Essay on the Noble Experiment and Jackie Robinson

America’s favorite pastime. Nine innings, four bases, and one diamond. I’m of course talking about the intricate and sometimes boring sport of Baseball. If you don’t know the game, let me explain it a bit. Unlike most sports, a running clock doesn’t confine the length of a ball game. The two contending teams play over a time of nice innings, which are subdivided into equal parts. As I said in the beginning, this may seem boring, but I find it fascinating. I love this sport and play it with passion. It’s just a group of friends that play because we love the sport. Life wasn’t the easiest for Jackie Robinson. He went through hell because he just wanted to play the game. But most importantly, while he went through all the hell. He stayed calm and peaceful to everyone which would put him in a lower class of citizen. If Jackie Robinson wasn’t signed to the Dodgers this sport wouldn’t be the same, nor any sport. He was the start of the integration of races in professional athletics and had a key involvement in the Civil Rights Movement.

Jack Roosevelt Robinson was born on January 31, 1919, into a group of tenant farmers in Cairo, Georgia. He was the most youthful of five kids destined to Mallie and Jerry Robinson, after kin Edgar, Straight to the point, Matthew, and Willa Mae. His center name was to pay tribute to previous President Theodore Roosevelt, who passed on 25 days before Robinson was born. After Robinson’s dad left the family in 1920, they moved to Pasadena, California. The all-inclusive Robinson family settled itself on a private plot containing two little houses at 121 Pepper Road in Pasadena. Robinson’s mom worked different random temp jobs to help the family. Experiencing childhood in relative neediness in a generally well-to-do network, Robinson and his minority companions were barred from numerous recreational opportunities. subsequently, Robinson joined a local pack, yet his companion Carl Anderson convinced him to surrender it. In 1935, Robinson moved on from Washington Middle School and enlisted at John Muir Secondary School, perceiving his athletic abilities. At Muir Tech, Robinson played a few games at the varsity level and lettered in four: football, track, and baseball. He played shortstop and catcher on the baseball crew, quarterback on the football crew, and gatekeeper on the b-ball group. With the Olympic-style sports squad, he won honors in the expansive bounce. He was additionally an individual from the tennis team. In 1936, Robinson won the lesser young men singles title in the yearly Pacific Coast Negro Tennis Competition and earned a spot on the Pomona yearly baseball competition top pick group, which included future Corridor of Famers Ted Williams and Weave Lemon. In late January 1937, the Pasadena Star-News paper revealed that Robinson ‘for a long time has been the remarkable competitor at Muir, featuring in football, track, baseball, and tennis.’

His Military Career

In 1942, in Fort Riley, Kansas, Robinson was mobilized and assigned to a separate cavalry unit of the Army. Robinson and several other black soldiers had the required qualifications to apply for admission to an Officer Candidate School (OCS) at Fort Riley. Although the initial OCS guidelines for July 1941 of the Army were drafted as race-neutral, few black applicants were admitted into OCS until after subsequent Army leadership directives. As a result, Robinson’s and his colleagues ‘ applications have been delayed for several months. Following protests by heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis (then stationed at Fort Riley) and the assistance of Truman Gibson (then a civilian assistant). The men were admitted into OCS. The experience led to Robinson’s friendship with Louis. Upon completion of OCS, Robinson was commissioned in January 1943 as a second lieutenant. Robinson and Isum were formally engaged shortly thereafter. Robinson was reassigned to Fort Hood, Texas, after earning his commission, where he joined the 761st Tank Battalion ‘Black Panthers.’ Robinson often used his weekend leave at Fort Hood to visit Rev. Karl Downs, President of Sam Huston College (now Huston-Tillotson University) in nearby Austin, Texas; Downs was Robinson’s pastor at Scott United Methodist Church while Robinson attended PJC. Robinson was defeated by an incident on 6 July 1944, and Robinson’s military career was ruined. While awaiting hospital test results on the ankle he had wounded at junior college, Robinson boarded an army bus with the wife of a fellow officer; although the Army had commissioned its unsegregated bus line, the bus driver ordered Robinson to move to the back of the bus. Robinson declined. The driver backed up, but after reaching the end of the line, the military police were summoned and Robinson was taken into custody. When Robinson later confronted the officer and his assistant with the investigating duty officer about racist questioning, the officer recommended that Robinson be brought to court.

Paul L Bates, after the commander of Robinson in the 761st, refused to authorize the legal action Robinson was summarily transferred to the 758th Battalion—Where the judge immediately decided to charge Robinson with multiple offenses, including, among other charges, public drunkenness, even though Robinson did not drink By the time of the court-martial in August 1944, Robinson’s charges had been reduced to two counts of insubordination during the investigation. An all-white panel of nine judges cleared Robinson. Robinson’s experiences would be noted when he later joined MLB and was exposed to racist attacks during the court proceedings. While his former unit, the 761st Tank Battalion, became the first black tank unit to see action in World War II, Robinson’s court-martial trials prevented him from being recognized when he later joined the MLB and was subjected to racist attacks. Although his former unit, the 761st Tank Battalion, became the first black tank unit to see fighting in World War II, Robinson’s court-martial proceedings forbade him from being deployed overseas, so he never saw any fighting action. He was transferred to Camp Breckinridge, Kentucky, after his acquittal, where he served as a military athletics coach until he received an honorable discharge in November 1944. Robinson met with a former Negro American League player for the Kansas City Monarchs, who encouraged Robinson to write the Monarchs and ask for an experiment. Robinson took advice from the former player and wrote to co-owner Thomas Baird of Monarchs.

The Kansas City Monarchs sent him a written offer to play professional baseball in the Negro leagues at the beginning of 1945, while Robinson was at Sam Huston College. Robinson accepted a $400 per month contract. Even though he played well for the Monarchs, the experience disappointed Robinson. He had grown used to an organized college play climate, and he was shocked by the disorganization of the Negro leagues and the embrace of gambling interests. The hectic travel schedule also placed a burden on his relationship with Islam, with whom he was now able to communicate only by letter.

The bases were stolen. In the East-West All-Star Game in 1945, he also played, going hitless in five at-bats. Robinson sought potential major interests in the league during the season. Since Moses Fleetwood Walker in 1884, no black man had played in the major leagues, but on April 16, the Boston Red Sox held a tryout for Robinson and other black players at Fenway Park. The tryout, however, was a farce primarily designed to assuage influential Boston City Councilman Isadore H. Y. Muchnick’s desegregation sensitivities. Robinson was exposed to racial epithets even with the booths restricted to management. He left the court embarrassed, and in July 1959, the Red Sox, more than 14 years later became the last major league team to integrate its roster.

Nonetheless, other clubs were more interested in signing a black ballplayer. Branch Rickey, club president, and general manager of the Brooklyn Dodgers started to scout the Negro leagues in the mid-1940s for possible addition to the roster of the Dodgers. Rickey chose Robinson from a list of talented black players and interviewed him for potential assignment to Brooklyn’s International League Farm Club, the Montreal Royals.88 Rickey was particularly interested in ensuring that his eventual sign would be able to withstand the inevitable racial abuse directed toward him. Rickey asked Robinson, in a famous three-hour conversation on 28 August 1945, if he could face the racial animus without taking the animus bait and reacting angrily— a concern given Robinson’s previous arguments with PJC and military law enforcement officials. Robinson was angry: ‘Are you looking for a Negro who is afraid to fight back?’ Rickey replied that he needed a Negro player ‘with enough guts not to fight back.’ After obtaining Robinson’s commitment to ‘turn the other cheek’ to racial antagonism, Rickey agreed to ‘turn the other cheek’ to antagonism. While Robinson was required to keep the agreement a secret for the time being, before November 1, 1945, Rickey agreed to officially sign Robinson. It was publicly announced on October 23 that for the season of 1946 Robinson would be assigned to the Royals. Robinson formally signed his contract with the Royals on the same day, with representatives of the Royals and Dodgers present.98 In what was later called ‘The Noble Experiment,’ Robinson was the International League’s first black baseball player since the 1880s. He was not necessarily the best player in the Negro leagues, and when Robinson was first picked, black stars were upset by Satchel Paige and Josh Gibson. Larry Doby, who broke the color line in the American League the same year as Robinson said, ‘One of the things that a lot of black players at the time were disappointing and disheartening was that Jack wasn’t the best player. The best was Josh Gibson. I think that’s one of the reasons why Josh died so early — he was heartbroken.’ He signed with Chet Brewer’s Kansas City Royals in the California Winter League that September, a postseason barnstorming team.

Minor leagues

Robinson arrived at Daytona Beach, Florida in 1946 for spring training with the Class AAA International League’s Montreal Royals (the ‘AAA’ label was first used in the 1946 season for the highest level of minor league baseball). Clay Hopper, the Royals ‘ manager, asked Rickey to assign any other Dodger affiliate to Robinson, but Rickey refused.

The appearance of Robinson in racially charged Florida was controversial. He was not allowed to stay at the team hotel with his white teammates but instead stayed at the home of Joe and Dufferin Harris, a politically active African American couple who introduced the Robinsons to Mary McLeod Bethune, a civil rights activist. The Dodgers organization did not own a spring training facility (the Dodger-controlled spring training facility in Vero Beach known as the ‘Dodgertown’ was not open until spring 1948), and the scheduling was subject to the whims of localities, several of which refused any event involving Robinson or Johnny Wright, another black player Rickey had signed with the Dodgers organization in January. In Sanford, Florida, if Robinson and Wright did not stop training practices there, the police chief threatened to cancel games; as a result, Robinson was sent back to Daytona Beach. In Jacksonville, the stadium was shut down without warning on the day of the game, directly by the city’s parks and public property director. A scheduled day game was postponed in DeLand, ostensibly due to problems with the electrical lighting of the stadium.

After much lobbying by Rickey himself from local officials, the Royals were allowed to host a game involving Robinson in Daytona Beach. Robinson made his Royals debut at the City Island Ballpark in Daytona Beach on March 17, 1946, in an exhibition game against the parent club of the team, the Dodgers. Therefore, Robinson became the first black player to play freely against a major league team or a minor league team since the de facto baseball color line was established in the 1880s.

After some less-than-stellar performances in spring training, Robinson was moved from shortstop to second base, allowing him to make the first base shorter throws. The performance of Robinson soon bounced back. On April 18, 1946, Roosevelt Stadium hosted the Jersey City Giants’ season opener against the Montreal Royals, marking the professional debut of the Royals’ Jackie Robinson and the first time the color barrier had been broken in a game between two minor league clubs. Pitching against Robinson was Warren Sandel who played in California against him when they both stayed. The Jersey City catcher, Dick Bouknight, demanded that Sandel throws at Robinson during Robinson’s first at-bat, but Sandel refused. While Sandel caused Robinson to ground out in his first bat, in his five trips to the plate, Robinson ended up with four hits; his first hit was a three-run home run in the third inning of the game. He also scored four runs, driving in three, and robbing two bases in the victory of the Royals 14-1. Robinson led the International League that season with a.349 batting average and a.985 fielding percentage and was voted Most Valuable Player of the League. Although he was sometimes aggressive While on road trips (for example, the Royals had to cancel the Southern Exhibition Tour), the Montreal fan base supported Robinson with enthusiasm. Whether fans supported it or opposed it, the presence of Robinson on the field was a boon to attend; in 1946, more than one million people went to games involving Robinson, an amazing figure by the standards of the International League. Robinson returned to California in the fall of 1946 after the baseball season and played professional basketball for the short-lived Los Angeles Red Devils for a short time.

In 1947, the Dodgers called Robinson up to the major leagues six days before the start of the season. With Eddie Stanky entrenched at second base for the Dodgers, Robinson played his initial major league season as a first baseman.89 On April 15, Robinson made his major league debut at the relatively advanced age of 28 at Ebbets Field before a crowd of 26,623 spectators, more than 14,000 of whom were black. Although he failed to get a base hit, he walked and scored a run in the Dodgers’ 5–3 victory. Robinson became the first player since 1884 to openly break the Major League baseball color line. Black fans began flocking to see the Dodgers when they came to town, abandoning their Negro league teams.

Robinson’s promotion met a generally positive, although mixed, reception among newspapers and white major league players. However, racial tension existed in the Dodger clubhouse. Some Dodger players insinuated they would sit out rather than play alongside Robinson. The brewing mutiny ended when Dodgers management took a stand for Robinson. Manager Leo Durocher informed the team, ‘I do not care if the guy is yellow or black, or if he has stripes like a fuckin’ zebra. I’m the manager of this team, and I say he plays. What’s more, I say he can make us all rich. And if any of you cannot use the money, I will see that you are all traded.’

Robinson was also derided by opposing teams. According to a press report, the St. Louis Cardinals threatened to strike if Robinson played and to spread the walkout across the entire National League. The existence of the plot was said to have been leaked by the Cardinals’ team physician, Robert Hyland, to a friend, the New York Herald Tribune’s Rutherford ‘Rud’ Rennie. The reporter, concerned about protecting Hyland’s anonymity and job, in turn, leaked it to his Tribune colleague and editor, Stanley Woodward, whose own subsequent reporting with other sources protected Hyland. The Woodward article made national headlines. After it was published, National League President Ford Frick and Baseball Commissioner Happy Chandler let it be known that any striking players would be suspended. ‘You will find that the friends that you think you have in the press box will not support you, that you will be outcasts,’ Frick was quoted as saying. ‘I do not care if half the league strikes. Those who do it will encounter quick retribution. All will be suspended and I don’t care if it wrecks the National League for five years. This is the United States of America and one citizen has as much right to play as another.’ Woodward’s article received the E. P. Dutton Award in 1947 for Best Sports Reporting. The Cardinals players denied that they were planning to strike, and Woodward later told author Roger Kahn that Frick was his true source; writer Warren Corbett said that Frick’s speech ‘never happened’. Regardless, the report led to Robinson receiving increased support from the sports media. Even The Sporting News, a publication that had backed the color line, came out against the idea of a strike.

Robinson nonetheless became the target of rough physical play by opponents (particularly the Cardinals). At one time, he received a seven-inch gash in his leg from Enos Slaughter. On April 22, 1947, during a game between the Dodgers and the Philadelphia Phillies, Phillies players and manager Ben Chapman called Robinson racial slurs from their dugout and yelled that he should ‘go back to the cotton fields’. Rickey later

Essay on the Noble Experiment and Jackie Robinson

America’s favorite pastime. Nine innings, four bases, and one diamond. I’m of course talking about the intricate and sometimes boring sport of Baseball. If you don’t know the game, let me explain it a bit. Unlike most sports, a running clock doesn’t confine the length of a ball game. The two contending teams play over a time of nice innings, which are subdivided into equal parts. As I said in the beginning, this may seem boring, but I find it fascinating. I love this sport and play it with passion. It’s just a group of friends that play because we love the sport. Life wasn’t the easiest for Jackie Robinson. He went through hell because he just wanted to play the game. But most importantly, while he went through all the hell. He stayed calm and peaceful to everyone which would put him in a lower class of citizen. If Jackie Robinson wasn’t signed to the Dodgers this sport wouldn’t be the same, nor any sport. He was the start of the integration of races in professional athletics and had a key involvement in the Civil Rights Movement.

Jack Roosevelt Robinson was born on January 31, 1919, into a group of tenant farmers in Cairo, Georgia. He was the most youthful of five kids destined to Mallie and Jerry Robinson, after kin Edgar, Straight to the point, Matthew, and Willa Mae. His center name was to pay tribute to previous President Theodore Roosevelt, who passed on 25 days before Robinson was born. After Robinson’s dad left the family in 1920, they moved to Pasadena, California. The all-inclusive Robinson family settled itself on a private plot containing two little houses at 121 Pepper Road in Pasadena. Robinson’s mom worked different random temp jobs to help the family. Experiencing childhood in relative neediness in a generally well-to-do network, Robinson and his minority companions were barred from numerous recreational opportunities. subsequently, Robinson joined a local pack, yet his companion Carl Anderson convinced him to surrender it. In 1935, Robinson moved on from Washington Middle School and enlisted at John Muir Secondary School, perceiving his athletic abilities. At Muir Tech, Robinson played a few games at the varsity level and lettered in four: football, track, and baseball. He played shortstop and catcher on the baseball crew, quarterback on the football crew, and gatekeeper on the b-ball group. With the Olympic-style sports squad, he won honors in the expansive bounce. He was additionally an individual from the tennis team. In 1936, Robinson won the lesser young men singles title in the yearly Pacific Coast Negro Tennis Competition and earned a spot on the Pomona yearly baseball competition top pick group, which included future Corridor of Famers Ted Williams and Weave Lemon. In late January 1937, the Pasadena Star-News paper revealed that Robinson ‘for a long time has been the remarkable competitor at Muir, featuring in football, track, baseball, and tennis.’

His Military Career

In 1942, in Fort Riley, Kansas, Robinson was mobilized and assigned to a separate cavalry unit of the Army. Robinson and several other black soldiers had the required qualifications to apply for admission to an Officer Candidate School (OCS) at Fort Riley. Although the initial OCS guidelines for July 1941 of the Army were drafted as race-neutral, few black applicants were admitted into OCS until after subsequent Army leadership directives. As a result, Robinson’s and his colleagues ‘ applications have been delayed for several months. Following protests by heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis (then stationed at Fort Riley) and the assistance of Truman Gibson (then a civilian assistant). The men were admitted into OCS. The experience led to Robinson’s friendship with Louis. Upon completion of OCS, Robinson was commissioned in January 1943 as a second lieutenant. Robinson and Isum were formally engaged shortly thereafter. Robinson was reassigned to Fort Hood, Texas, after earning his commission, where he joined the 761st Tank Battalion ‘Black Panthers.’ Robinson often used his weekend leave at Fort Hood to visit Rev. Karl Downs, President of Sam Huston College (now Huston-Tillotson University) in nearby Austin, Texas; Downs was Robinson’s pastor at Scott United Methodist Church while Robinson attended PJC. Robinson was defeated by an incident on 6 July 1944, and Robinson’s military career was ruined. While awaiting hospital test results on the ankle he had wounded at junior college, Robinson boarded an army bus with the wife of a fellow officer; although the Army had commissioned its unsegregated bus line, the bus driver ordered Robinson to move to the back of the bus. Robinson declined. The driver backed up, but after reaching the end of the line, the military police were summoned and Robinson was taken into custody. When Robinson later confronted the officer and his assistant with the investigating duty officer about racist questioning, the officer recommended that Robinson be brought to court.

Paul L Bates, after the commander of Robinson in the 761st, refused to authorize the legal action Robinson was summarily transferred to the 758th Battalion—Where the judge immediately decided to charge Robinson with multiple offenses, including, among other charges, public drunkenness, even though Robinson did not drink By the time of the court-martial in August 1944, Robinson’s charges had been reduced to two counts of insubordination during the investigation. An all-white panel of nine judges cleared Robinson. Robinson’s experiences would be noted when he later joined MLB and was exposed to racist attacks during the court proceedings. While his former unit, the 761st Tank Battalion, became the first black tank unit to see action in World War II, Robinson’s court-martial trials prevented him from being recognized when he later joined the MLB and was subjected to racist attacks. Although his former unit, the 761st Tank Battalion, became the first black tank unit to see fighting in World War II, Robinson’s court-martial proceedings forbade him from being deployed overseas, so he never saw any fighting action. He was transferred to Camp Breckinridge, Kentucky, after his acquittal, where he served as a military athletics coach until he received an honorable discharge in November 1944. Robinson met with a former Negro American League player for the Kansas City Monarchs, who encouraged Robinson to write the Monarchs and ask for an experiment. Robinson took advice from the former player and wrote to co-owner Thomas Baird of Monarchs.

The Kansas City Monarchs sent him a written offer to play professional baseball in the Negro leagues at the beginning of 1945, while Robinson was at Sam Huston College. Robinson accepted a $400 per month contract. Even though he played well for the Monarchs, the experience disappointed Robinson. He had grown used to an organized college play climate, and he was shocked by the disorganization of the Negro leagues and the embrace of gambling interests. The hectic travel schedule also placed a burden on his relationship with Islam, with whom he was now able to communicate only by letter.

The bases were stolen. In the East-West All-Star Game in 1945, he also played, going hitless in five at-bats. Robinson sought potential major interests in the league during the season. Since Moses Fleetwood Walker in 1884, no black man had played in the major leagues, but on April 16, the Boston Red Sox held a tryout for Robinson and other black players at Fenway Park. The tryout, however, was a farce primarily designed to assuage influential Boston City Councilman Isadore H. Y. Muchnick’s desegregation sensitivities. Robinson was exposed to racial epithets even with the booths restricted to management. He left the court embarrassed, and in July 1959, the Red Sox, more than 14 years later became the last major league team to integrate its roster.

Nonetheless, other clubs were more interested in signing a black ballplayer. Branch Rickey, club president, and general manager of the Brooklyn Dodgers started to scout the Negro leagues in the mid-1940s for possible addition to the roster of the Dodgers. Rickey chose Robinson from a list of talented black players and interviewed him for potential assignment to Brooklyn’s International League Farm Club, the Montreal Royals.88 Rickey was particularly interested in ensuring that his eventual sign would be able to withstand the inevitable racial abuse directed toward him. Rickey asked Robinson, in a famous three-hour conversation on 28 August 1945, if he could face the racial animus without taking the animus bait and reacting angrily— a concern given Robinson’s previous arguments with PJC and military law enforcement officials. Robinson was angry: ‘Are you looking for a Negro who is afraid to fight back?’ Rickey replied that he needed a Negro player ‘with enough guts not to fight back.’ After obtaining Robinson’s commitment to ‘turn the other cheek’ to racial antagonism, Rickey agreed to ‘turn the other cheek’ to antagonism. While Robinson was required to keep the agreement a secret for the time being, before November 1, 1945, Rickey agreed to officially sign Robinson. It was publicly announced on October 23 that for the season of 1946 Robinson would be assigned to the Royals. Robinson formally signed his contract with the Royals on the same day, with representatives of the Royals and Dodgers present.98 In what was later called ‘The Noble Experiment,’ Robinson was the International League’s first black baseball player since the 1880s. He was not necessarily the best player in the Negro leagues, and when Robinson was first picked, black stars were upset by Satchel Paige and Josh Gibson. Larry Doby, who broke the color line in the American League the same year as Robinson said, ‘One of the things that a lot of black players at the time were disappointing and disheartening was that Jack wasn’t the best player. The best was Josh Gibson. I think that’s one of the reasons why Josh died so early — he was heartbroken.’ He signed with Chet Brewer’s Kansas City Royals in the California Winter League that September, a postseason barnstorming team.

Minor leagues

Robinson arrived at Daytona Beach, Florida in 1946 for spring training with the Class AAA International League’s Montreal Royals (the ‘AAA’ label was first used in the 1946 season for the highest level of minor league baseball). Clay Hopper, the Royals ‘ manager, asked Rickey to assign any other Dodger affiliate to Robinson, but Rickey refused.

The appearance of Robinson in racially charged Florida was controversial. He was not allowed to stay at the team hotel with his white teammates but instead stayed at the home of Joe and Dufferin Harris, a politically active African American couple who introduced the Robinsons to Mary McLeod Bethune, a civil rights activist. The Dodgers organization did not own a spring training facility (the Dodger-controlled spring training facility in Vero Beach known as the ‘Dodgertown’ was not open until spring 1948), and the scheduling was subject to the whims of localities, several of which refused any event involving Robinson or Johnny Wright, another black player Rickey had signed with the Dodgers organization in January. In Sanford, Florida, if Robinson and Wright did not stop training practices there, the police chief threatened to cancel games; as a result, Robinson was sent back to Daytona Beach. In Jacksonville, the stadium was shut down without warning on the day of the game, directly by the city’s parks and public property director. A scheduled day game was postponed in DeLand, ostensibly due to problems with the electrical lighting of the stadium.

After much lobbying by Rickey himself from local officials, the Royals were allowed to host a game involving Robinson in Daytona Beach. Robinson made his Royals debut at the City Island Ballpark in Daytona Beach on March 17, 1946, in an exhibition game against the parent club of the team, the Dodgers. Therefore, Robinson became the first black player to play freely against a major league team or a minor league team since the de facto baseball color line was established in the 1880s.

After some less-than-stellar performances in spring training, Robinson was moved from shortstop to second base, allowing him to make the first base shorter throws. The performance of Robinson soon bounced back. On April 18, 1946, Roosevelt Stadium hosted the Jersey City Giants’ season opener against the Montreal Royals, marking the professional debut of the Royals’ Jackie Robinson and the first time the color barrier had been broken in a game between two minor league clubs. Pitching against Robinson was Warren Sandel who played in California against him when they both stayed. The Jersey City catcher, Dick Bouknight, demanded that Sandel throws at Robinson during Robinson’s first at-bat, but Sandel refused. While Sandel caused Robinson to ground out in his first bat, in his five trips to the plate, Robinson ended up with four hits; his first hit was a three-run home run in the third inning of the game. He also scored four runs, driving in three, and robbing two bases in the victory of the Royals 14-1. Robinson led the International League that season with a.349 batting average and a.985 fielding percentage and was voted Most Valuable Player of the League. Although he was sometimes aggressive While on road trips (for example, the Royals had to cancel the Southern Exhibition Tour), the Montreal fan base supported Robinson with enthusiasm. Whether fans supported it or opposed it, the presence of Robinson on the field was a boon to attend; in 1946, more than one million people went to games involving Robinson, an amazing figure by the standards of the International League. Robinson returned to California in the fall of 1946 after the baseball season and played professional basketball for the short-lived Los Angeles Red Devils for a short time.

In 1947, the Dodgers called Robinson up to the major leagues six days before the start of the season. With Eddie Stanky entrenched at second base for the Dodgers, Robinson played his initial major league season as a first baseman.89 On April 15, Robinson made his major league debut at the relatively advanced age of 28 at Ebbets Field before a crowd of 26,623 spectators, more than 14,000 of whom were black. Although he failed to get a base hit, he walked and scored a run in the Dodgers’ 5–3 victory. Robinson became the first player since 1884 to openly break the Major League baseball color line. Black fans began flocking to see the Dodgers when they came to town, abandoning their Negro league teams.

Robinson’s promotion met a generally positive, although mixed, reception among newspapers and white major league players. However, racial tension existed in the Dodger clubhouse. Some Dodger players insinuated they would sit out rather than play alongside Robinson. The brewing mutiny ended when Dodgers management took a stand for Robinson. Manager Leo Durocher informed the team, ‘I do not care if the guy is yellow or black, or if he has stripes like a fuckin’ zebra. I’m the manager of this team, and I say he plays. What’s more, I say he can make us all rich. And if any of you cannot use the money, I will see that you are all traded.’

Robinson was also derided by opposing teams. According to a press report, the St. Louis Cardinals threatened to strike if Robinson played and to spread the walkout across the entire National League. The existence of the plot was said to have been leaked by the Cardinals’ team physician, Robert Hyland, to a friend, the New York Herald Tribune’s Rutherford ‘Rud’ Rennie. The reporter, concerned about protecting Hyland’s anonymity and job, in turn, leaked it to his Tribune colleague and editor, Stanley Woodward, whose own subsequent reporting with other sources protected Hyland. The Woodward article made national headlines. After it was published, National League President Ford Frick and Baseball Commissioner Happy Chandler let it be known that any striking players would be suspended. ‘You will find that the friends that you think you have in the press box will not support you, that you will be outcasts,’ Frick was quoted as saying. ‘I do not care if half the league strikes. Those who do it will encounter quick retribution. All will be suspended and I don’t care if it wrecks the National League for five years. This is the United States of America and one citizen has as much right to play as another.’ Woodward’s article received the E. P. Dutton Award in 1947 for Best Sports Reporting. The Cardinals players denied that they were planning to strike, and Woodward later told author Roger Kahn that Frick was his true source; writer Warren Corbett said that Frick’s speech ‘never happened’. Regardless, the report led to Robinson receiving increased support from the sports media. Even The Sporting News, a publication that had backed the color line, came out against the idea of a strike.

Robinson nonetheless became the target of rough physical play by opponents (particularly the Cardinals). At one time, he received a seven-inch gash in his leg from Enos Slaughter. On April 22, 1947, during a game between the Dodgers and the Philadelphia Phillies, Phillies players and manager Ben Chapman called Robinson racial slurs from their dugout and yelled that he should ‘go back to the cotton fields’. Rickey later

The Experiment of Belt-Drive Pulleys

Experimental Objective

The objective of performing this experiment was to investigate the directions of motion of both open and crossed belt-drive pulleys. As such, a correlation between the drive and the driven shaft in terms of speed was ascertained to establish whether it matches a theoretical explanation.

Theoretical Background

When focusing on the efficient means of transmitting power between shafts one can hardly overlook gears and chains. However, when it comes to cost-efficient means to the same the belts triumph. To date, with efficiency enhancements made on the belts, they are slowly becoming cheap alternatives to gears and chains. Belts are known for their smooth and quiet runs as well as their abilities to mitigate the effects of load variations on bearings and motors. Moreover, their advantage specifically over gears is that they are economical especially when shafts are wide apart. Nevertheless, one of its many demerits stems from the fact that the ratios between the diameters and that between the angular velocities of the pulleys are not necessarily constant. This is owed to the fact that they are prone to stretch and slips which are significant in determining power transmissions.

When it comes to classification, belts can be categorized into four classes including V-belts, flat belts, timing belts, and film belts. All of these are uniquely designed to suit different applications. For instance; timing belts have thread-like patterns on their inner surfaces to provide for ‘no-slip,’ and as such, they are widely applicable where sync is needed as is in locomotives’ timing belt. On the other hand, flat belts are common where speed rather than power is necessary and, where shafts are wide apart (Flather, 1995).

The scope of this report is limited to the belt-pulley arrangements as well as a correlation between the speed and diameters. As such, there exist two arrangement systems including open and crossed belt pulley arrangements (Fig. 1). The difference? In an open pulley, the direction of motion of shafts is the same while the opposite is true for crossed belt pulley. As regards speed and diameter, the relationship is believed to assume an inverse trend.

Open belt pulley.
Open belt pulley.
Closed belt pulley
Closed belt pulley

Basically, the power transmitted to the driven pulley at a distance D from the driving pulley is given by the product of the toque (ᴦ) and the angular velocity (ώ). However, this varies depending on the speed ratio, the distance D, pulley belt arrangement, driving unit loads, and service environment.

Experimental Procedures

For this experiment, a belt drive unit was mounted on a vertically mounted mounting panel. The belt drive unit was such that it consisted of two pairs of pulleys mounted on two spindles. As such, the pulleys provided two systems to maneuver for different arrangements. One pair consisted of pulleys with equal diameters (60 mm) while the other pair consisted of pulleys with different diameters: a large one (> 60 mm) with a diameter of 95 mm and a smaller one (< 60 mm) having a diameter of 31.7 mm.

The first test represented an open pulley arrangement but drove a smaller pulley (31.7 mm). With 60 mm pulleys representing the driving pulley, and with the help of a pencil marker, an exact number of turns but in clockwise direction were made. This was then repeated in an anticlockwise direction. The number of turns made by the smaller pulley was recorded for analysis. The same test was performed for the larger pulley, and a similar procedure was duplicated for crossed pulley arrangement. To this end, the smaller and the larger pulleys acted as the driving pulley. Significantly, the directions of motion of the driven pulleys were noted. Also, the belt thickness (1mm) and the slip between the pulleys and the belts were provided (2% for each), and for the sake of analysis, the experiment was done for several diameter pulleys.

For this experiment, the data obtained need to coincide with the theoretical explanation provided in the literature. As such, with regards to direction, it is expected that for an open pulley arrangement the directions of both the driven and the driving pulley move in tandem. Reversing the direction of the driving pulley also reverses the direction of the driven pulley (table 1). However, for the crossed pulley the reverse is true.

Showing the directions of motion of the pulley system.
Table 1: showing the directions of motion of the pulley system.

As regards a correlation between the speed and the diameter in both arrangements an inverse trend is anticipated. As such, factoring in slips the below data is expected:

Table 2: Showing the change in diameter vs. the revolution per sec. of the driven pulley (open pulley system arrangement) when the driving pulley is rotated at a constant speed of 3 rev/10 sec.

d1+t (cm) d2+t (cm)
0.52 1.1
0.99 2.1
1.47 3.1
1.94 4.1
2.41 5.1
2.89 6.1
3.36 7.1
3.83 8.1
4.31 9.1
4.78 10.1

Table 3: Showing the change in diameter vs. the revolution per sec. of the driven pulley when rotated at a speed of 3 rev/10sec. (crossed pulley system arrangement).

d1+1(cm) d2+t(cm)
0.57 1.1
1.09 2.1
1.61 3.1
2.13 4.1
2.66 5.1
3.18 6.1
3.70 7.1
4.22 8.1
4.74 9.1
5.26 10.1

Data Analysis

The plots for the above tables of data are shown below.

Of an open pulley system.
Graph 1: of an open pulley system.

For open and crossed pulley systems, the ratio of revolutions per second of the driving pulley to that of the driven pulley is always inversely proportional to the rations of their diameters. However, this can only happen when there are no slips hence, there is a need to factor in these factors in the formula. Using the formula below the value of n1/n2 can be determined.

n2/n1 = (d1+t)/(d2+1)*[(100-s1)/100*(100-s2)/100]

where:

n1 and n2 are the revolutions per second of the driving pulley and the driven pulleys respectively,
d1 and d2 are the diameters of the driving and the driven pulleys respectively,
s1 and s2 are the percentage slips for the driving and driven pulleys respectively,
t is the thickness of the belt (0.1cm).
n1 = 0.3rev/sec, s1 =s2= 2%.

As such, a graph of (d1+t) against (d2+t) is a straight line through the origin. Hence; the gradient m is given as below:

m= n1/n2*[(100-s1)/100*(100-s2)/100] = 1.920
But, [(100-s1)/100*(100-s2)/100] = [(100-2)/100*(100-2)/100] = 0.9604.
Therefore, 0.9604n1/n2= 1.920
Hence; n1/n2=1.999 ≈2.0

Of an open pulley system.
Graph 2: of an open pulley system.

Similarly, n1/n2 for the crossed pulley system can be obtained from the same formula. Given slightly different conditions; 0.9604n1/n2= 2.112
Thus, n1/n2= 2.199≈ 2.2

Discussion

The objective of this experiment was to determine the directions of motion of pulleys under open and crossed pulley systems. As such, a correlation between the drive and the driven shaft in terms of speed was ascertained to establish whether it matches a theoretical explanation.
As regards direction, the pulley system behaviors matched the theoretical explanation. To this end, an open pulley system moved in the same direction while the opposite was true for the crossed pulley system. Changing the directions of the driving pulleys to anticlockwise directions did not affect the results. As such, as opposed to gears and chains, flat belt pulleys are cheap to maneuver as regards direction (Flather, 1995).
Given the correlation between the ratios of diameters and that of speeds of pulleys portrayed a linear relationship. As such, as expected, a plot between the driving pulley diameters to that of the driving pulley portrayed a straight line through the origin. However, this graph would only pass the origin after factoring in percentage slip otherwise the line would cut the y-axis (d2+t) above the origin. This represents one demerit of flat belt pulleys; they are not efficient power transmitters.
Given that the driving diameter is X times that of the driven pulley then it means that the speed of the driven pulley is X times that of the driving pulley.
With the driving pulley moving at a constant speed, the speed of the driving pulley would be increased by increasing the diameter of the driving pulley or, reducing the diameter of the driving pulley.

Conclusions

The objective of this experiment was met since the directions of the pulleys in both arrangements matched the theoretical explanation. Also, the correlation between the speeds and diameters of driving and driven pulleys exhibited an inverse relation.

References

Flather, J. (1995). Rope-driving: a treatise on the transmission of power by means of fibrous ropes. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.

Fiber Optics Laboratory Experiments

Introduction

The aim of this report is to introduce the process and the results of the laboratory experiments on fiber optics.

Taking into consideration the multitude of the fiber optics, it must be said that there are no universal standards of their form or functions. However, the scientists of the New York Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) highlight several main characteristics which have to be typical for fiber optics transmission. The components of photonic system in this work were selected according to the suggestions of IEEE.

Selecting Fiber Cable

The choice was to be made between two types of fiber cable: multimode and singlemode, which are used by the short and long links. The length of the waves can vary, and the most frequently used are: 850 nm, 1300 nm, 1550 nm. The choice of the fiber cable and the waves will define the theoretical optical loss.

The fallowing table gives the IEEE standards for the fiber optics:

Standard Data Rate (Mbps) Cable Type IEEE Standard
Max. Distance
10Base-FL 10 Multi-mode: 850nm; 62.5/125μm or 50/125μm 2 km
100Base-FX 100 Multi-mode: 1300nm; 62.5/125μm or 50/125μm 2 km
100Base-SX* 100 Multi-mode: 850nm; 62.5/125μm or 50/125μm 300 m
1000Base-SX 1000 Multi-mode: 850nm; 62.5/125μm
Multi-mode: 850nm; 50/125μm
220 m
550 m
1000Base-LX 1000 Multi-mode: 1300nm; 62.5/125μm or 50/125μm
Single-mode: 1300nm; 8/125μm
550 m
5 km
1000Base-LX* 1000 Single-mode: 1550nm; 8/125μm 70 km

It can be seen in the table, that the transmission of data along the distance of 40km will be possible with the help of a singlemode fiber cable and a wave which is 1550nm long.

When the choice of the fiber cable is made, the calculation of the losses is relevant. The main losses that should be counted in this work are: splices, fiber attenuation, and connector attenuation. The typical values of the losses for the fiber cable introduced by IEEE are shown in the next table:

Wavelength/Mode Fiber Core Diameter Fiber Attenuation (per km) Splice Attenuation (per splice) Connector Attenuation (per connector pair) Modal Bandwidth (Mhz-km)
850nm/multi-mode 62.5 μm 3 dB 1.0 dB 1.0 dB 185
1300nm/multi-mode 62.5 μm 1 dB 1.0 dB 1.0 dB 500
1300nm/single-mode 9 μm 0.3 dB 1.0 dB 1.0 dB N/A
1550nm/single-mode 9 μm 0.2 dB 1.0 dB 1.0 dB N/A

A transmission can be embodied with a fiber optic system in case there is a minimum of one splice and two connectors. Under such circumstances, for every 10km we used one splice and two connectors. We also added extra 2dB to every value of fiber optic, considering the temperature and humidity, which may as well influence the result.

These calculations define the loss according to the table:

α op = Connectors_Loss+ Fibre_Loss +Splice_Loss+Safety_Margin_loss

α op = (2×1dB) + (40×0.2dB) + (4×0.1dB) + 2dB

α op = 2dB + 8dB + 0.4dB + 2dB

α op = 12.4dB

Having investigated the kinds of fiber optics, their characteristics and functions, we searched the Internet in pursuit of elements for our systems, which would meet the main requirements:

  • Appropriate length
  • Little noise level
  • Singlemode cable
  • The wave of 1550nm

The chosen fiber optic and its datasheet is added as Appendix1.

Selecting Transmitter

We chose the DFB Laser Diode, which has a distributed feedback. To meet the requirements for the transmission, which were a high speed and a long distance, and to have a dynamic single mode we needed to use optical cavities with selective reflections. The DFB employs a periodic longitudinal variation of the reflective index.

However, we have also considered selecting a laser diode with a slope effacing that can let our system gain the link, which is likely to cause a better Dynamic Range. Another demand for this component is ability to operate with the 1550 nm wavelength and a modulation frequency of 2 GHz.

Having studied different Laser Diodes, we looked for a Laser Diode with such characteristics:

  • ability to operate with modulation frequency of 2 GHz or more
  • ability to operate with 1500nm long waves
  • sufficient slope efficiency η d
  • distributed feedback

The chosen element is added as Appendix 2.

Selecting Receiver

Choosing between the two basic kinds of photodiodes, we took into consideration their quality, price and structure. Eventually it appeared that the PIN (Positive-Intersinc-Negative) diode is more simple and cheap in comparison with the APD (Avalanche Photodiode). In addition, the PIN diode is perfect for working in conditions of high frequencies.

Another point which had been considered was the ability of photodiode to increase the gain link of our system which, as it was mentioned before, can help to improve the Dynamic Range. The requirements for wavelength and modulation frequency for this device are the same as for the previous.

Having studied the different types of After photodiodes, we tried to find the device with such specifications:

  • PIN Laser Diode
  • ability to operate with 1500nm long waves
  • ability to operate with modulation frequency of 2 GHz or more
  • high responsive qualities

The selected photodiode and its datasheet is added as Appendix 3.

Summary

It can be said that the work of the photonic system can be improved with the means of reaching a lower noise level. The factor which can influence this level is the volume of the link gain. This defined the main principles of choosing the elements for our system. The demands for every device were different and were aimed at improving the work of the system.

The values of datasheet and assumptions for the calculations are as fallows:

λ = 1550 nm

I B = 110 mA

η d = 0.16 W/A

Rs = 5Ω

Ith = 40 mA

RIN = -157 dB/Hz = 1.995×10-16 W/Hz

m1dB = 0.85

m =

PL = 10 mA

α op = 12.4dB = 0.058

 = 0.85 A/W

I Dark = 0.6 nA

RL = 1.5 KΩ

Calculations of the average received power:

P = α op × PL = 0.058×10×10-3 = 0.58 mW

P = 10 Log(0.58) = -2.366 dBm

I P = 0.058×10-3 ×0.85 = 0.493mA

Calculation of the Link Gain:

GLink = (Âα op η d )2 RL/Rs = [ (0.85×0.058×0.16 )2×1500/5 ]= 0.019 = -17.2 dB

Calculation of the noise:

2RIN> = RIN×(IP)2 B = 1.995×10-16(0.493×10-3)2 ×1×106 = 48.48×10-18 A2

2Dark> = 2qIDarkB = 2 ×1.6×10-19 × 0.6×10-9×1×106 = 1.92×10-22 A2

2th >= 10.672×10-18 A2

2sh > = 2qIPB = 2×1.6×10-19×0.493×10-3×1×106 = 1.578×10-16 A2

2N-tot> = i2RIN +i2Dark + i2th + i2sh

2N-tot> = 48.48×10-18+1.92×10-22+10.672×10-18+1.578×10-16= 2.169×10-16A2

Ntot = 2N-tot>RL = 2.169×10-16×1500 = 3.253×10-10mW = -94.87dBm

Selecting RF Amplifier

The amplifier is a very important component of our system, as it will serve the purpose of increasing the signal after passing the photodiode. To choose an appropriate device, we considered three main points. The first one was related to finding a matching resistor to the impedance of the amplifier and the photodiode. Such gadgets will theoretically improve the voltage standing wave ratio (VSWR) of the link. The second significant point was taking into consideration the thermal noise of the signal which can be also amplified. Finally, the third issue was choosing a model of an amplifier which can provide the system with an appropriate signal level. It means that the device had to have a sufficient gain value.

Having made a research into the different kinds of amplifiers, we looked on the web sites for a device which would meet our requirements. The amplifier which was chosen is added as Appendix 4.

Conclusion

Aim of our work was to design a photonic system which could transfer the data successfully. We were accurate in our choice of every component and considered all the requirements for their quality. During our work we learned how to operate with different devices; we also practiced calculation of the main values of the system (the average received power, the link gain, the noise figure etc.).

There were also some drawbacks in our work, such as missing some factors (for example, the price), and we should take them into consideration while doing similar assignments.

All in all, our laboratory experiments were very useful and it developed our professional skills.

Chinese Space Program: Innovation and Value of the Proposed Experiments

The proposed installations and experiments in the scope of the announced Chinese space program, although based on the existing technology and body of research, will provide unique insights into their respective fields of study. The surveillance of the environment and the prediction of natural disasters system will be innovative in comparison to the existing satellite-based system (1). It will be the first of its kind and possess greater accuracy and prediction capabilities. Greater magnifying capabilities, as well as telescopes and photography, will enable tracking not only the weather patterns, streams, and changes in the environment, but also the pathways of animal migration in the effort of predicting natural disasters and assessing their impact (3). This information will be valuable to humanity, as it would aid in avoiding natural disasters, predicting them, and conductive preemptive evacuations (2).

Cloud-Aerosol Transport System will be innovated in comparison to the existing CATS module, which was shut down on the ISS in 2017, as it would feature five spectral frequencies, in which aerosol clouds and particles would be scanned, and not two (1). It would enable the astronauts to conduct more in-depth observations of the environment and provide accurate data about pollution, greenhouse gasses, and other aerosols found in the atmosphere (2). The value of this experiment to humanity cannot be overstated, as many pollutants, especially greenhouse gasses, have the potential of drastically altering the existing climate patterns (3).

Lastly, the solar energy particle event forecasting system will feature the most advanced orbital radio telescope with the greatest interferometry baselines, with them extending over 350,000 km (1). It would enable studying space objects at incredible distances, with approximation rates more accurate than those of Hubble Space Telescope and the Russian Spektr-R (2). Humanity would benefit from the provided data, as it would enhance our understanding of the universe and allow studying relativist streams, neutron stars, and black holes.

The Chinese Room Argument: The World-Famous Experiment

Software developers and philosophers often disagree about whether a computer can have an individual mind similar to that of humans. Programs called artificial intelligence are installed in many modern devices and are part of everyday life. However, not everything is clear about this issue due to several counter-arguments. The world-famous experiment, called the Chinese Room, shows that, even with the ability to process information correctly, the computer follows the given algorithm without showing real cognitive properties and only following the exact path. To refute the idea that programs have real intelligence, the connectionist approach will be used, and the answer will be largely based on the idea of ​​deep learning. The Chinese Room Argument is an example of the fact that an artificial neural network, in spite of demonstrating complex calculations and inferences in analysis, cannot process information at the level of human consciousness.

Summary

The Chinese Room Argument is a globally renowned experiment that was designed to disprove the idea that computers’ artificial intelligence can be compared to that of a human. It was carried out by John Searle in 1980, and today, many sociologists and philosophers are studying it (Alberts, 2020). The evaluation algorithm involved the use of symbols, namely Chinese characters, which a person had to use to answer pre-prepared questions. According to Agar (2019), the main reason for the experimenter’s doubts was that, being ignorant of the meaning of the proposed characters, a person could only apply them through a pre-given algorithm. As a result, the conclusion was developed that the principle of operation of computer programs with a learning option was similar. Machines can only execute a certain set of commands by following a specific path, thus simulating conscious activities. In reality, one cannot talk about intelligence or rational thoughts such programs can demonstrate.

Such reasoning, based on the inadmissibility of the presence of real intelligence in a computer, proves that even the physical manifestations of the mind cannot prove the existence of a fundamental mind. Software needs to go through the full cycle of perceiving, understanding, and interpreting specific information to be a thinking entity. Chinese characters, being unfamiliar symbols for a person, cannot be interpreted adequately if, initially, a person does not have knowledge. The combination of symbols cannot be randomly processed for the responses to be received to be adequate and semantically consistent with the questions posed (Alberts, 2020). Therefore, from any perspective, the idea of ​​such an experiment refutes the ability of a computer to exhibit a thought process that is available only to a person.

The fact that a computer is capable of exhibiting signs of intelligence is not comparable to the idea that it is inherently intelligent. Based on the details of the experiment, Louwerse (2018) notes that symbol manipulation is nothing more than a consequence of a programmed binary code. In other words, from a philosophical perspective, such knowledge is limited and based on prior training. A computer program can be considered one that does not have the flexibility of perception and interpretation. With the same success, the program could work with other characters and texts. The idea that machines are capable of self-learning runs counter to the theory of symbolism that characterizes the human brain (Lyre, 2020). The perception of images and signs can be intuitive, and with learning and analysis, a person is able to acquire new skills, which the computer cannot do, as the result of the experiment proves. Thus, despite the external similarity of learning, human and computer methods differ significantly.

To address the proposed issue from a philosophical perspective, the connectionist/deep learning approach can be used as a background for interpretation. By adapting relevant ideas to the experiment in question, its validity can be assessed in terms of rationality and objectivity. A direct connection between the work of a computer program and the functioning of the human brain should be made to identify the prerequisites for the manifestation of the mind, as well as prospects for learning. Along with the key idea, possible counter-arguments can be presented to determine how reasonable they can be in the context of the topic raised.

Argument

The application of the connectionist/deep learning reply to the argument under consideration about the impossibility of considering artificial intelligence as having consciousness confirms the thesis that such a correlation is impossible. For instance, Louwerse (2018) emphasizes that any neural networks work as an imitation of the functions of the human brain. Searle’s argument about the inadmissibility of comparing a person and a machine is justified because the internal motives of consciousness, namely the ability not only to perceive but also to interpret information flexibly, is a semantic tool of consciousness. Therefore, one cannot say that computer programs can perceive data in the same way as people since comprehension requires the presence of cognitive functions, which is not available to machines.

From the standpoint of connectionism, the human brain can be called an example of a program that has the depth and complexity sufficient to make reasonable judgments. Lyre (2020) remarks that Searle’s view of the experiment suggests the existence of artificial intelligence within a given framework. However, regarding the connectionist theory as a background for analysis, one may observe that the formal symbols, which, in this case, are Chinese characters, are not sufficient to build a mind.

A computer system may include intelligent and reasonable assumptions; consequently, it is nothing more than a consequence of pre-planned evaluation algorithms but not the manifestation of cognitive activity. The complexity of the data, namely the characters, is an obstacle to demonstrating real learning abilities. As a result, connectionism does not deny the possibility of artificial intelligence, but the mind as a property is denied in such systems.

In general, an artificial neural network is a set of embedded steps and algorithms that function through pre-built tactical decisions. Given the concept of deep learning, semantic segmentation is a natural property of a system that is capable of cognitive development (Zhang et al., 2019). With respect to the Chinese Room Argument, the computer deals primarily with syntactic structures that are incompatible with semantics. In other words, artificial intelligence interprets data in accordance with one specific principle, but understanding information, as one of the main properties of the human brain, is not available to it.

The experimenter uses formal symbols as an example of an activity that can reflect the ability to understand. For a computer program, a character set remains a character set and nothing else because the essence of the language embedded in these characters cannot be conveyed if the basic perception of the language is missing. This assumption also speaks in favor of the fact that the concept of deep learning does not allow one to evaluate artificial intelligence as a system capable of actual learning comparable to that of humans.

When speaking about the inconsistency of the connectionism approach, one can point out counter-argumentary ideas. For instance, the perception of artificial intelligence as a system capable of building logical chains brings it closer to the human mind. Moreover, since modern computers have advanced significantly beyond what was available to researchers in the 1980s, the progress in working with data is evident. Liu et al. (2019) give an example of semantic segmentation performed by modern neural networks and note a significant increase in the capabilities of computer systems. Therefore, within the framework of an alternative idea, the mind as a property characterized by the ability to isolate individual pieces of information and distribute data can be considered in relation to advanced computer programs.

At the same time, the considered counter-arguments can only be regarded as partially justified. Artificial intelligence can match and analyze data in logical chains. However, the most important property that could bring it closer to the abilities of the human brain is related to understanding. Computer programs do not have the function of cognitive perception, which does not allow them to be regarded as intelligent. In terms of progress in the field of computer technology, modern digital systems have impressive capabilities. Nevertheless, they still lack the interpretive skills inherent in humans, which rules out the possibility of the mind in artificial intelligence. Therefore, the connectionist/deep learning approach seems reasonable when considering the experiment in question and denying consciousness in computer systems.

References

Agar, N. (2019). . Philosophy & Technology, 33(2), 269-282. Web.

Alberts, L. (2020). Not cheating on the Turing Test: Towards grounded language learning in Artificial Intelligence [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. Stellenbosch University.

Liu, X., Deng, Z., & Yang, Y. (2019). . Artificial Intelligence Review, 52(2), 1089-1106. Web.

Louwerse, M. M. (2018). . Topics in Cognitive Science, 10(3), 573-589. Web.

Lyre, H. (2020). . Minds and Machines, 30(3), 325-347. Web.

Zhang, L., Lim, C. P., & Han, J. (2019). . Complexity, 2019, 1-2. Web.

Chinese Artificial Sun Experiment

In the new year, China continues to be a news generator for the world. This time we are talking about a record in the field of nuclear fusion. Experimental advanced superconducting tokamak EAST (toroidal installation for magnetic plasma confinement) known as “artificial sun” worked for 1056 seconds. In 17 minutes it heated the plasma to 70 million degrees, which is not only a record on Earth, but also higher than the temperature of the core of the Sun almost five times. The goal of the project is to generate limitless clean energy, mimicking the natural reactions that take place inside stars. The project has already cost the Chinese authorities an incredible trillion dollars. The main difference with existing nuclear reactors is that this process requires no fossil fuels, and no spent fuel, an extremely active substance that requires expensive burial with continuous supervision over many years.

The main thing is that the experiment does not result in something worse than the coronavirus, whose origin is also attributed to Chinese laboratories. The world has already seen several nuclear reactor disasters, and each of them was very costly to mankind. At the same time, in many areas the refusal to build up the energy generated by reactors is not even considered, since they are the cheapest source, with virtually no restrictions on location. For example, one of Russia’s new projects, by the way, a participant in the development of the “artificial sun,” is the Akademik Lomonosov floating nuclear power plant (FNPP) operating in the port of Pevek in Chukotka.

China’s “artificial sun” is one of numerous private and government-funded experiments to create power plants powered by magnetically limited plasma from fusible isotopes. The goal is to solve the many physical problems (stable plasma at sufficient temperature and density) that must be solved before engineering solutions can be demonstrated. These engineering solutions must lead to an available energy source for the research to be useful. Given the lack of transparency and the occasional exaggeration of research results in China, it is difficult to evaluate this particular experiment. The Chinese do publish a lot, and most articles are of high quality. Perhaps someday someone will get to a feasible and functional fusion plan, and this could be one useful experiment along the way that provides important information.

References

Carleton, A. (2022). . Vice. Web.

Nguyen, T. T., Nam, S. N., Kim, J., & Oh, J. (2020). Photocatalytic degradation of dissolved organic matter under ZnO-catalyzed artificial sunlight irradiation system. Scientific reports, 10(1), 1-12.

Experimental Research: Design and Control

When designing experiments, researchers always find themselves needing to control certain variables to ensure the success of the research. According to Sytsma (2009), a variable is defined as almost anything found on the face of the earth. Variables are a real concern for researchers (Sytsma, 2009). When these variables are of definite experimental interests they are known as factors. However, the term factor is generally used when an experiment includes more than just one variable (Sytsma, 2009).

Variables that Researchers can Control

Among the variables that a researcher can control while designing the experiment are history, maturation and pre-testing (Key, 1997). The environment of the experiment and the actual variable to be used in the experiment may also be controlled by the researcher (Student of Fortune, 2011).

As a factor, history can easily affect the results of a study when a researcher takes further measurements to the experimental variables that had not been taken earlier before the onset of the research. An example, consider a case where a researcher collects data before and after a certain event happens. If not properly controlled, this may greatly affect the results of a study as measurements or data collected could greatly differ (Key, 2009).

Maturation refers to the process of an individual moving on to maturity either in age or otherwise during the life period of the research. The data collected at different stages of the research may be affected by change in time and hence the need for effective controls (Key, 2009).

Pre-testing on the other hand requires that the researcher notes down some parameters before the actual research begins. The challenge faced by the researcher has to do with the fact that experimental conditions could change drastically in the process in such a way that the results of any post-test may end up be being skewed (Key, 2009). It is very typical for respondents to give completely different responses at a later stage of the research leading to invalid results (Key, 2009).

Limit the Effects of Extraneous Variables

According to Sytsma (2009), when variables are external with regard to the experiment, they are referred to as being extraneous. Without proper control, these variables end up influencing or affecting the results of the research.

To limit the effect of extraneous variables, a researcher may need to control the degree of randomness of the experimental variable (Student of Fortune, 2011). Randomization commonly refers to the fact that the outcome of a research is not at all predictable. A researcher’s confidence has been known to come from understanding that a random approach was taken at the time of assigning experimental variables (Sytsma, 2009).

Extraneous variables can also be dealt with by means of Control Groups. This involves the use of a matched group that is not exposed to the experimental variables. The control groups can help greatly in reducing the effect of factors such as history and maturation. Generally, the control group is subjected to every other experimental condition but not to the experimental variable (Key, 1997).

Another approach to addressing the effect of extraneous variables is to use additional groups. These are groups that were neither tested in advance nor exposed to the experimental preparations and can thus be used in tackle the effects of pre-tests (Key, 1997). They are used together with the pre-tested groups or other factors that affect the results of a study.

Aluminum vs. Mild Steel Comparison Experiment

Abstract

Aluminum and mild steel were compared in this experiment to determine their mechanical qualities. The fundamentals of universal testing machine functioning were also learned throughout this experiment. Many engineering materials may be tested with the Universal Testing Machine. In many engineering constructions, tensile qualities of materials are employed as a basis for their design. It is possible to anticipate the properties of materials under various loading conditions by looking at the stress-strain relationships of different metals (van Zijl, Slowik, Toledo Filho, Wittmann, & Mihashi, 2016). Mild steel outperformed aluminum in this testing in terms of tensile and yield strength. Because of its excellent strength, mild steel may be used in a wide variety of constructions and engineering projects.

Introduction

Structural components for bridges, railways, ships, airplanes, and pressure vessels should have their tensile qualities studied to ensure their safety. As a result, the tensile strength of the materials used in structural applications should be adequate. Engineering applications are determined by the metals’ mechanical characteristics. Tensile tests, which apply axial or longitudinal force to a specimen with given dimensions, may be used to estimate a material’s tensile characteristics. Until the specimen deforms and fails, these forces are applied. Using the tensile load and the related extensions, the stress-strain equation of the material specimen is calculated and determined. In addition, to yield strength, percentage of elongation, and ultimate strength, the tensile test experiment may be used to assess additional mechanical properties of the specimen. Keeping track of the initial gauge length Lo, diameter Do, and cross-sectional area can help with future computations.

Theory

In the presence of tensile stress, a substance undergoes deformation. There are two main types of deformation: elastic and plastic deformation. Expansion and applied load are directly proportional in elastic deformations. Engineering stress is defined as the ratio of the applied load to the original cross-sectional area, whereas engineering strain is defined as the change in length (extension) L over the original length L.’s

Hence;

σ=P/Ao

and

ε=∆ L/Lo

Where:

Σ is exerted stress

P is the axial load

Ao is the initial cross-sectional area

Experimental procedure

stress-strain relationship under uniaxial loading.
Figure 1: stress-strain relationship under uniaxial loading.
  1. By use of Vernier calipers, the thickness and breadth of samples of aluminum and mild steel were measured. The gage length of each material was found to be 80 mm.
  2. A ruler was used to measure and check the gage length of each sample of material.
  3. The program for capturing and recording data was enabled, and the substance matching the specimen was chosen in the software.
  4. By zeroing the load cell, the Instron Load Frame could only be configured to measure just the tensile load on each specimen entered.
  5. The jaws were altered to accommodate the size of the specimens. This was followed by mounting the extensometers to the shortened parts of the gage specimen.
  6. To minimize slippage of the specimens, the scroll wheel was utilized in preloading the machine.
  7. After the specimen was retrieved, the extensometers were set to zero values, and the test proceeded to measure the strain of the specimen.
  8. The data was recorded by the program on the spreadsheet.
  9. By inserting each sample in the compression testing machine, the tensile test was done, and the results were stored in the computer. The data was then obtained for computation and display of the graphs.

Results and discussion

fatigue behavior of Steel Material.
Figure 2: fatigue behavior of Steel Material.
Y-Values.
Figure 3: Y-Values.
Area 50.27 m2 Lo 60mm Date
Max load 32.59 kn MaxStress 648.27MPa Temperature 0C
EModulus 230 GPa Fp0.2 20.58Kn Rp0.2 409.49 MPa
Fel 9.96 kN ReL 198.16MPa Elongation 14%

Conclusion

Mild steel is often used in many technical applications that call for high tensile strength. It’s because mild steel has a crystalline structure that enables it to handle large axial stresses without breaking before the onset of fracture. Many designs requiring low-density materials, such as aerodynamics and certain automobiles, have found aluminum useful. Young’s Modulus is a factor that governs structural component deflections, and aluminum has a higher rate of ductility than mild steel. In this experiment, tensile strength is shown to have a close correlation to theoretical data.

References

van Zijl, G. P., Slowik, V., Toledo Filho, R. D., Wittmann, F. H., & Mihashi, H. (2016). Comparative testing of crack formation in strain-hardening cement-based composites (SHCC). Materials and Structures, 49(4), 1175-1189.

Jane Elliot’s Experiment: Compare and Contrast

A Class Divided is one of the most popular documentaries, which discuss the ideas of discrimination among people. It is an experiment, conducted by Jane Elliot, an American 3rd Grade students’ teacher, is about the division of the group into two subgroups according to the color of their eyes: blue eye group and brown eye group.

Mrs. Elliot’s experiments with 3rd grade students and with adults have lots in common and certain differences, which may be classified according to such concepts like social groups, their sizes, leadership styles, and formal organization.

Elliot’s control over the members of the groups plays a very important role and proves that those, who have certain power, can easily impose different ideas on people and make these people change their minds within short periods of time.

The main idea of Jane Elliot’s experiment is to teach people about racism and prejudice, and demonstrate how stereotyping may change people’s lives once and forever. The members of the group, who are called superior, have to behave and feel like they are superior in everything. Those members, who are defined as inferior, have to behave in the inferior ways. The results of this experiment demonstrate how simple words without proper grounds, but told by powerful people, may influence people’s behavior and attitudes to other people.

In both experiments, secondary social groups were chosen. These groups were later divided into two out-groups, where one social group felt opposition to another. However, the difference that lies between these two social groups of young students and adults is their relations to each other.

When young students got to know that some of them were superior above the others, they could use power to prove their ideas and convict the “inferiors”. And the adult group of people used mostly words and superior tone to demonstrate their higher positions. Jane Elliot used formal organization according to which she created groups, which had to achieve certain goals and prove their positions and the rights, the members of the groups had.

They were normative formal organizations because each member of those groups joined voluntary in order to achieve a worthwhile aim and comprehend that racism was the problem to solve immediately. When the sizes of the groups are huge enough, it is necessary to clear up the type of leadership.

In both cases, the teacher performed the functions of an instrumental leader: she created a goal, and, by means of the orders and rewards, controlled the situation. When the 3rd grade students were under the experiment, the teacher gave an order that blue eye students had priorities, and brown eye students did not have the right to command or express personal discontent.

In general, there were not leaders within the groups, this is why the teacher was the only one leader and performed her instrumental leadership functions in a proper way.

To my mind, during students’ experiment, the teacher used authoritarian leadership style, because she gave orders and students had to obey, because of her high position. In the case with adults, the teacher took laissez-faire style and provided the members with a chance to run the situation and communicate.

In general, the experiment, conducted by Mrs. Elliot, helped to comprehend how unfair and prejudiced people of any age could be. These experiments proved that words have unbelievable power over people; and if these words are told by a person with certain authority, people may obey them in different ways and even use power over the others.

In any case, the control mechanisms did not actually vary in experiments for adults and for young students. Mrs. Elliot made a right decision to use words as the main controlling means over people and was successful with her experiments.

Works Cited

A Class Divided. Pt.1 4 Aug. 2008. Web.

A Class Divided. Pt.2 4 Aug. 2008. Web.

A Class Divided. Pt.3 4 Aug. 2008. Web.

A Class Divided. Pt.4 4 Aug. 2008. Web.