Category: Elections

Problem description

In March 2013, Kenya, a small country in East Africa, held its general election to elect a new president. There were two main candidates vying for the post; Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga. Prior to the election process, the country had installed a digital system, which would help make the voting and tallying processes seamless (Curtis 1).

The system had been touted to reduce the time taken to count the votes. In this system, the polling officers would key in the data from the ballot paper count into a system that would send the information to one national tallying center (Marks 1). The polling officers would then call the central tallying center and present the same information by voice, for confirmation purposes.

The system worked well for the first few hours after the polling stations closed. The country was keeping track of the tallying process because the data was updated in real-time and broadcast on live television (Marks 1). However, as the data kept increasing, the system started getting overwhelmed (Warigia and Longwe 1).

The digital portal that had been installed to collect information from remote polling stations collapsed. The system was at one point reported having been multiplying the actual vote count by five (Curtis 1). The mobile phone network that had been dedicated to communication between the electoral commission’s officers also got jammed because of the high number of phone calls and short messages it was forced to handle.

Given the fact that the country had gone into the election on the back of political tension, any lapse in the system was viewed as an attempt by one of the competing candidates to rig the election (Marks 1). The government officials running the systems had been believed to be partisan, and every time the system failed, social media was awash with complaints by supporters of both candidates.

Supporters of Uhuru said Raila had sent hackers to weaken the system and feed data that would give him an edge. On the other hand, Raila’s supporters accused the government of having intentionally damaged the system in order to modify the data in favor of Uhuru (Warigia and Longwe 1).

After 36 hours of counting, the electoral commission’s chief executive officer announced that they were re-starting the tally because of the failure of the digital system (Curtis 1). The new tally was to be done by getting all data from the remote centers to one point in the country’s capital Nairobi and having it manually totaled. Various parties went public to complain about the ensuing disorganization because the digital system had been made to appear secure (Warigia and Longwe 1).

After the manual count, Uhuru Kenyatta was declared the winner and was subsequently sworn in as president. His rival, Raila Odinga, went to court to contest the outcome of the election, arguing that the damage in the digital system was intentionally caused to give his rival an advantage. After a month-long case, the court concluded that Uhuru had won fairly. But the country was left divided as to the result, given the fact that the system collapsed as the country watched on television.

In this case, the problem arose as a result of failing communication between humans as a result of over-reliance on information and technology. The electoral commission in Kenya had set up the new system and, even without testing it, placed all their hope on it to make their work easier (Marks 1). These officials did not foresee the possibility of damage in the system and failed to install proper measures to deal with any reports of failure.

By broadcasting the outcome of the tallying process as data streamed in, the commission proved that they had full confidence in the system. Unfortunately, for them, the system broke down as the public watched, and the officials had to suffer the embarrassment of informing the nation that their much-publicized systems had collapsed. Even the international community was left questioning why the commission had to place all their hope in one channel (Marks 1).

Numbers to confirm the problem

In July 2013, two months after the polls, Kenyan research firm Infotrak conducted a study to find out how Kenyans viewed the country’s electoral commission in view of the year’s election outcome (“Infotrak: Most Kenyans”). The data collected showed that 53% of Kenyans did not think the election was free and fair, attributing their opinion to the inefficiency by the Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) in managing the polls (“Infotrak: Most Kenyans”).

The report showed that the system was operating at less than 30% efficiency. As a result, 28% of the country’s voters no longer trust the IEBC (“Infotrak: Most Kenyans”). Kenya has 14 million registered voters. If 28% of these people do not have faith in the electoral system, as shown in the Infotrak report, this translates to 3.8 million people.

During the last elections, the winner had about 5 million votes. With 3.8 million voters expressing their dissatisfaction with the process, if elections are held today, the winning candidate will certainly take home less than 3 million votes, making him an unpopular president (“Infotrak: Most Kenyans”). Fixing the communication problem could help tame this ripple effect.

Causes of the problem

The collapse of the networks in the Kenyan election situation described above was primarily a result of human error. The people tasked with feeding information into the system had not been properly trained and ended up keying in the data more than once. These multiple entries overloaded the database that had been set up to handle data from the tallying centers.

In addition, the mobile phone network, which had been dedicated to the exercise, ended up getting jammed because no order of call had been established. Returning officers from various parts of the country were calling and sending short messages to the main tallying center at the same time, leading to its early downfall.

Another problem, which was witnessed in the election vote count, came in the form of the live television feeds. Giving the public access to raw data from the tallying centers made it difficult for the commission’s officers to provide a credible explanation whenever anything went wrong. A case in point is when the system developed an error that made it multiply the total tally by a certain percentage. The wrong data was immediately noticed by members of the public, a section of whom was getting agitated by the fluctuating numbers.

The country had witnessed extreme post-election violence in 2007, and in 2013, the world was watching to see whether the situation could be averted by ensuring smooth voting and tallying. With the numbers being unstable, there was a great possibility that any errors on the part of the regulating organ could lead to an eruption of anger and consequent violence.

Possible solutions

To prevent a recurrence of the crisis that arose in the situation described above, a number of solutions need to be effected before the next election is held. First, is the training of the people manning the systems. Information, communication, and technology (ICT) systems are only as good as the people running them. The polling officials need to be trained properly on how to run the systems and what to do in case they make an error.

The system also needs to be developed in such a way that it does not allow multiple entries of the same information. Technicians need to be placed at every input center to help correct wrong entries. Getting trainers from the countries where the systems were made to conduct the training sessions would ensure that the handlers of the data are well equipped to deal with any challenges that may come their way.

Because the data keyed in through the system was verified using phone calls, a network that can handle heavy traffic needs to be set up and tested well in advance. The company providing the service needs to put the system through the toughest challenges possible and develop quick recovery solutions in case of a failure. The strength and ability of this system should be verified by independent evaluators, preferably from other countries.

Connecting the data feed to live television networks was also a big mistake, which should not be repeated. All data should first be ascertained at the tallying center before being sent out to broadcasters. This way, when wrong data is received, or when the tallying system suffers a breakdown, it can be fixed without alarming the public.

For instance, when the system started multiplying incoming data by a percentage, the bug could easily have been rectified without the public’s knowledge and then the proper tally given to television networks. It was embarrassing for the electoral commission to have the mistake pointed out by viewers, hours after it had occurred.

These technological solutions can only be confirmed effectively after being taken through various tests and subjected to the harshest of situations. Any communication problems, which are detected during the test phase, can be rectified until the system is confirmed to be working perfectly.

Even with all these systems in place, the best solution for this communication problem would be to provide easy ways of delivering the forms containing the numbers from the remote centers to the main tallying center in Nairobi.

By ensuring that polling officials can physically present the data at the national tallying center, chances of the data being intercepted and manipulated by hackers are reduced. In this regard, the government needs to dedicate light aircraft and helicopters to ferry in data from far-flung regions and fast vehicles to deliver electoral officials from nearby stations.

Selection of solution

In Kenya, election time is usually an emotion-filled period, and any small mistake on the part of the officials can lead to chaos. It is, therefore, imperative that a fitting solution is identified to rectify the problem that was witnessed in March 2013. This report has shown that the situation that occurred in the 2013 Kenyan election was as a result of a miscommunication between officials stationed at different polling centers around the country and those in the national tallying center, due to a collapse of the installed ICT systems.

The Kenyan government needs to realize that while it is desirable to rely on technological advancements to speed up processes, it needs to invest in programs to test out the systems before deployment. With the next election taking place in three years’ time, the government should make sure that it sets up the necessary networks, which should then be tested over the next two years for adaptability to different load capacities.

In the case of mobile phone networks, the government should team up with the major telecommunications firms in the country to develop a system that can handle heavy traffic without collapsing. This is because these companies (Safaricom, Airtel, and Orange) already have the expertise and resources needed to develop a strong system. The electoral commission’s officials should also put structures in place to ensure that the outcome of the polls is presented at the main office on time. This includes setting aside a budget to cater for the air freight.

How the solution could be implemented

In order to set up a properly working digital voting system, IEBC needs first to get rid of all the gadgets it bought for the 2013 election and place bids for the supply of new systems. The company with the most experience in setting up networks for elections in developing countries should be selected. This is because the challenges Kenya experienced in 2013 must have been reported in other countries while deploying similar systems.

Once the right company has been identified, it should deliver the necessary tools and equipment to the country and set up the systems as required. Individuals should be recruited and properly trained on how to run the system. Possible scenarios of failure should be created during the training process, and the handlers educated on how to deal with them. After the system has been deployed and the people to man it recruited and trained, a primary test should be conducted.

IEBC should recruit a group of people from across the country to feed data into the system. Simultaneous input of data from various parts of the country should be used as a way of testing the stability of the system. If the system remains stable even during times of heavy data input, it should be recommended for use in upcoming elections. However, if the system creates a gap in communication as it did in 2013, it should be evaluated for loopholes and any breaks fixed, before a second try.

The next item in the preparation phase is the setting up of a strong and properly functioning telecommunication network. By speaking to the mobile service companies in the country, the Kenyan government will decide on whether or not a new network that runs parallel to those being run by the main players needs to be set up. If the experts recommend the establishment of a new network, it should be set up immediately and taken through trial runs to test for efficiency.

However, it may be cost-effective for this new network to be hosted on some of the already available resources. The telecommunications network needs to be tested by recruiting teams of individuals to make calls or send short messages simultaneously. This exercise will help determine whether or not it can handle the bulk of the load during election time.

If the network allows for proper transmission of information, it should be recommended for use in future polling exercises. On the other hand, if it fails, engineers should go through it and identify the weaknesses, which should then be fixed before more trials are conducted to confirm its stability.

Works Cited

Curtis, Ben. “Kenyan voters frustrated with delayed results after electronic system fails.” The Guardian. 2013. Web.

“Infotrak: Most Kenyans lack confidence in IEBC and Supreme Court.” Evening news. Kenya Television Network, Kenya, 2013. Web.

Marks, Joseph. “How technology failed to fix Kenya election.” Next Gov. 2014. Web.

Warigia, Bowman and B. Longwe. “Technology, transparency, and the Kenyan general election of 2013.” Al-Jazeera. 2013. Web.

The results of the 2006 Canadian federal election

The liberal party had made several mistakes to gain afoot in this election, In addition, Harper worked tirelessly to demine the liberals, constantly attacking them over scandals they sunk into during their tenure in government. These scandals included court decisions, media coverage, same-sex marriages, sponsorship scandals, their relations with the United States and so on. Other reasons for his win were the declining popularity of liberals and the corresponding increase in popularity by conservatives. Liberals’ ideas of increasing taxes were also vital to Harper’s win, consequently making history as the first conservative minority party to lead government since the liberals.

The motion of no confidence passed in 2005 was a clear indication that change was imminent. Besides, there was no other leader capable of outshining Harper apart from the liberals whose candidate had been deemed unfit to exercise executive powers in Paul Martin. There is a high probability that if a new party leader were elected to run against Harper before the 2006 federal elections, maybe things would have been different. However, they kept with Martin and only realized this mistake after he was defeated, causing him to resign. Besides, several issues surrounded Martin’s government. These issues ranged from fiscal imbalance, the desire by Quebec to form their own government, abortion and gun registry, among others.

The federal government policy has changed very much since the election of the Harper minority government

Among the policies, including environmental policy, which the conservatives took up in order to reduce rising emissions from greenhouses, which cause climatic changes because of polluted environment and depleted ozone layer. The conservatives’ position on the implementation of the Kyoto accord, which they criticized for having harmful effects and giving insubstantial results regarding the reduction of greenhouse gases, was met by strong criticism from opposition parties as well as several environmental organizations.

Another policy change has been regarding foreign affairs; Martin’s government was much reluctant in its approach to foreign policies, however, this has changed in Harper’s government. Conservatives have employed a principled approach to their foreign policies, Harper’s relations with Washington, Kandahar, Jerusalem have been close, and he was quoted supporting Israel’s war with Hezbollah on his way to a G8 summit, which was alarming as other world leaders shared different sentiments. For instance Jacques Chirac, the then French president referring to it as “aberrant”.

Speculations have also come about Harper’s government, which is accused of muzzling the media especially from researches relating to his environmental policy changes. This has caused havoc, and the yet to be authenticated report only referred to as a ‘leak’ is said to contain sentiments of frustrated Canadian researchers and scientists who have been barred by the new media relations policy. This policy, entrenched in 2007 requires senior federal researchers and scientists to ask for permission before they give an interview to the media. This has been taken negatively by the affected media centers as they feel that some information has been censored or going by the trend of improvement that has been realized since their coming to power, there is a considerable possibility of this happening. Back in 2006, they only held 127 seats, making it difficult for them to pass legislation without the support from the opposition, but after gaining another 17 seats, 12 shy of the required majority, the future promises a lot more. This consolidation has been caused mainly by liberal’s drop and confusion, which prompted Harper to call for these elections. Liberals now languish much further from their 103 seats in 2006 to just 77, which is quite surprising given their trademark as a historically dominant party in Canadian politics. A further reason why conservatives may gain the majority is the fact that they lost more seats in Quebec, but this can be corrected with proper realignment with the issues concerned. Liberals currently have a long way to go, and this gives conservatives the advantage to advance their numbers to the majority in the House of Commons.

Do Canadians respect minority governments?

Given the trend that has continued since Martin took over, Canadians have tolerated minority government and this would imply they respect them. On the other hand, there are critics of this model of government and it has not been easy for Harper to pass legislation with the minority. This explains why he has always tried to consolidate more seats by calling for an election, the most recent being his third. Some people have wondered why parties cannot form coalitions like in the U.K. to give majority governance. I believe this could be due to the respect Canadian people have given to minority governments. Other reasons that could count in this are about the system, that is, the prime minister is not elected directly by voters; If this was not the case then Canadians would most probably incline more to majority governments.

Introduction

The United States has a federal structure of government with elected members of the government and cabinet coming from the national level and the local level. Top of the rank is the president who is from the national level. The president is elected by the people of the United States through an election governing body. (Barone and Richard, 13) says that this body is mandated the role of conducting a free and fair election not only at the national level but also at the local level. In the voting process, the candidate with the highest number of votes assumes the post and the whole of this process must be eligible and transparent. Such economies lead to transparency and democracy in the voting process. This paper takes a keen look at one of the elections that took place between two candidates during the 2010 Mid-Term Election. This was a campaign race between rivals Timothy Bishop and Randy Altschuler. Randy Altschuler won the election by a narrow margin. The paper seeks to look at the factors that lead to Timothy Bishop losing the hotly contested seat.

Body

First was the human error in the tally that occurred in the counting process. The democratic incumbent Bishop was competing against a republican challenger who was a businessman. Despite the race being tight, we could see from the beginning that the democrat was actually ahead of the pools by close to 51% against the closest and major rival Randy Altschuler who had 49%. This actually made the people make a dangerous assumption that it was obviously going to be a win for the democrat. Despite the absentees’ votes still remaining for the official release, it would seem they would make close to 0% difference on the then tally. To alls surprise, it was discovered that close to 4,000 votes were missing just hours after the closing of the polls. This to meet was a strong reason since it could not just be solved easily unless a recount was conducted. This estimate which was clearly not a machine error changed a lot at this stage of the polls.

The campaign strategy that was used by Randy Altschuler against his opponent Tim Bishop was a good strategy to help him outdo his opponent. We see the famous republican renewing his campaign strategies by calling for his opponent to resign or return dollars 15,000 donated to his campaign team. This was a scandal since the donation source was through the scandalous Charlie Rangel was a Congressman. This call though it had a little impact on the opponent, it created a very big impact. (Davidson and Walter, 15) says that a candidate must be fraud-free for him or her to stand a better chance of winning an election.

There was also an element of corruption and ethnicity that marked Timothy Bishop’s campaign. When Randy Altschuler called for the resignation of both Bishop and Charlie Rangel, it was evident that Charlie was challenged ethnically because unlike the democrat’s view on the return of the money, the majority of the colleagues saw this since. Also, Charlie proved to the people that there was an act of corruption and due to his funding to the democrat, no one would hide this scandalous act and fail to condemn such a poor cultural act.

The consideration of major economic-related issues within the two showed that the Republicans had a good scheme for the most important issues in the history of the Americans. He categorically had good schemes for job creation and tax management was a boost to the economy of the Americans. His dire support for incentives in tax and the creation of jobs and small businesses showed a good scheme for economic growth. His plans on the private sector showed a person who was more concerned with the economy of not only the rich but also the average Americans.

When we could see the bishop coming under fire as he encounters the citizen at the Town Hall meeting, his image is dented since such things spread in the media like bushfires. (Hastert et al, 20) points out that the conservative Society for Action had a bad message for the democrat. This was also marred by the angry mob of taxpayers at his meeting in the Town Hall. The citizen showed a very poor and disrespected show at the candidate. In politics, such implications cause a major role in the decisions made by the voters.

The president and the catholic association made some comments on the critics of Bishop Timothy. The New York Catholic League gave a comment on the critics of Bishop’s campaign strategy. According to them, they are worried that the Bishop is conservative. Such comments on the campaigns can cause a big impact on the faithful supporters who were expected to be the major voting block for Bishop Timothy. Such messages reached a large group of people through the internet. Such information led to Bishop Timothy losing votes to his opponent on his campaign roles as a candidate for the Democratic party.

In such economies like the United States of America, issues of the budget and other issues related to raising the economic standards of the people always take the day. His experience and life in the business sector show that he is more conversant with business and economics. He is a candidate who can create more opportunities in the economy due to his business background and experience. His budget tackles the challenges in the American economy which to him he calls the stagnating factors to the economy. He takes about the federal debt that poses a major risk to the economy and says how his budget would deal with such debts. He also talks about the government’s involvement in the private sector. This involvement has a major role in the raising of the living standards of the people. This in itself outplays his opponent Bishop.

We can also see the major stands posed in deferent debates about the two opponents, the creativity in the business world in the debates makes 5thge republican gain more votes. He names unemployment rates which were good news to the youths who had the right numbers for the votes. His method of organizing and influencing the economy made him win a large number of votes. (Lee and Bruce, 54) says that employment creation is an important aspect of good economic growth.

Lastly, the ever-existing stalemate between the republicans and the democrats in such election and voting trends normally dictates the outcome. The democrats have always controlled the US economies with the most affluent and early presidential candidates paying more attention to the rich at the expense of the poor. The republican’ simplicity made their appeal to the majority of poor people and mostly the black American who believes there must be a change in such managements and rule.

Conclusion

To conclude, we can see that these factors of corruption and poor strategies lead to Timothy Bishop losing narrowly in this highly contested election and campaign process. Though it was evident that the democrat had won before the error on the counting, the small error could be seen to change the whole process which later makes Timothy Bishop appeal for the recounting of the votes. Such elections need a very well-calculated approach to the campaign strategy so that such vices like corruption and scandals should not feature in one’s campaign process.

Works Cited

Barone, Michael and Richard, Cohen. The Almanac of American Politics. New York, Penguin, 2008.

Davidson, Roger and Walter, Oleszek. Congress and Its Members. Washington DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1998.

Hastert Dennis, et al. Congress for Dummies. New York, Penguin, 2002.

Lee, Frances and Bruce, Oppenheimer, Sizing up the Senate: The Unequal Consequences of Equal Representation. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press, 1999.

The most important result of the 2011 Canadian federal election cannot be defined in one particular instant because many instances were defining moments. There was a mass exodus from the normal traditions to a new generation of politics in Canada. The New Democratic Party (NDP) leader Jack Layton labeled it the “wind of change” in Canadian politics.

The NDP ranked second for the first time in Canadian history, the Greens party got the first parliamentary seat, more women were elected into parliament, and the Quebec Bloc and Liberal party landed humiliating defeats in their strongholds and all these events marked a dramatic end to a hotly contested election. The results indicate a development of Canadian politics to completely new level. Increased competition and consequent reduction of dominance of few parties indicate that democracy is maturing although the campaigns were less issue driven.

The election campaigns began with the Liberals issuing their manifesto that contained issues on healthcare and green renovation tax. The other parties quickly followed the same road thus the campaign quickly shifted to personalities. Therefore, the Canadian campaign dwelt more on personalities than issues. The NDP leader attacked the Liberal leader on his performance as opposition leader. The Liberal leader, Ignatieff, failed in defending himself and considering his inexperience, he began losing grounds.

Introduction

Federal judges are judges who are allotted via a centralized echelon of government. This is however contrasting to the state as well as regional echelon. This is conversely what is exercised in the United States of America. Here, individual judges are appointed by the president. The appointment is the confirmed by the senate before approval. Usually, America’s individuals appointed as judges emerge from the states upper middle and middle classes in terms of affluence. Some states have considered the abolishment and replacement of the election system of obtaining judges with the scheme of appointing. Nonetheless, the Americans propose the reverse. This paper will hence focus on arguing out that federal judges should be elected instead of being assigned.

The election of federal judges

First, it’s proposed that the election of judges can help the state as a whole to encounter the aspirations as well as objectives for a country to achieve the promotion of legal and sensible sovereignty. All the citizens of the concerned country will hence be part of the legalized judicial system. “The election of judges also serves as an assurance to all the citizens that all the duties undertaken in their system of governance are their responsibility” (Goldstein, 32). It also proves that the benefits accrued from the best service offered by the judges are for all the citizens. However, if citizens don’t participate in the election process, they will consider this as a benefit to only the president.

Promotion of legal and sensible sovereignty

Individuals who propose the implementation of the election process of selecting judges argue out that through this process, some prospective imperfections that could arise can be partly solved. “The appropriate verification progressions in the system of election can help a lot in providing solutions to the manifestation of any possible preconception” (Waldron, 19).

Solving of prospective imperfections

The appointment procedure of judges by the president encourages the surfacing of a larger amount of politics directed towards the judicial assortment course of action. This greater amount of opinions does not only have an effect on individuals of tolerant extraordinary interests but also leads to the disadvantages of loss of responsibility to the unrestricted group of individuals in the concerned state (Horowitz, 18).

Eradication of politicization

The election of judges can be capable of helping in eradication of activities of politicization in a state. This is where it’s made clear in this sound accounted faction that, those individuals who fail in the election process as well as individuals who are unfathomable experts with extra ordinary interests are recommended for an appointment practice. From this, politicization will be done away with.

The appointment of judges

In opposition, individuals who state that judges should be appointed support their conception basing on withholding of elections. During preservation of the elections, the judges tend to develop the accountability towards the electorates. They will have a tendency of working while supporting the group of individuals who voted for his succession. In this process judges usually lose their responsibility on the job. The job will not therefore be efficient, effective and of justice (Reynolds, 24).

Conclusion

In conclusion, on weighing the points personally, I discover that if individual judges are voted for, then the impacts to be encountered will be quite outrageous. First, the people chosen will lack the necessary qualifications to be a judge since majority of citizens doesn’t understand the qualifications. Corruption practices will also be high among the judges. I therefore recommend the appointment of judges as the best approach.

Works cited

Goldstein, Joel. The New Constitutional vice Presidency. Wake Forest Law Review 1995: 40. 545. Print.

Horowitz, Donald. The courts and social policy. Washington Dc: Brookings. 1997. 16- 22. Print.

Reynolds, Glenn. Is Dick Cheney Unconstitutional? Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy. 2007: 102:110. Print.

Waldron, Jeremy. The dignity of legislation. Cambridge: Cambridge publishers. 1999. 12-21. Print

Introduction

Voting is a fundamental aspect in any civic engagement. Most political scientists have likened voting to the health of a democracy arguing that the declining voting trends could be symbolic of a democratic deficit, a phenomenon that has characterized most regions in the developing world (Pammett & LeDuc, 2003). In his uncharacteristic study of democracy and governance, Hans-Hermann Hoppe argues that political leaders are chosen for their demonstrated efficacy as morally immodest firebrands. Therefore, according to Hope, the concept of democracy virtually gives assurance to that only bad and dangerous men will ever win an election.

Those who seek to rise to the top of government are those men and women who appear to have the willingness to break the moral obligations that the majority of the people are determined to follow. As such, the greater the power wielded by a political office sought, the more likely that individuals positioning themselves for such offices have little or no regard for right and wrong. Within our midst, we can soften find elected leaders that we have great admiration for, but at the federal level, officials of such caliber might be scarce and unpredictable. Taking time to understand the nature of elections is perhaps, the foremost step to win an election (Pammett & LeDuc, 2003).

The art of winning an office is a high calling that requires adequate time, careful planning, ample funding, and personal energy. Very few people can always jump into the bandwagon of an election spree to win a public office, perhaps with the exception of those who are already wealthy, famous or popular (Pammett & LeDuc, 2003). However, elections are not necessarily won based on popularity and monetary worth alone, history has always confirmed that campaigns can also be won especially based on hard work and audacity of purpose. Majority of elected leaders who are currently in high offices today are at one time little known candidates for some local office, and in the course of their service, worked their way up the ladder.

Political Marketing Strategies

Political marketers use extensive research to gain sufficient acquaintance with the electorate to help shape the political positioning of the party with the elector preferences, by making informed decisions in an attempt to achieve electoral objectives. By now, most parties have gained significant insight from opinion research that they are now using in adjusting to the political dynamics and these are in the forms of selection of messages, billboards, mass media, and images.

Most parties have so far stepped up their marketing intelligence to help in restructuring the image of their respective candidates as well as in designing party policies and the development of election platform (Pammett & LeDuc, 2003). Canada has long been at the center stage of commercial marketing innovations most of which have been adapted for use in Canadian elections. As has been the case elsewhere, objections have arisen due to the erosion of some of the most celebrated traditional practices that mass media has created. In Canada anxiety about the political marketing trends, seem to have reached a fever pitch with most parties gambling for media publicity in the run up to the 2015 October federal elections (Pammett & LeDuc, 2003).

Voting Behavior

As history of the Canadian election bare, immediately a general election is concluded, the country fast start gearing for the next election. For this, with merely a year and few months remaining to the October 2015 election, it is little exaggeration to declare that the last slot in the coming federal election line up was filled when Justin Trudeau was declared the leader of Liberal Party in April (Grenier, 2014). This makes the three most viable leadership prospects deemed to be Prime Minister Stephen Harper of conservative, Justin Trudeau of Liberal Party, and New Democratic Party (NDP) Thomas Mulcair. However, candidate like the Green Party leader Elizabeth May and Andre Bellavance of Bloc Quebecois can never be ruled out to influence to the election victory (Grenier, 2014).

Starting with the incumbent Prime Minister Stephen Harper of conservative whose government numeral scandals has a great influence on the Canadians voting behavior. Grenier (2014) notes that If Harper wants good record that can help him win the 2015 election, he has to keep his government on track that will enable him avoid the attack by opposition leaders. Otherwise, his opponent majorly Mulcair and Trudeau will utilize that to their advantage, and present themselves and their parties to the people of Canada as the only legitimate alternative to the conventional government out to rob their people off their dignity.

However, Prime Minister Stephen Harper of conservative party, has gained tremendous popularity in Canada due to his cautious approach to solve problems and foster economic growth as opposed to urge to engage in conflict or pick fight(Tandt, 2014). This, as noticed in his silence in the just ended election that finally includes Quebec in the Canadian republic among other diplomatic solution is expected to increase his popularity. This will ultimately influence the voting behavior in the Quebec region where his government currently holds just five seats (Tandt, 2014).

Just as the PM, the New Democratic Party (NDP) choice, Thomas Mulcair is also believed to be a beneficiary in the concluded election that included Quebec in Canadian republic. This, as political analysts’ states is because of the division in loyalties among his main contender’s and opinion makers for Quebec supporters (Tandt, 2014). In addition, Tandt (2014) states that it is also important to note that the diminution of the separatist menace reduces the foremost obstacles to NDP advancement in regions like Ontario, Atlantic Canada and the West.

This is because of the party’s contribution and support that enhanced a fast track of the kickoff of negotiation on separation. Moreover, the NDP outright declaration support for 50-per-cent-plus-one adoption as sufficient for approval of the referendum (Tandt, 2014). Justin Trudeau of Liberal Party, as Grenier (2014) indicates, besides enjoying the fruits of his father whom most of the Canadians are well acquainted with, he will influence a large voting pattern in the entire Canadian Republic for his bold contention. This gives him an upper hand amongst his competitors. However, the fact that he is a de facto leader portrays him a failure in managing national unity crisis, in which he and the federal Liberals had a clear competitive advantage (Tandt, 2014).

Positioning of Parties and their respective Leaders based on current efforts

Various parties are already positioning themselves for the bruising political duel ahead of the Canadian 2015 federal elections. Already, there are various misconceptions arising over the forthcoming Canadian federal elections, some of these allegations might be true, yet others only suffice to beneath the surface in a way that blurs our vision of what lies ahead. The first item though, according to Pammett and LeDuc (2000), is that the Conservatives, despite the fact that the opinion polls have positioned them down the scales, seem to have a hidden strength. The recent polls opine that nearly thirty seats are likely to be added to the House of Commons in the forthcoming elections through redistribution.

The other factor is the rise and rise of Justin Trudeau and the support his party has amassed in the recent polls, a feature that political analysts opine will lessen the possibility of cooperation between NDP and the Liberal party. In 2015, the House of Commons is expected to grow in stature from the current 308 to 338 members to accommodate the growing population in areas that were earlier perceived to be less supportive of the party. Numerous seats are up for grabs for the for the party, six of which are located in Alberta, six in the British Columbia, 15 in Ontario and 3 in Quebec (Farney & Levine, 2007). Following federal politics keenly, equips one with the familiarity of this redistribution. For the Conservatives, it is a forgone conclusion that the six new seats will be their undisputed gifts. In addition, the party also seems to be doing perfectly well in the rapidly growing suburban areas.

Globe and Mail have done all that is within their capacity to predict the nature of the outcome in the forthcoming federal elections. The Globe holds that if the Canadian electorate approaches the 2015 ballot in the pattern same as they did in 2011, then the Conservatives are likely to bag in the 22 out of the 30 new seats available.

Competitor Differentiation

Political parties in Canada hold a great deal of value in the Canadian electorate (Farney & Levine, 2007). Canadians are well supplied with political patronage and the country’s partisan structure can always attest to this fact. With at least four registered political parties and several other grass root parties, it can at times be somewhat difficult to keep track of all parties. According to Farney and Levine (2007), the Canadian parliamentary system often presumes the existence of political parties, yet parliament cannot function without these parties.

As in the case of most parliamentary systems, in Canada, the party that garners the most seats in the Canadian House of Commons is given the mantle to form the government including the mandate to appoint the prime minister and the cabinet. Political parties in Canada have a hierarchical organization and they function more or less in a way that mirrors the other (Farney & Levine, 2007). There is always a single leader for every party who formulates the policies of the party and determines the party’s position on various current affairs. Accordingly, the position held by the party leader on various issues has to be that which party members dutifully support. In Canada’s elections, leaders of all registered parties have to vie for the position of prime minister.

In Canada, political parties engage in several programs, the necessitating the need for constant financing. This entails election campaigning patronage, retaining of party think tank, as well as providing advisory backing for the party (Farney & Levine, 2007).

Even though such parties often get financial support from different avenues, private donations form the biggest source of the financing. Individual members in Canada have the permission to donate money in support of a party of choice, and this donation is not restricted to one particular party. Essentially, individuals can donate to more than one party. However, the Canadian central government has introduced several confines on members’ contributions, as a source of finance for political parties and has gone further to institute financial support limits on the sum of money individuals may contribute, including precincts on the avenues of such donations. Trade unions, corporations, and non-Canadian citizens are strictly prohibited from contributing many to the federal political parties (Farney & Levine, 2007).

Voting segments (geographic, demographic, and psychographic)

With less than two years to the next federal election, the major political parties in Canada can be downed to three. In these three, the concurrent revelation by political analysts and the poll firms indicate the Prime Minister Stephen of conservatives’ party to be leading a with a slight percentage margin of the Canadians’ voting population (Grenier 2014). According to Grenier (2014), the conservatives would garner 32 percent of the vote. The liberal party would gather 31 percent as the third close contender could collect 26 per cent. With varied opinions that give the differences in voting pattern, various parties enjoy popularity in different geographic, demographic, and psychographic factors for different reasons.

Amongst them as the poll suggests, according to Grenier (2014), voters born outside Canada gives the Conservative party an edge over the competitors. On the other hand, the pollsters states that Canadian born voters would prefer Liberal Party. While at the same time, the middle-class families would prefer Liberal Party. This is said to be due to their perceived effort to revive the economy. Further, the upper class argue that it was the work of Paul Martin and the Liberal government that strengthened Canada’s banking system and significantly uplifted the Canada’s weathering financial crisis. This gives his Son and leader of Liberal party an easy ride amongst upper class. Grenier (2014) indicates that the BC and Quebec will be the territory of NDP, as it has been in their voting trends.

The Ottawa as beneficiary for the current regime is destined to vote for Conservatives. While, Ontario as pretty right wing province is predicted to support the Liberals as a revenge plan to move away from the current government whom they believe to have been oppressing them. The survey as Grenier (2014) further notes, the minor parties, which are assumed that can wave their support to any of the popular candidates, will likely influence the voting patterns for unoccupied provinces such as Alberto (Nakhaie, 2006). On religion the analysts predicts most Christians to vote in favor of Liberal party as opposed to the Jews who are being currently wooed by the Conservative leader. The Christians as said to rebel against conservatives for supporting same sex married (Grenier, 2014).

Trends in Political Polling

Whenever it comes to political contest in Canada, regionalism always takes a center stage, and most will always agree that regionalism has never been a new phenomenon in Canada. From a very humble beginning, Canada came to realize a surge of numerous regional political parties, such as the Social Credit party, the Progressives as well as the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF); in the current Canadian dispensation, the significance of regionalism has its impacts on democracy and the party support structure (Nakhaie, 2006). Canada has scaled the ladder of multiparty politics since the mid of 1990s, an observation that has seen the advancement and sprouting of fresh political parties that have since changed the control of established and regular parties such as the Progressive Conservative and the Liberals political parties.

Several of these new political parties, according to Nakhaie (2006), are based around certain individuals or a particular region in a way that revolves around the interests of such individuals or regions. The Bloc Québécois, in this case is expected to fill aspirants mainly in the Quebec Province; the party will use Quebec patriotic vendetta as its fundamental policy floorboard. The Reform Party, in this case, is considered largely as allied to the western ideals that focus on subjects that embrace western alienation; the party will be searching for a voice at the ballot for western welfares in Canadian political structure.

Use social media and digital technologies best based on current practices

Based on the current trends of the Federal campaign, a blend of all social media such as Facebook, Twitter, Skype, and Flickr in addition to technology such as Cinematic will be used aggressively by various contenders. These are suggested to weigh heavily as they have on recent occasions been major campaign tools in the Quebec secession and Alberta’s provincial election. However, the youthful liberal party leader, Trudeau whom some of the political analysts already term “Obama of Canada” is likely to utilize that to his advantage to woo the youths votes. This is perceived so because he has already hired influential and youthful Cyrus reporter to lead his press team and to fine-tune their target and quality of the engagement with the public.

The contribution of social media and digital technologies

With the interactive technology, the Liberal leader Trudeau can pass a message to large number of audience quickly and get their response instantly. The use of social media can as well help Trudeau to broadcast his stand on diplomatic issues, which can then be publicized without his knowledge. In addition, he can use the negative critics from the responses to change for the better. This is expected to improve his nationwide outreach and popularity thereby influencing more votes.

Conclusion

From the forgoing analysis, it is apparent that the Liberals might return to power in the forthcoming Canadian federal elections. In the likely event that they pick on the former Prime Minister’s son, Pierre Trudeau to be the party’s flag bearer. The opinion polls too, seem to be sagging towards the possibility of a landslide victory for the party. Speculation is rife that Justin Trudeau would preferentially dislodge the conservatives from power although, this election victory is expected to slam him with another challenge, that is, contending with the minority in government.

Under Trudeau, the polls show that the Liberals would bag in 39% of the total vote, while 32% would go to the Conservatives and the New Democrats would record 20 percent in the highly contested 2015 federal elections. Accordingly, Justin Trudeau is seen to be perfecting on his position making him most relevant in the Canadian political contest, and is increasingly reaching out to other constituencies, which were initially perceived as being hostile to his candidature. At 41, Justin Trudeau seems well endowed with sufficient vitality and vision to paddle the course of the nation in the years to come.

References

Farney, J, & Levine, R. (2007). Canadian Voting Behavior in Comparative Perspective, The Comparative Turn: The Canadian Contribution to the Theory and Practice of Comparative Politics. Ed. Richard Simeon, Robert Vipond, Jennifer Wallner and Linda White. Vancouver: UBC Press. Web.

Grenier, E. (2014). 2015 Federal Election: For Harper, Trudeau and Mulcair, The Campaign Is Underway. Web.

Nakhaie, M. (2006). Electoral participation in municipal, provincial, and federal elections in Canada. Canadian Journal of Political Science. 39(2), 363-390. Web.

Pammett, H. & LeDuc, L. (2003). Explaining the Turnout Decline in Canadian Federal Elections: A New Survey of Non-Voters. Ottawa: Wiley and Sons. Web.

Tandt, M. D. (2014). For the first time since 1976, our Canada includes Quebec. Web.

Political science¹ involves the study of governance, politics and programs of particular nations and regions. It analyses the way governments manage their political, religious and social issues.

The Recount is a film that depicts a sequence of happenings that took place during the presidential vote in the United States of America in the year 2000. The movie involves the former Governor of Texas, George W. Bush, and the former Vice President of the US, Al Gore. The scene begins with the depiction of election on November, 7^th, 2000 and concludes with the US Supreme Court verdict that stopped the recount of the Florida State elections on December, 12^th 2000 (The Recount).

The scene begins with Al Gore giving an early telephone call to George Bush. Al Gore had already conceded defeat to Bush in the morning of 8^th November 2000. In the scene, Al Gore’s campaign team decides to sue for a manual recount in his Democratic Party’s stronghold. Al Gore suspects the possibility of discrepancies in voting in closely contested states as shown by the electronic election recount.

The Republican Party pressurizes Florida’s Secretary of State Katherine Harris² to give an opinion of the outcome in favor of Bush. The focus turns to the recounts by media, party organs and the citizens at large. The Florida Supreme Court spokesman Craig Waters makes a critical announcement that prolongs the deadline for returns in the initial recount of November, 21^st 2000 and directs a national recount of votes on December, 8^th 2000. The Supreme Court later stops Craig’s directive.

In the new scene, Florida’s Secretary of State Katherine Harris supports her Republican candidate George Bush instead of exercising her duties as a Secretary of State of Florida. Her conduct signifies that she is acting in agreement with George Bush to rig elections in favor of her candidate. The Court of Florida orders a recount of the votes, and the Supreme Court also upholds a win for Al Gore in the elections. American and Canadian elections usually use a single member plurality (SMP) structure of elections. The system favors election winners. It caters for elections of leaders at local, state and federal legislatures. The competitor who gets the highest count of casted votes wins the elections.

The goal of this structure is to represent the popular votes in the district and make sure that the local electoral jurisdictions are well represented.

This paper outlines four types of plurality and majority voting systems which constitute the first past the post (FPTP), single, multi, and majority systems.

A single winner refers to the one who gets the highest number of votes compared to other candidates. The winner in the both national and federal systems in the US and Canada may not gain an absolute majority of votes, but only a plurality which is also referred to as relative or simple majority.

Another similarity in the US and Canada electoral systems involves a single winner plurality voting structure. A voter is entitled to vote for only one candidate, and the winner becomes the contestant who gets the highest tally of votes as in the case of Al Gore and Bush in the US.

The last four elections in Canada also demonstrate this fact especially in Quebec and Ontario. In a presidential contest or competition for a single seat the contestant who gets the highest number of votes represents all citizens (Rangel, 2010).

In a multiple unit plurality vote both in the US and Canada, the tallying of the ballot entails a conclusive iteration mechanism with a singular ballot paper for choosing one contestant. Each ballot caters for a vacant position.

In certain states and regions in Canada and the US, the winner can only be confirmed after two rounds of elections popularly known as “runoff” as in Texas in the US and Toronto in Canada. This aspect only happens when no candidate gains a majority of votes among all the competitors (Garner, 2013). The first two leading competitors with the highest number of votes in the initial format of elections compete against each other. The “runoff” can also involve all candidates who gain votes above a set threshold.

This study prefers the first past the post (FPTP)³ system of elections because it relies mostly on areas of simplicity. It also identifies the winners who are elected to represent the electoral areas. According to FPTP, a candidate only needs to get the highest number of casted votes among the competing candidates. It is also referred to as “single member plurality” or a “first past the post” system.

It pronounces a winner of the election between the two main competing parties. It helps in bringing together minority parties to join the majority or the governing party. Small parties become irrelevant after failing to get a significant number of seats in federal and national parliaments (Edwards, 2010). It helps in creating a strong opposition to evaluate government policies and programs. The opposition performs the role of monitoring the government. It also presents itself as an alternative governance option to the ruling organ of a given country. FPTP encourages unity and diversity among citizens because the parties promote national policies rather than regional, personal or societal concerns.

FPTP promotes a link between the citizens and their leaders. The elected leaders represent all the political entities like cities, towns and regions. The leaders do not represent areas where their parties have strong electoral support.

Voters may be able to make a choice among different candidates without considering the contestants’ political parties. The electorate may assess the performance of individual candidates.

FPTP gives an opportunity to independent candidates to vie for electoral positions without paying attention to their political affiliations. FPTP may be simple and easy to use. A legitimate vote ought to only have a single character beside the identity or sign of one competitor. The competition’s official may be able to provide a verdict of the vote even when there are many candidates on the ballot paper because he can easily identify whom the electorate has preferred (Art & Jervis, 2011).

Electoral systems may be crucial for stable democracies. The best electoral system can fail if it does not meet appropriate standards. Governments across the globe must integrate proper planning mechanisms to avert any suspicions of rigging. Elections enable members of the public to choose their preferred representatives. Governments should not interfere with elections by subverting the course of justice. Electoral systems should have strong evaluation and monitoring systems. People of high integrity should lead the electoral bodies to avoid malpractices.

References

Art, R., & Jervis, R. (2011). International Politics: Enduring concepts and contemporary issues tenth edition. Boston, MA: Longman. Web.

Edwards, S. (2010). Left Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of Populism. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. Web.

Garner, R. (2013). Introduction to politics. Oxford, UK: University Press. Web.

Rangel, C. (2010). The Latin Americans: Their Love-Hate Relationship with the United States. New York. NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Web.

The Recount. (n.d.). In Wikipedia online. Web.

Footnotes

1. This discipline denotes the study of political governments.
2. Katherine Harris was in charge of policy affairs of the state of Florida.
3. This structure only recognizes the person who wins the vote regardless of the margin.

Introduction

Elections offer a platform for choosing leaders, assisting in government setup, and conferring the legitimacy of current political systems (Ely, 1997). Electoral assistance (technical expertise) will be our organization. We propose the following forms of assistance, provision of support in preparation and conduction of elections, Secondly, the building of long-term capacities of involved institutions, finally, enhancement of appropriate election-related processes.

Background Information

A constitution establishes the rules upon which politics is conducted (Ely, 1997). Argentine legal arrangements governing the organization and control of the electoral process rely on the active participation of political parties at all stages of the process.

The issue and its dimensions

The UNDP 2002 report on human development presents mixed results in democratic transition. Some governments exhibit illiberal democratic tendencies of employing an authoritarian rule after democratic elections. Issues that plunge the electoral process are:

1. Low citizen participation
2. Voter ignorance leading to voter incompetency
3. Low citizen control
4. Inadequate political virtue in voters and officials
5. Insufficient representatives of legislatures
6. Political inequality

This project will limit itself to issues, which strengthen democratic governance through initiatives that create a longer-term capacity to achieve electoral efficacy. Elections are both sensitive public administration exercises and archetypical political processes and therefore have covert political impacts.

Principle areas and dimensions

Our organization has extensive grassroots entrenchment and is best suited to facilitate electoral assistance as a way for the disadvantaged to impact on government decision-making. The table below shows major entry point for our impartial organization.

Detailed analysis

Civic and voter education

Civic education sensitizes citizens on their rights, roles and responsibilities in democracies while voter education focuses on potential voters to encourage them to make free choices. Our organization already has grass-root presence; it will not incur additional setting up costs.

Coordinating of international electoral assistance

NGOs offer an avenue of linking international and national actors to create a smooth electoral process. In addition to linkage, our organization will offer a coordination platform within its areas of operation.

Voter registration

Given our previous experience, Participation in this area will include setup of a permanent or continuous electoral register that embraces new technology.

Electoral administration

Strengthening of electoral management capacity will occur through large-scale event planning, logistical support, conflict resolution training and assistance on non-election related areas. This will rely on the well-qualified and experienced staff of our organization.

Schedule of project activities

The mass media is the most influential way to affect the public’s vision of the definite problem or situation because all the important global and local events are framed and discussed by the mass media according to the journalists’ visions. Thus, people learn that these issues and events are important because the mass media pay attention to them. As a result, the public is inclined to form its opinion in relation to the information and viewpoints presented by the media. The mass communication’s function of forming the public’s opinion and drawing the people’s attention to the definite issues is known as agenda-setting. The role of agenda-setting becomes really significant in the situation of the presidential elections when voters focus on the issues which are not only important for them personally but also promoted as significant by the mass media. Thus, it is important to discuss the effects of the mass media agenda-setting on the voters’ opinion basing on the example of the US presidential elections in 2012.

Citizens always know what social, economic or political issues are important for them and what issues require their further discussion. However, it is important to note that priorities in relation to this or that issue are often determined not by the public but by the mass media (Baran, 2013). The accentuation of the certain issues in the candidates’ campaigns with the help of the mass media can affect the voters’ attitude to the definite problems significantly. Thus, during the candidates’ campaigns in 2012, it was important to balance between the most controversial issues of the foreign policy and the role of the USA in regulating the conflicts over the globe or participating in them and the economic question which was more important for the public according to their own visions (Presidential debates, 2012).

From this point, the coverage of these issues in the mass media varied in relation to the public’s moods toward the candidates. However, the process was interdependent because definite provocative issues associated with the economic life or foreign policy accentuated according to the mass communication’s visions. Thus, it was almost impossible to ignore the emphasis made by the media on these two issues which became even more obvious during the candidates’ debates.

The mass media is the effective tool to portray candidates and their positions in the definite light. The approaches used by the mass media to discuss the candidates’ positions and current issues can be different according to the goals of the media (McCombs, Shaw & Weaver, 1997). The problem is in the fact that voters can conclude about the positions and programs of the candidates only basing on the information presented in the media. There are no direct ways to learn about the candidates’ visions even when they participate in debates because the discussion is affected by the situation of televised debates.

As a result, all the information provided in the mass media is filtered, and the accents are made according to the needs of the media. For instance, many female voters, especially in the swing states, concentrated on the issue of abortion during the debates of 2012 because this issue was effectively accentuated in the states’ and local media (Women in swing states, 2012). It is possible to speak about the importance of this issue for women in the USA, but it is also necessary to pay attention to the context in which the issue was presented by the media during the campaigns.

The importance of the issue is often determined with references to the frequency of discussing it in the news. For instance, if unemployment is the problem which can be observed by the public in relation to the everyday life, the questions of the foreign policy can be discussed by citizens only with references to the news. Thus, the information presented in the mass media during the elections’ campaigns of 2012 affected the voters’ attitudes and their priorities. Healthcare and Medicare issues were the key questions for discussions in the media during the first part of 2012.

Many problems associated with the issues were not solved during the year. However, these topics were inactively discussed in the news during the second part of the year. The accents were made on unemployment, economy, and taxes. As a result, the voters made their decisions with references to their sharing the position of this or that candidate in relation to these issues (Obama leads in three crucial swing states, 2012). However, the problematic question with Medicare was not resolved and was still urgent, but not discussed in the media. The points which were actively discussed in the news during the second part of the year became the key issues influential for the development of the candidates’ campaigns.

Voters can be significantly influenced in their choices by the mass media because of the impossibility to analyze the positions of the candidates without references to any mass communication. Thus, the role of mass media agenda-setting is significant because the public receives the opportunity to determine the importance of social, political, and economic issues only according to this concept.

References

Baran, S. J. (2013). Introduction to mass communication: Media literacy and culture. New York, NY: McGraw Hill.

McCombs, M.E., Shaw, D.L., & Weaver, D.L. (1997). Communication and democracy: Exploring the intellectual frontiers in agenda-setting theory. USA: Routledge.

Obama leads in three crucial swing states. (2012). Web.

Presidential debates. (2012). Web.

Women in swing states have gender-specific priorities. (2012). Web.

Outline

If the Voting Rights Act was enacted to outlaw discriminatory voting practices that had disenfranchised the African Americans, is there a possibility that the 2008 election exposed the Act’s secret agenda?

Introduction

Voting Rights in the United States of America have been contentious since the first of elections in the country. Crews (2007), explains that since 1607, the first election held by Jamestown voyagers, progress toward inclusion of potential voter groups in the United States has been marked by difficulties.

As much as the 1965 Voting Rights Act, appeared to have put the minority in the mainstream political landscape of the United States of America, It also seemed to be a tool to check the political growth of the African American population. The Act eliminated deliberate restrictions on minority voting as well as the creation of minority congressional districts that aimed at protecting minority electoral participation. For instance, the results of the 1990 censures led to the creation of more congressional districts that saw the increase in the number of minorities especially African Americans in congress. North Carolina’s 12^th congressional district is a good example, with an African American representative for 19 years in a state with a majority white population compared to the African American. However, the results of the 2008 presidential elections seemed to have led many states countrywide to renege on the provisions of the Voting Rights Act. According to Ansolabehere (2010) Barack Obama’s victory in 2008 proved a very simple fact — a black candidate can win in the majority-white constituency that is the national presidential electorate. Mas (2008) considers the racial attitudes in the 2008 presidential elections not to be the major point in determining the outcome. Some viewed this election as posing a challenge, therefore, to the philosophical and perhaps constitutional foundations of the Voting Rights Act. On the other hand, Clarke (2009) describes the 2008 presidential elections as “the first opportunity to gauge meaningfully the influence that a non-minority vice presidential candidate can have on a minority presidential candidate’s prospects for success”.

Importance

There is a growing debate on the issue of Voting Rights and more so pre-clearance, Rogowski ( 2011) outlines that some states including Kansas, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin legislated the requirement of government-issued photo identification during the 2012 election. These states experienced a high minority percentage voter turnout in the 2008 presidential election as compared to any other previous election years. North Carolina’s governor, Dev Perdue, a Democrat vetoed the legislation adding that the Republican-controlled House would come up with ways of circumventing the governor’s objection. The effort to introduce these reforms is clear that they will reduce minorities including the African American turn out. Rogowski informs that 25% of African Americans do not hold government-issued photo identification. Such reforms introduced by the government influence the outcome of competitive elections due to the votes of minorities.

This paper intends to shed light on this issue by investigating it from a historical perspective to bring to reveal how the majority has manipulated the 1965 Voting Rights Act and the 2008 presidential elections result re-ignited concerns of the issue. This paper will shed light giving a deep analysis of an issue that continues to attract opinions globally.

The Approach

1. The consideration of the articles in the 1965 Voting Rights Act and the events that led to the formulation of the Act.
2. The analysis of the implementation of the Voting Rights Act (section 2 particularly) and the usefulness of the Act relative to the intended purposes.
3. The scrutiny of the systemic enactment of new laws across such minority areas as Winston-Salem and the county of Forsyth in North Carolina and the motivation of such actions.
4. The observation of the 2008 presidential elections influencing violation of the Voting Rights Act.

Literature Review

Ansolabehere, Persily and Stewart III (2010) raise concerns regarding the relevance and the constitutionality of the provisions of the Voting Rights Act. They argue that in the 2008 presidential election, Obama succeeded among the white voters and that this puts to test the underlying conditions of racially polarized voting that are instrumental to litigation under section 2 of the Act. They further suggest that his success in states such as Virginia and even North Carolina, raises doubt about the validity of section 5 of the Act. They however fail to address the real issue that triggered the litigations against the minority as a result of the 2008 presidential election.

McCrary, Seaman and Valelly (2006), Also point out section 5 of the Voting Rights Act in relation to the Reno versus Bossier Parish School Board, 528 U.S. 230 (2000). They agree that minority-voting rights need to be protected by amending section 5 to supersede any other decisions. Their argument sets a foundation for the development of the issue at hand by touching on minority voter rights protection. This is one of the indications of the emerging ideas aimed at impeding the Voting Rights Act as stipulated by the law. It appears as a strategic violation of the Act as a pointer towards the trend but does not address the key issue.

Clarke (2009), offers a close analysis of the question at hand and outlines in detail observations made during the 2008 presidential elections. The author provides insights and analysis on the impact of Obama, a minority on the future voting rights in the United States of America. The paper demystifies claims of race polarization and Obama’s success in the 2008 presidential election. Clarke delves deep into the race issue, explicitly explaining the importance of the Voting Rights Act in addressing racial discrimination a point that is pertinent to the question at hand but falls short of fully covering the reason behind the rampant country-wide generation on the spirit of the Act.

Keeley and Whitez (2011), assert that the 1965 Voting Rights Act was an essential part of the federal government’s effort to encourage minority participation in the electoral system. They stress the importance of the creation of majority-minority congressional districts in addressing vote dilution and further delve deeper into the question of whether this has increased voter turnout. Their design looks into comparing voters moved through the redistricting process into minority-majority congressional districts to those who remained in original districts. Their conclusion is that though the redistricting process assists the minority gain office, they did not seem to increase minority participation. This research addresses part of the question but fails to investigate the cause of the state governments across the countrywide discontentment with the provisions of the Act.

Mas and Moretti (2008), address a critical part of the question. They bring in the racial twist into the 2008 presidential election. Their investigation is directed at whether racial attitude negatively affected the popular votes by Obama. Their interpretation of the evidence does not rule out racism, it however greatly points at concluding that racism may have influenced the resolve against the minority Democratic candidate, but these segments could have voted Republican regardless. Mas & Moretti introduce an interesting view that builds on the question at hand. Their findings are similar to Clarke’s(2009).

References

Ansolabehere, S., Persily, N., & Stewart III, C. 2010. “Race, Region, and Vote Choice in the 2008 Election: Implications for the Future of the Voting Rights Act.” Harvard Law Review.

Clarke, K. 2009. “The Obama Factor: The Impact of the 2008 Presidential Election on Future Voting Rights Act Litigation.” HeinOnline.

Crews, E. 2007. “Voting In Early America.” CW Journal.

Keeley, L., & Whitez, I. 2011. “African American Turnout in Majority-Minority Districts.” 2011.

Mas, A., & Moretti, E. 2008. Racial Bias in the 2008 Presidential Election. American Econmic Review 323-329.

McCrary, P., Seaman, C. B., & Valelly, R. 2006. “The End of Preclearance As We Knew It: How the Supreme Court Transformed Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.” Michigan Journal of Race & Law.

Rogowski, J. 2011. “The Racial Impact of Voter Identification Laws in 2012 Election.” Web.