social and political status of women. Moreover, prostitution cannot be compared to other forms of waged labor because people’s bodies and sexual capacities are an integral part of their identity (Pateman, 1999). The woman working as a prostitute sells her womanhood and therefore sell herself. Pateman (1983) argues that the prostitute does not only sell her labour power but her body itself. Marxist tend to view the labour by sex workers as two separate entities the body and the labour however it cannot be separated from the person. Additionally, capitalist view focuses entirely on the labour from the wage worker however the client is interested in the labour and the body of the worker (Schwarzenbach, 2006). therefore, I agree with Pateman in that prostitution is fundamentally different from wage labour because ‘it violates the intimate relationship between personality and physical embodiment’ (Pateman, 1983).

Lastly, liberal feminists also have a different say regarding prostitution. Liberal feminists argue that prostitution should be decriminalized however, not all liberal feminists agree on the moral status of prostitution. Liberal feminists view prostitution to be a degrading work to women and should not be encouraged but insist on its decriminalization. I do agree that we cannot dictate what is right or wrong onto other people; if someone wants to engage in prostitution that is merely their choice to do so. However, there are certain social implications that arise with its engagement and we should therefore work towards eliminating these negative stigmas and decriminalizing the practice to make it safe for those who wish to engage in it. Other liberal feminists argue there is nothing wrong with prostitution. Some prostitutes may find it liberating and even an entrepreneurial venture. Liberal feminists argue that cultural, political,legal policies and beliefs cause inequality between men and women; therefore, we should advocate for the ability of women to maintain equality and choice in what they want to do. Through decriminalization, the prostitutes will be protected against any vulnerabilities and regulations to prevent any problems of exploitation. Radical feminists challenge this assumption of choice that liberal feminists present. Radical feminist disagree by adding that women are coerced into becoming prostitutes rather than freely choosing it (O’Brien, 2015). Similarly MacKinnon (1991) claims that if prostitution is in fact free as liberal feminists state, then why is one group -the women- who have to make this free choice. Society has made it that women are the sellers and men are the buyers. MacKinnon adds that exploitation stems from dependency between men and women will lead to exploitation; engaging in a contract between two parties will ultimately lead to exploitation. Despite the contract seeming equal, as a result of the dependence that exists between men and women it will lead to exploitation.

Liberal feminists argue prostitution ‘should be treated as an ordinary business transaction, the sale of a service (Jaggar, 1994). I agree with this view, that prostitution can be like any other contract where both parties enter for their own benefit. Through decriminalization, the power will be in the hands of the prostitutes which would eliminate any middle men or pimps that exploit the women. However as Jaggar (1994) mentions one of the problems with the liberal viewpoint is that it assumes that prostitutes enter sex work voluntarily. This may be the case for some but is not for all. In some contexts the economic considerations that motivate an individual to engage in prostitution may be involve some form of coercion. Therefore the contract the prostitutes may sign to would be invalid. In addition despite a person signing onto a contract to sell their sexual service, some scholars argue prostitution cannot be viewed on the same standard as every other service provided on the market. Davidson (2002) argues that one’s sex cannot be commodified because it is inseparable from who they are as a person. When a person sells sex, that person sells their body and themselves.’

Other than decriminalization, other feminists argue for the complete abolition of the practice. The assumption here is that the laborers enter the market out of desperation especially due to poverty. Therefore their participation allows the fortunate to exploit the less fortunate (Shrage, 2016). These feminists argue that sex work is a manifestation of deep social inequalities and injustices within society. Therefore, perhaps sex work is not merely a choice for some but a means to an end for some women tainted by extreme economic coercion. Some scholars say that it is those desperate for money who get into sex work therefore it is not a choice. However, in this regard, all work is therefore not a choice. Being economically coerced into prostitution does not make the practice wrong in my opinion; it is the social presumption that sex work is degrading that makes economic coercion into prostitution wrong. Ericsson (1980) asserts that “a prostitute’s limited financial options are not a consequence of the systemic subordination of women by men, but rather the oppressive force of social conditions that offer some individuals no better financial alternative than becoming a prostitute”.

Lars Ericsson (1980), presents ‘sound prostitution’ in which he argues that we ought to view sex to be similar to the need for food and fresh air. Once we acknowledge this then we will no longer oppose commercial sex. He adds that a person’s right to sell their sexual services is a right similar to them selling their labor power. Through sound prostitution the prostitute must have legal protection from exploitation from pimps and abusive customers; it must be free of child and teen prostitution; it must be freely chosen by the sex worker; it must be equally available to both sexes; and finally it must be practiced within an environment free from emotional prejudice and stigma (Schwarzenbach, 2006). Ericsson (1980) adds that to improve prostitution we must improve our attitudes toward it. According to Pateman (1983), the main argument against liberal prostitution is that prostitution remains to be morally undesirable regardless of what reforms are made. Pateman argues that Ericsson’s sound prostitution fails to acknowledge the patriarchal dimension of society or otherwise what Pateman calls the ‘law of male-sex right’ (Pateman, 1983). The male-sex right being the traditional right possessed by men which guarantees them access to and power over women’s bodies (Schwarzenbach, 2006).

Finally as mentioned before prostitution presents itself as a ‘social reality as Shrage (1989) mentioned. Since this social reality is not fixed it allows for positive change towards the matter, therefore following in line with Ericsson’s notion of sound prostitution I believe we can achieve a more positive outlook on prostitution. In addition, I believe the next steps require the recognition of prostitution as a legitimate form of work, this would allow for appropriate legislation and health and safety measures to protect the workers. As mentioned by Satz (1995), the negative image from prostitution affects and influences women as a whole. Through the reformation of the industry then perhaps the impact on society would be different. Most criticism of liberal feminists is that they tend to ignore the role of patriarchy within prostitution.

Before sex work can be decriminalized, it must be recognized as work. Without labor rights, sex workers experience a lack of control over their employment and are vulnerable to power structures that subjugate their worth not only as workers but as persons.

However, the problem with liberal viewpoint is it only looks at prostitution as an occupational problem and fails to fully address the moral implications it carries when addresses. But i would argue that at the end of the day prostitution is still a job like no other and as Shrage argued that the social objection is what would drive the negative view we have of prostitution. We should aim to address our social morals and change the negative view we have of prostitution

Conclusion

In conclusion, It is important to note that prostitution as we know it is not a global phenomenon that is rendered undesirable and socially deviant. I have considered the meaning of commercial sex as we know it in modern western cultures. The arguments presented in this essay address prostitution from predominantly western culture.

we see that what feminists say about prostitution is highly dependent on the type of feminists they are. They all agree to the problematic nature of the issue through varying degrees and perspectives and what they say is equally varying. Radical feminists view it to be an issue that perpetuates negative social norms which by engaging in prostitution is damaging to both the women participating and all women in society. To radical feminists there is no choice involved the prostitutes are victims of a patriarchal society. According to Marxist feminists, they say that prostitution is a capitalist problem. All labour is a form of prostitution in a capitalist society; prostitution is a capital exchange that brings about dependence that leads to subordination. Additionally financial desperation leads to women being in extreme circumstances. Lastly, liberal feminists have an equally different say on prostitution. Following a legal perspective, liberal feminism believe that we should view prostitution naturally hence we should have unregulated sex. Women should be empowered to make a choice if they wish to engage in prostitution. We need to work towards legalizing and or regulating prostitution in order to guarantee the safety of those who participate. Decriminalization of prostitution in hopes to achieve ‘sound prostitution’ lead to the reformation of prostitution to achieve safer environments for women. These are only some of the views feminists would have about prostitution and is not limited to those presented in this essay. I strongly agree with the views of liberal feminists in the regulation and decriminalization of prostitution. However

I have considered the meaning of commercial sex in modern Western cultures. Although my arguments are consistent with the decriminalization of prostitution, I conclude from my investigation that feminists have legitimate reasons to politically oppose prostitution in our society. Since the principles which implicitly sustain and organize the sex industry are ones that underlie pernicious gender asymmetries in many domains of our social life, to tolerate a practice that epitomizes these principles is oppressive to women

References

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Concepts of Gender Equality and White Feminism: Critical Analysis of New York Times Articles

Research project outcome

How has the print media coverage of #MeToo movement in the USA challenge gender equality and contributed to “white feminism”?

What is the Me movement?

In 2006, Tarana Burke discovered the #MeToo movement and began to use the phrase “Me Too” to raise the awareness of sexual abuse and assault within the community. The phrase was spread virally in October 2017 as a hashtag on social media in an attempt to demonstrate the widespread issue of sexual assault and harassment, especially in the workplace.

News media coverage of the sexual assault

About 40% of reported assaults garner attention from news media outlets. Of this 40%, the majority involve unusual or high-profile circumstances and people.This selective coverage spreads several misconceptions about assault, ultimately promoting rape culture. Rape culture is defined as a society that blames victims of assault and normalizes male sexual violenceArticles that delegitimize rape can sway public and legal perception of victim credibility, often in favor of the accused. Of reported sexual assault cases, only 3% of rapists are sentenced to prison time. Though #MeToo is not the first instance where sexual assault has garnered attention in the media, it has gained tremendous support. A New York Times article about Ashley Judd s sexual harassment was likely another influence on the #MeToo hashtag s popularity. The article detailed Judd being harassed by Harvey Weinstein, her film producer at the time for “Kiss the Girls”. The article also included a handful of other women, each sharing their similar experiences involving Weinstein. Since the expose s publication, over 50 women have come forward saying that Weinstein sexually assaulted them. Others still came forward with their own stories of sexual violence and harassment, condemning entertainers like Kevin Spacey and Louis C. K. for their actions.

According to the Rape, Abuse and incest National Network, someone in the U.S. is assaulted every 98 seconds. This totals an average of 321,500 victims, aged 12 or older, each year.

Racism in the #MeToo movement

Though sexual assault is not limited to men who work in Hollywood, The New York Times primarily covered accounts of Caucasian women in the entertainment industry being oppressed by men in power. Such accounts were accepted by the public. However, women of color sexually assaulted by Weinstein did not receive the same accepting response for their allegations. Kenyan-Mexican actress Lupita Nyongb waited roughly two weeks after Judd and over 40 others came forward before going public about her own encounter with Weinstein. In response, Weinstein – who had not yet commented on allegations – publicly implied Nyongb was lying. This example shows the societal backlash women of color may face by publicizing their sexual assault.

#MeToo and White Feminism

WHITE FEMINISM is a form of feminism that focuses on the struggles of white women while failing to address distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges – Uluwehi Knecht

For Nyongb and others, the #MeToo movement has supported white women over women of color. A failure to represent survivors equally frames sexual assault as an issue ofwhite feminism. According to the Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, someone in the U.S. is assaulted every 98 seconds. This statistic totals an average of 321,500 victims, aged 12 or older, each year. Those most at risk of sexual assault are American Indians, followed by Caucasians, Latinos, and African Americans (RAINN, 2018). This widespread impact of assault across racial identities indicates a need for accurate and representative news media coverage.

The role of print media in the #MeToo movement

Articles selected for study were published in The New York Times during the span of October 1st, 2017 – November 30th, 2017. This two month period was chosen for analysis because of the significant attention the #MeToo hashtag was gaining on social media. Fifteen articles met the search criteria. The New York Times was selected for its national readership and its numerous stories published under the #MeToo movement. Because The New York Times has consistently set the standard in news media, a failure to report ethically could have great impact across news organizations (Pennington, 2016). Articles were accessed through ProQuest Newsstand by searching The New York Times archives for the phrase “#metoo.” Once examined, samples were coded according to the articles’ human sources (classified by gender, race, occupation/ industry, and whether they were quoted or mentioned). The source’s position was additionally recorded as survivor, assaulter, movement supporter, assault sympathizer, or neutral. Certain sources may have been classified differently according to the article in question. For example, French President Emmanuel Macron was classified as a movement supporter in an article where he was described as such. In another article, he was labeled neutral when there was no acknowledgement of his affiliation with #MeToo. A total of 182 sources were analyzed. Articles themselves were also coded based on who was represented. This was done to glean who The New York Times frames the #MeToo movement to affect. Framing permits scholars to “Describe the power of a communicating text” (Entman, 1993). By emphasizing a perceived reality, frames influence media consumers’ understanding ofcircumstances, how the problems came to be, possible effects, and how the problems may be resolved (Entman, 1993). The way information is presented, whether intentional or not, affects the reader’s impression and opinions. Researchers analyze frames used to identify biases shown in communication, focusing on presented images, stereotypes, metaphors, actors, and messages (Matthes, 2009).

Results

From a sample of 15 articles, five (33.3%) presented sexual assault as an issue prevalent in the entertainment industry, three (20%) focused on the movement as international, two (13.3%) profiled a specific instance in higher education, and two (13.3%) showcased safety measures being taken to prevent sexual assault. The remaining articles (20%) were equally divided, giving focus to sexual assault as an issue in politics, the restaurant industry, and the advertising industry. A total of 182 sources were divided evenly, with 48.9% being female and 47.8% male. Racial demographics, however, were not so equally distributed. Caucasian sources comprised 70.3% ofthe total group, easily the most often used in news stories. Other representation included African American at 7.1%, Middle Eastern at 3.9%, Latino at 2.8%, and Asian sources at 1.1%. The unaccounted 14.8% ofsources were not disclosed. Assault survivors were the most frequent article sources at 31.3%, with #MeToo supporters comprising an additional 19.3%. Assaulters constituted 23.1% of sources, but assaulter sympathizers made up a minimal 4.4%. The remaining 22.6% were neutral sources. White females were the most common demographic of assault survivors and movement supporters. White males were the most common demographic of assaulters, neutral sources, and assaulter sympathizers. People of color were not the most common demographic represented in any category.

Discussion

These results indicate that 77% New York Times coverage of the #MeToo movement focuses on white individuals more than any other racial group. By framing sexual assault as an issue affecting white people more than people of color. The New York Times is exhibiting white feminism. Such preference in news media organizations may cause a white habitus, or, “A racialized, uninterrupted socialization process that conditions and creates whites’ racial taste, perceptions, feelings, emotions, and their views on racial matters” (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). This biased framing breeds a sense of exclusivity among white society while promoting negative views on people of color (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). In this way, a framed #MeToo article can further spread misinformation about sexual assault and race. Results additionally indicated that The New York Times stories focused on privileged groups of people, regardless of source race. None of the examined articles focused on sexual assault in poor or lower-class communities. The two cases portraying sexual assault in higher education were the only stories to focus primarily on people of color. While sexual assault is not limited to any one sphere, the emphasis on political and entertainment industries frames sexual assault as an issue only affecting people of privilege. A lack of diverse representation influences whether individuals are comfortable sharing their stories of sexual assault; if a survivor does not see themselves represented in coverage, they may be too discouraged to share their story.

Room to improve

There is a harmful correlation between high-profile cases of sexual assault and inappropriate media coverage. The Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics calls upon journalists to minimize harm when reporting (Society of Professional Journalists, 2014). Despite this guideline, previous research indicates journalists do not follow the code when covering sexual assault (Franiuk, 2008). News organizations have the power to help or hinder cultural integration and representation. “Media messages can act as teachers ofvalues, ideologies, and beliefs… they can provide images for interpreting the world whether or not the designers are conscious of this intent” (Gamson, 1992). When covering sexual assault stories,journalists must be aware of how they frame the information and take care not to contribute to rape culture. In following the Code of Ethics, journalists can make an effort to minimize harm and provide survivors with a safe space to share their stories. Journalists can also improve race representation in news media coverage by providing accurate framing and context (Entman &c Rojecki, 2010). As a result, news consumers wiU begin to hold media to a higher standard of accountability. It is not sufficient to simply avoid bias as an effort to be objective; journalists must also focus on accuracy and reader comprehension. By including additional context beyond the incident in question, journalists provide audiences with a heightened understanding of relevant social issues (Entman 8c Rojecki, 2010).

Conclusion

More research is necessary to determine how sexual assault is covered in national news media organizations. Coverage of sexual assault cannot be improved without reflecting on what has already been published. This report contributes to previous research on news media organizations’ representation of people of color, establishing white individuals as the most represented group in The New York Times #MeToo coverage. This is only a starting point for future research on representations of race and gender. Subsequent case studies should seek to explore content from other media sources, create a narrowed analysis on the individuals used as sources, and expand their key phrase for finding additional content. Speculations should continue on why Caucasian demographics tend to be the focus of media coverage. To make survivors feel comfortable coming forward. The New York Times and news organizations of all levels should follow the Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics when covering stories about sexual assault. News outlets should also take note of who is represented in stories as an effort to minimize harm. Being aware of whose voices are/are not present in stories on sexual assault can help ensure accuracy. Both journalists and readers have the power to implement change in whose stories are told. Encouraging audiences and news media organizations to be critically aware can lead to a conscious and continued effort to provide equal representation. This self-awareness creates the potential to increase trust and communication between producers and consumers of coverage.

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Women and Their Fight for Safety: Informative Essay

Women have always had to fight for their safety, the only difference now is that they get to be more open about it. The fight for feminism can be a bit difficult to understand when one has not personally experienced trauma or helped a loved one through it. The world in which feminism and law enforcement come together can be a very touchy subject as so many people have so many different opinions. Typically, people that have been through instances like this are able to see all of the holes and injustices that occur in situations where people should be protected. Many instances of injustice have occurred that have brought on the uproar of feminists to fight for the freedom to protect themselves and not be seen as over the top. Women are raped and sexualized, among other awful treatments that deserved to be talked about.

Although many of these instances are barely starting to get the necessary attention today, feminism has been working on crime control for years. Specifically, there has been an increase in the incarceration of men. Very frequently, on the news we see new allegations of rape and sexual misconduct among other forms of unfair treatment towards women. Unfortunately, social media leaves a ton of room for people to openly share their opinions of current event events, and they are not always constructive or helpful. Of course, for every situation, there is a different consequence, but this entanglement of women’s stances and the law needs to be figured out. This included the process in which crimes are handled as well as prosecution so that people are indeed able to receive justice. Too many instances of sexual misconduct have been overlooked or let go with a slap on the wrist. These are serious crimes that completely turn people’s lives upside down. People must be held accountable for their actions. All in all, there is still a ton of work that needs to be done to truly have all of this hard work reflected in the criminal justice system.

Over the past thirty years, the cultural and legal meaning of rape has changed dramatically over the past as the feminist movement has put up a fight against traditional constructions. This includes constructions of sexual violence. Feminists have offered an alternative construction of the meaning of rape and therefore started the transformation of rape into a social problem. This shift has brought much-needed attention to the subject in both popular as well as academic realms. Although little inquiry on the growing body of research and theory on sexual violence exists, a woman’s everyday constructions of rape and the degree to which such constructions have been influenced by the feminist movement (Chasteen, 2010). With this, there has been a usage of a constructionist framework to get a better look at the everyday understandings of rape that are held by a diverse selection of women. In this article, it explains how data has been gathered through an open-ended survey instrument and were analyzed to also reveal shocking similarities in addition to quite a few differences in the various ways in which women of different backgrounds define and interpret the phenomenon of rape. These differences include but are not limited to ages, races, and personal histories. By examining these data, the extent to which the feminist reconstruction of rape has influenced women every single day. In this case, assumptions have been examined and indicated that the role of differences among women in perceptions of rape is explored (Chasteen, 2010). All of this information is important to note as each of the implications mentioned will be used for various theories. They include theories for social problems, feminist discourse, as well as for the application of research on rape.

Feminist critiques of psychology have been many and varied. Although progress was slow at first, the critiques have had a powerful impact on the field. As a result of the work of feminist psychologists and their allies in related fields (e.g., philosophy, biology, sociology, psychiatry), many people today recognize that theory, science, and practice may be gender biased and are always political. Feminist psychologists have contributed to the development of new epistemological perspectives, which have resulted in improvements in experimental design and analysis and the development and embrace of a range of new research methods (Chrisler and McHugh, 2018) that allow greater complexity in the data and greater sophistication in the analyses. The feminist transformation of psychology has brought into the field a more diverse group of scientists and practitioners who have posed new questions and devised new theories about women and gender, theories that are better able to reflect people’s intersectional identities. It was concluded that psychology had been transformed by the expanded coverage of women and gender. Yet there remains much work to do. Much of the published research is experimental and quantitative; research with innovative and qualitative methods is infrequently published in mainstream psychology journals. As we have suggested, the study of marginalized participants with intersecting identities and different topics from multiple perspectives requires new methods and careful consideration of epistemological positions. The study of the everyday experiences and emotions of diverse women is just one example of the direction that feminist researchers may take as they shift from a dependence on experimental methods and empiricism to adopting multiple epistemological perspectives and research methods. In short, we have come a long way on the path to the feminist transformation of psychology that McIntosh described (Chrisler and McHugh, 2018). Although we are not there yet, we now have the tools to envision an integrated psychology that is inclusive of all people and the will to make the transformation complete.

Unfortunately, many women go through situations where their identity and self-esteem are completely crumbled. An experience that can do this to them is rape. As more time goes by and the more publicized everything becomes, we are a lot more aware of the dangers of the world. We have become aware of the caution that we should be taking and, unfortunately, how terrible it is for women to have too nervous to go out at any time of the day. Although I still live with precaution, I thankfully have never experienced an awful situation like this. However, my best friend has. She was coming home from work on Thursday evening around 6:00 p.m. Like any other day, she parked on the street right by her apartment building and headed towards the main entrance. It was the middle of July so the sun was still out and people were still very active outside. As she unlocked the door, a man snuck up behind her and pushed her into the building. Due to the fact that he was so close to her and she had so little time to react, no one suspected anything. He led her to her apartment with a knife against her neck and raped her. After he was done, he threatened her and left in a hurry. She called me immediately, and I did not want anything more than to be able to help her right at that moment, but we were in college and living 450 miles away from each other. From what I knew, I advised her the best I could. Go to a hospital to have a rape kit done and file a police report. However, she refused. She felt humiliated and blamed herself for not being more aware of her surroundings, coming home exhausted after working a double shift. That is not fair. People should not have to go around constantly on edge because someone could possibly hurt them tremendously. I always saw this be the case on crime shows but I never thought that I love so much would be going through it. Changes in the legal system and in people’s opinions of what rape is are incredibly crucial to the future of our world.

Changes are constantly happening. They sometimes are negative and sometimes positive. Thankfully, with the help of social media, it is exposing many terrible acts that were once very overlooked or thought of as instances that could never possibly occur. Whether one has personally lived through situations like this, this is a mindset that should be adopted unconditionally. This world deserves to be safe grounds for everyone, and hopefully in time that will be the case. Women have always had to fight for their safety, the only difference now is that they have become more open about it. Through the news, social media, and even protests, women are speaking out. They are not holding back from speaking their mind and shining the necessary light on issues that they deal with on a daily basis. It is considered ‘too much’ or ‘unnecessary’ by people who luckily have never had to experience such injustice. As a woman, I stand by this movement and do what I can to not only bring awareness and prevention but bring change to a world that has the ability to create a safe environment for all. People that need help have access to it, and it is crucial that they know where to find it. No matter if a person is the offeror or the victim, we all need help, and this awareness will in time help close the large gaps between the safety of women and the criminal justice system.