Category: Discourse Analysis

Introduction

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness […]” (Declaration of Independence, 1776).

Just as the U.S. Declaration of Independence, both the U.S. Constitution (14th Amendment, Section 1)[footnoteRef:1] and the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 3)[footnoteRef:2] prescribe a “right to life” to everyone. But what exactly is the right to life and who exactly is everyone? [1: […]nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. (https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/amendmentxiv) ] [2: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. (http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/) ]

This master thesis will look at the right to life on four current and important political and social issues in the United States of America and analyze legal and political discourse on those. It will look at the issue of abortion, especially regarding the question when does the right to life start?, the issue of gun control (who can claim a right to life), the issue of suicide, including doctor assisted suicide and the punishment of attempted suicide, (is there even something like an obligation to life and who does a life belong to?) and the issue of the death penalty (if it is a right, how can one lose it?).

Research Question

This research paper has one main research question and a variety of smaller research questions in the individual subjects[footnoteRef:3]. The main research question is: Is there a tangible, enforceable, accepted right to life in the United States of America and if so, what role does it play? [3: See 2.2]

Methodology and Theoretical Background

Relevance and Aim

Why is this research paper relevant and what are this research papers aims? What makes this specific paper important?

Human rights may very well be the most important rights to focus on right now, not only in the United States but worldwide. From voter suppression and torture to the lack of religious freedom and women’s rights, human rights currently have to be and can be fought for more then ever. The subjects analyzed in this paper are some of the most important issues in the United States right now, especially gun control and abortion are currently on the forefront of political thought and social activism. From the March for our Lives in March of 2018 and Donald Trumps ban on bump stocks, to the 13 potential cases that could lead to the overturning of Roe v Wade and potentially make abortion illegal once again in the United States. But also, suicide (with an important legal decision on the punishment of attempted suicide made in January 2018) and the death penalty, are legally and morally highly contested and important right now. The right to life has the potential to affect every single person located in or travelling to the United States[footnoteRef:4]and thus has to be looked at in great detail. [4: And worldwide but the focus of this paper is the United States]

This research paper aims to create an in-depth view into the right to life and the various aspects of this right. In addition to this, this paper also aims to unite four separate subjects under one theme and show parallels between those subjects. Finally, this paper aims to educate and create awareness to the various subjects and the right to life in general.

Choice of Subjects

As stated before, this paper will deal with four distinct and very different subjects who on the surface don’t seem to have a lot in common. These subjects are abortion, gun control, suicide and the death penalty. Yet, it can be argued that all of these subjects bring something unique and relevant to the question whether or not the right to life actually exists and how this particular right, if it even is a right[footnoteRef:5], is framed in current American political and legal discourse. [5: More on this question later]

Originally, there were four other subjects, in addition to the ones being analyzed in this paper, taken into consideration, namely the subjects feticide, euthanasia, brain death and lynching. Ultimately, however, these subjects did not add significant value to the question at hand, could be included in other subjects and/or had to be excluded for the sake of space and detailed analyses. One might make the argument that for the limited space in this research paper, even four subjects, who have the potential to be as big as these, could be too many and not leave enough room for thorough analyses. However, because each of these subjects bring something unique and relevant to the research question, it was ultimately decided to leave them all in but to only focus on the relevant aspects for the research questions at hand in each of these subjects and not the entirety of the issue. The issue of abortion brings with it the question “when does the right to life start” and “how is the right to life defined”. Gun control begs the question of “who can claim a right to life” and whether or not other rights are more important than the right to life. With Suicide, we will look at whether or not there is even somethings like an obligation to life and ask, “who does a life belong to”. And finally, with the death penalty, this paper will look at the question that if the right to life truly exists and it actually is a right, then how can it be taken away?

What is life? What is a right?

In order to analyze the research question and to have a common basis for the arguments being made in this paper, there needs to be a common definition of the words life and right.

The Oxford Dictionary defines life as “the condition that distinguishes animals and plants from inorganic matter, including the capacity for growth, reproduction, functional activity, and continual change preceding death.” (Oxford Dictionary) Further definitions include the phrase “from birth to death”. There is a fundamental argument in modern society as to when life starts. Some argue that life starts at conception, whereas others would say that life only starts at birth. For the sake of argument, this paper will use conception to define the start of life at the earliest possible moment to simply be able to include as much argument as possible and included the question of abortion, which would be impossible if the right to life would start at birth.[footnoteRef:6] In addition, in this paper “life” will also not simply be defined as purely breathing and existing but will include personal development, growth, choice and the freedom of existance. All in all, life, in the context of this paper, is defined as organic matter with the capacity to change, grow, reproduce and function with the possibility for personal development, choice and free will.[footnoteRef:7] [6: Note: This is not an argument on whether abortion should be performed, and it also does not necessarily concur with the authors’ personal opinion about when life starts.] [7: Life in this context is also limited to human beings and does not incorporate the animal kingdom, even though they obviously have a life, too.]

The second word we have to define is the word “right”. While “right” itself can have various definition from “morally justified” or “being correct” to “a matter of describing directions”, this paper will only look at the word right in the context of legal entitlements and principles. A right is “a moral or legal entitlement to have or do something” (Oxford Dictionary). There are, however, different kinds of rights.

The first distinction is between natural rights and legal rights. Natural rights are those that are not man-made but that occur naturally. They are also called moral rights and are universal, unalienable and not specific to any single group of people or government. Generally speaking, human rights could be considered natural rights. However, it is important to note that some scholars, like Bentham for example, do not believe that natural rights even exist and that all rights are legal right. For the purpose of this paper, natural rights will be considered as existing. In contrast to natural rights, legal rights are man made, alienable and not universal. They are also often called statutory rights or civil rights. These rights differ from country to country and from legal entity to legal entity. Legal rights are bestowed upon someone by a legal entity and can be taken away or restricted by said legal entity. Legal rights can also have certain restrictions on them such as age, education, wealth or physical fitness. One of the most common examples for a legal right is the right to vote.

Another important distinction is between claim rights and liberty rights. Claim rights are those that involve another person in some form, either by having them have an obligation to do something or refraining them from doing something. An example for a claim right is the right to property and the restrictions on others not to steal, harm, destroy, trespass or in other ways interact with your property without your consent. In contrast to that, liberty rights (often called priviledges) are those that allow you to do something without another person having to be involved. One of the most prominent examples for a liberty right is the freedom of religion.

The next distinction is the one between positive and negative rights. Positive rights entitle you to do something (for example the right to vote), whereas negative rights stopp someone from doing something (like the right to not be murdered). And finally there is a distinction between individual right and group rights. Individual rights apply to you alone and are not conditioned on you belonging to any group or entity. Group rights (a term that is also contested and questioned whether or not it actually exists) on the other hand a conditioned on belonging to a certain group. An example here would also be the right to vote ( which is conditioned on your citizenship).

For the purpose of this paper, all of these distinctions between different rights will be taken into consideration in order to answer the research question.

Theoretical Presupposition

The author of this paper has certain assumptions that may or may not turn out to be true but that have to be acknowledged before analyzing the content in order to try to avoid coloring results in a way that might show a political or social bias or at the very least make it known what those biases are. The assumptions are as follows:

1. Human rights are legally enforceable rights that are universal and unalienable
2. Life is more than purely existing
3. There is a right to life
4. The right to life is a natural right and not “just” a legal right
5. The right to life is a liberty right
6. The right to life is a positive right
7. The United States of America are a constitutional state
8. he United States adhere to the rights prescribed in their own constitution, amendments to that constitution and the Declaration of Independence
9. The United States furthermore generally try to adhere to the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the rights prescribed in them.[footnoteRef:8] [8: The author fully acknowledges that the United States of America has committed human rights violations.]
10. Language influences actions

Theoretical Background

“Discourse is not the majestically unfolding manifestation of a thinking, knowing, speaking subject, but, on the contrary, a totality, in which the dispersion of the subject and his discontinuity with himself may be determined.” (Foucault 1972, 55)

The basis for this analysis are the theoretical works of Michel Foucault (Archeology of Knowledge) and Norman Fairclough (Critical Discourse Analysis – The Critical Study of Language (Second Edition)). Discourse is more than just discussions or conversations. In critical criminology[footnoteRef:9], discourse is the relationship between words and actions and in the case of Foucault and others[footnoteRef:10] also how this relationship changes over time. Discourse theory believes that discourse can “construct[footnoteRef:11]” truth, and that discourse and language have a profound effect on political actions and ideas, thus the idea that establishing a discourse could potentially influence policy becomes possible and potentially even probable. [9: And other social sciences] [10: Like Siegfried Jäger for example] [11: The author put construct in quotation marks because the idea of “constructing” truth is controversial and questionable]

Method

In order to analyze the role of the right to life in the American legal system this paper will look at the 4 distinct subjects mentioned above. For each of these subjects, the first step is a short look at the historical and legal background surrounding the issue, including but not limited to timelines of laws enacted or abolished and the historical background as to why these laws were enacted or abolished. This should enable the reader to have a basic understanding of what the current law is and why it is the way it is. It also creates a basis for understanding the legal and political arguments. The next step is to look at the facts and figures. This is done to create an understanding how big of an issue each of these subjects are and highlight the magnitude of the subject in question.

The next step is an analysis of the current[footnoteRef:12] legal and political discourse. Because the subjects discussed in this paper are all very different and have different roles[footnoteRef:13] in current U.S. discourse, the individual subjects will not always follow the same framework, when it comes to what is going to be analyzed but will follow the same framework when it comes to how things are analyzed. [12: Current in this case refers to any discourse on the subject in recent years and not further back than the year 2000. ] [13: For example, there are/were big marches for/against gun control, but no such thing for or against the death penalty. ]

The following things will be analyzed in each subject.

Abortion: A Trump speech, 2 news paper articles, a “Students for Life” video, a speech by actor Mark Ruffalo and a variety of protest signs

Gun control: 3 shorter “March for our Lives” speeches, 2 longer speeches against gun control and a variety of protest signs

Suicide: 2 court cases from Maryland and their potential consequences, an article by the heritage foundation[footnoteRef:14], 2 separate newspaper articles and a variety of protest signs [14: A conservative think tank]

Death penalty: newspaper articles, quotes by presidential candidates from 2016, parts of the website from the “National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty” and a variety of protest signs.

The articles and speeches that were selected for the analysis, were selected based on their relevance for the subject in question, their importance, and their stance. Each subject will have at least two pro and two contra pieces of writing/speaking on the subject in question. To ensure a fair distribution of content, the material to be analyzed was randomly selected on the basis of their stance on the subject and their length. Moreover, the pieces were selected on who was speaking as well and what reach the material potentially could have[footnoteRef:15]. Because some of the subjects are more on the forefront of current political thought than others, not all will include current political speeches on the subject. Additionally, because not all of these subjects currently have significant legal cases for or against them, that have already been decided, not every subject will include a legal case. In order to not only analyze political speeches but include a much larger variety of people and something that can be analyzed for all of these subjects, it was decided to include and analyze protest signs as well. Protest signs give a glimpse into political thought as well as narrowing large arguments into small, precise statements and thus allow for an enlarged overview of political and sometimes legal discourse. [15: It makes little sense to compare a speech by Trump to an article in a local, rural Kansas daily newspaper, because their reach is inherently different. However one can compare a Trump speech on gun control to speeches from the March for our Lives, because the potential reach is similar.]

In the analysis each of the following things will be analyzed.

1. What words or phrases are used and how are they used?
2. What other rhetorical tools are used and how are they used (e.g. allegories, similes, sarcasm etc.)?
3. What form of speech is used?
4. What kind of visual rhetoric is used, if any, and how is it used?
5. What are the themes utilized and how are they utilized?
6. What facts are used or what is presented as a fact?

Finally, this thesis will conclude on the basis of the analysis what the role of the right to life is in the individual subjects, as well trying to find an answer to the focus question of these subjects. In a last step this paper will compare the results of the individual subject in the conclusion and make an argument what the individual results of the subjects in question mean for the role of the right to life in the United States of America in general.

Subject 1: Abortion

In this chapter we will look at the right to life in the realm of abortion. The two main questions we will look at here are: “when does the right to life start?” and “how is the right to life defined?”.

Historical and Legal Background

“[…] this guy is wearing an apron, like a butcher’s apron. He says, ‘Give me the money,’ and I hand him the money and then he hits me. He punches me in the face and I blacked out. When I woke up I was in a lot of pain. I was lying in a pool of blood, and the guy wasn’t there anymore.[…]” (Madera, 2018)

Just as America did when it was still a British colony, the newly independent United States of America applied British common law[footnoteRef:16] on abortion even after 1776. Under British common law, abortion was illegal after quickening, a term used to describe the moment women first feel the fetus move in utero. During the 19th century starting at around 1820 more and more laws were put into effect in virtually all states and by 1900 abortion was a felony in every single state. The push to criminalize abortion came particularly around the 1860s and onward, with laws like the Comstock Laws[footnoteRef:17]. There are several reasons why abortion became fully illegal. One is that medical knowledge became more advanced and quickening was found out to be mostly irrelevant for the fetus, thus creating the argument that if the human fetus was developing from conception and quickening was not more important than any other step in development, then abortion mustn’t be performed ever because if abortion was wrong after quickening it must also be wrong before. Additionally, the idea of the value of human life became ever more important (Mohr, 1978). Interestingly, early women’s rights activists and suffragettes were just as against abortions as doctors and politicians, albeit for different reasons, but did also not want to legalize abortions. [16: More on this in Subject 3: suicide] [17: A law to forbid sending anything that could be construed as lewd, obscene or lascivious through the U.S. postal service, including but not limited to sex toys, personal letters including sexual contents, contraceptives and abortifacient (substances that induce miscarriages)]

From the mid-1960s abortion laws started to change, serval states, starting with Colorado, started to allow abortions in cases of rape, incest or danger to the women’s life. [footnoteRef:18][image: ] [18: Source: https://www.slideshare.net/peterpappas/regulation-through-the-years-by-chenoa-musillo-olson-and-sarah-wieking Slide 13]

In 1965 the last of the Comstock Laws was abolished in the case Griswold v. Connecticut. But still before the landmark case Roe v Wade, abortion was illegal in 30 states, 16 states allowed abortions under certain circumstances (rape, incest, danger to women), 3 states allowed abortions but only for residence and New York was the only state were abortion was legal for everyone. [footnoteRef:19] Roe v Wade changed all of that. The case made it illegal for any state to interfere with a women’s right to choose and subsequently made abortion legal in all 50 states. Interestingly, the reasoning behind the decision was not an argument surrounding the right to life or a similar idea, but the right to privacy. Moreover, the court decision included a 12 week[footnoteRef:20] restriction to abortions, except in cases of danger to the women, something that was loosened in the 1992 case Planned Parenthood v Casey. [19: See map above] [20: Based on the idea of viability of the fetus]

“Constitutional protection of the woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy derives from the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. It declares that no State shall ‘deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.’ The controlling word in the cases before us is ‘liberty’” (Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 1992)

There are currently 13 cases[footnoteRef:21] before circuit courts around the United States, the last step before reaching the Supreme Court. Each of these has the potential to overturn Roe v Wade, especially with the conservative majority on the Supreme Court. However, as of January 2019, Roe v Wade still stands and if these cases make it to the Supreme Court is just as unclear as a potential decision in these cases would be. But it is important to note that several states would most likely make abortion illegal, should Roe v Wade be overturned. [footnoteRef:22] [21: https://www.vox.com/2018/9/7/17818458/brett-kavanaugh-supreme-court-nominee-abortion-confirmation ] [22: Source: http://www.msnbc.com/morning-joe/abortion-rate-lowest-roe-v-wade ]

Introduction

Discourse is a necessary component of daily communication and interaction between individuals, functioning on multiple and often highly complex syntactical and semantic levels. Discourse, in the broadest sense, refers to the use of spoken or written language in a social context, but pertains moreover to the deep-coded levels of communication, at the inferential and even non-verbal levels. Discourse is a social and verbal as well as cognitive phenomenon and hence is multifaceted. Everyday functional communication demands the use of discourse, and such use is heavily reliant on the operation of the right brain hemisphere. Indeed, in most cases, when the right brain hemisphere is damaged, discourse skills are impaired in significant ways, varying according to the spectrum of how severely the patient’s right brain hemisphere is injured. This paper examines the cause and effect dynamics mediating this process (in relation to discourse), paying close attention to the distinctions between macro-structure and micro-structure.

Right Hemisphere Damage (RHD), Discourse Impairment

Right hemisphere damage (RHD) is an acquired disorder from the result of stroke or traumatic brain injury (TBI) (ASHA, 2020). RHD affects:

• Semantic processing of words
• Discourse processing
• Prosody
• Pragmatics

However RHD rarely affects syntax, grammar, phonological processing and word retrieval (ASHA, 2020); nor does damage to the right hemisphere apparently translate to impairments to fundamental word and sentence processing (Klepousniotou & Baum, 2005). This would imply that the RH does not deal with such sub-unit elements of discourse; it is not involved with the precise permutations of internal discourse structure, per se. At any rate, there appear to be sizable and indeed vital differences in the functions fulfilled by different hemispheres. In consequence, different kinds of remedial approaches to distinct discourse impairments are presumably in order, focusing on the LH or RH accordingly. Other cognitive impairments, such as attention, memory and executive functioning, can also contribute toward interfering with the communication skills that a RHD patient is left with. All of these impairments impeded discourse skills in various ways. Research by Johns et al. (2008) suggests that the right hemisphere plays an important role in language processing, where it deals with information that is inferred or implied; and, moreover, in distinguishing, supporting or ruling out information which is relevant or irrelevant to the ongoing task. These are essential skills, it is clear, for subjects’ capacities to analyse the suitability of certain responses or utterances in a given situation; their discursive facility, that is.

In some cases, evidence suggests that damage to the right hemisphere affects the meaning maintenance function. One can point for example to work by Tompkins et al. (‎2008) investigating “whether RHD deficits in processing secondary and or distantly related meanings of words would extend the peripheral, weakly related semantic features of unambiguous nouns”. 28 adults with unilateral RHD and 38 adults without brain damage participated in the study. Subjects were presented with spoken statements concluding with an “unambiguous noun”, followed by a “spoken target phoneme string” (ibid). The stated targets included secondary semantic (weakly related) features that were incommensurate with the dominant mental images generally associated with the given noun. The purpose was to determine the extent of early activation or maintenance of activation for the above peripherals. The results found that both participant sets exhibited no maintenance activation for either type of feature (over a longer period of time). Further, RHD participants were less accurate than adults with no brain injury (during both test intervals). Extrapolating these findings, one can tentatively posit that the right hemisphere plays a critical role in activating semantic features that are less relevant to, or related with, their matched lexical items. That said, findings cannot be generalised (thus one cannot ascribe a definitive rule), on the basis of a single study. Indeed, as the researchers themselves make clear, further investigation is needed (in discourse comprehension for adults with RHD) to ensure that the above findings are verified in a scientifically rigorous manner.

Important distinctions may be established between the left and right hemispheres inasmuch as certain inferences can be drawn from subjects with damage to either side; inferences that point to discrete functions vis-à-vis discourse skills. So, evidence suggests that the right hemisphere operates no discourse model containing micro-structural information (Long & Baynes, 2002; Long et al., 2005; Prat et al., 2007). In this context, micro-structural information denotes “lexical elements governing discourse cohesion” and stands therefore in distinction to macro-structural information, which describes “the global aspects of discourse organisation” (Beeman & Chiarello, 2013, p. 298). Studies have shown that the RH plays a large role in such macro-structural features, facilitating a “big picture” (discursive) understanding for the subject, particularly in respect of the “ability to understand visual information, visual representations, and spatial relationships between objects” (Manasco, 2019, p. 36). This same spatial-visual register of comprehension is heavily in play in mediating the reception and interpretation of facial expressions, for example; thus it lends itself imperatively to non-verbal communication, which necessarily informs the verbal components of any discursive event in significant ways. As a result of this “big picture” macro-function, the RH is critical in enabling subjects to apprehend and follow the “main idea or theme” of any discursive interaction, seeing as such a connecting “theme” permits for the “various subcomponents of the story” to be arranged into “coherent” structure (Traxler, 2011, p. 224). Without the overarching structure to comprehend the purpose and intent of a discursive event, the subject is restricted in their ability to make sense of the discrete sections of the discourse in action. This is because damage to the RH works to impede “inference generation tasks and integration tasks”, leading, in turn, “to difficulties in generating macro-structures or thematic inferences”; put simply, it creates “problems in bridging gaps” (Kong, 2016, p. 219). To reiterate, then, RHD is markedly different from LHD in its identified impairments and, therefore, in the specific operations which may be inferred to work on the left or right hemispheres (in regard to discourse skill).

So, there is an evident dynamic of left/right dominance when it comes to the various components of discourse and structural mechanics at work. Indeed, “patients with unilateral RHD rarely exhibit [any] micro-structural deficiencies” (Johns et al., 2008). In clear contrast, LHD correlates directly with micro-structural impairments. For example, while LHD patients exhibit no problem in identifying a “pictorial representation of the sentence ‘The butcher weighed the meat’, they often have difficulty selecting the correct pictorial representation of sentences, such as, ‘The fireman weighed the policeman’” (Johns et al., 2008). What separates the two phrases, here, is the centrality in the latter sentence of micro-structural information which allows the subject to organise the precise semantic intent of what is being said, especially insofar as determining syntactic agency (who is the agent, who is the patient). This is because the LHD subject demonstrates impairment in sorting the syntactical data that clarifies that “the policeman is the object of fireman’s (the agent’s) action, and not vice versa” (Johns et al., 2008). Subjects who have RHD, however, do not demonstrate the same problem in distinguishing syntactic agency, because their micro-structural capacity is not, the evidence indicates, likewise damaged. In contrast to this, much experimental research suggests that RHD patients may “experience difficulty when macro-structural considerations are required to successfully comprehend discourse” (Ibid). Breaking this down, the issue is that, without fully functional macro-structure capability, it is very difficult for the RHD subject to put together the many smaller component parts of discourse so as to form a coherent and intelligible whole from the discourse.

Scholars have identified the right cerebral hemisphere as a possible locus of control for gesture. The assessment and rehabilitation research aims to:

1. Describe male non‐brain‐damaged (NBD) speakers’ gesture-use in the context of spontaneous discourse.
2. Compare the gesture production patterns of five individual males with right cerebral hemisphere damage (RHD) with the NBD group’s pattern of performance.

A study by Cocks et al. (2007) looked at gesture rates and the variation of fundamental frequency, examining these metrics in the context of four speaking conditions: “a personal narrative; two procedural narratives; two emotional narratives; and three comic book descriptions”. The intention of using these specific “discourse stimuli” was to employ “highly emotional versus neutral content” (ibid). All the gestures that were made were recorded in order to be digitally analysed by means of the McNeill (1992) Classifying System. The NBD group exhibited a greater frequency of immediate physical reaction (higher rates of body beats and head movement) when presented with discourse samples deemed to possess emotionally charged elements. In contrast, the RHD participants demonstrated a lack of consistency in their gesture-use across the different discourse genres. Broadly speaking, this finding is in keeping with the research by Johns et al. (2008) – though, it would depend upon the specific kinds of (macro or micro) structures being engaged (by the texts), which shaped the inference processes for accessing the meaning of the texts in question. At any rate, the majority of the RHD participants demonstrated lower non‐body‐focused gesture-rates. Significantly, and adding weight to the supposed “big picture” macro-function of the RH, this group exhibited fewer gestures in response to the emotionally charged discourse samples. However, it should be noted that there were no systematic patterns in the results of RHD participants in visuospatial ability, variations in fundamental frequency of speech, or body‐focused gestures. On this basis, one might reasonably posit that varying degrees of RHD equate to different levels of macro-structural impairment or that such impairment manifests in non-homogenous ways.

McNeill’s (1992) growth point theory supported a profitable platform for interpreting the reduction in the overall frequency of gesture-use that was evident in the RHD participants. Nevertheless, this fact alone cannot make up for the results observed during monitored interaction of participants engaging with the emotive texts. Indeed, the pattern revealed in relation to the RHD participants advances a challenge for theoretical work in this area. That is, the outcomes suggest that the analysis of gesture-use is fundamental for a more in-depth understanding of the expressive communication impairments that are related to acquired neurogenic impairment (Cocks et al., 2007). Indeed, this takes us back to the above-outlined issue regarding non-verbal aspects of communication. Subtle aspects of gesture apparently serve as indices of particular inference processes, arguably working in some cases as cues of, and for, the comprehension of discourse. On this analysis, gesture in itself might be deemed an at least note-worthy element of discourse skill – comprising, as it does, an imperative framing device for the ordering of semantic and syntactic information. Put in simple terms, gesture may plausibly be considered as playing some role in the embodiment processes that accompany discursive comprehension.

Patients with RHD manifest communication deficits, such as difficulties processing prosody, discourse, and understanding the nuances of distinct social contexts. In the above-mentioned study, participants with RHD and LHD were compared and analysed according to specific scientific frameworks. Participants were asked to respond to cartoon stimuli, and thus were, so to speak, “manipulated”, using fixed parameters that were (as far as was possible) set and controlled so to elicit formulaic responses. The intention was to create a consistent research environment that would yield consistent experiment conditions by removing as many variables as possible. Results showed that RHD participants’ responses were notably less appropriate than the control groups were. In addition, the RHD group responded in less typical ways than the control group and the participants with LHD. Specifically, the RHD group yielded fewer instances of formulaic expressions than the control group did. However, this difference was only a trend and cannot, without further investigation, be taken as indicative of any broader empirical event. Accordingly, the “pattern of performance across participant groups was not influenced by how constrained or formulaic the social situation was” (Baldo et al., 2015). These findings cast new critical light on the right and left hemispheres’ roles in social processing and communication; they also suggest that there is a possibility for the treatment of social communication deficits in patients with RHD. On this basis, further research is needed into the many aspects of discourse skill, especially such as delivers experimental data on the interplay between various aspects of left and right macro/microstructure – thus to provide researchers with a more comprehensive picture of the complex inter-dynamics at play.

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Since 1970s Discourse Analysis (DA) has developed into substantial sub-areas, notably Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) which sees discourse as a form of social practice (Fairclough 1995, 1989) and argues that all linguistic usage encodes ideological positions, and studies how language mediates and represents the world from different points of view. It is the connection between ideas, language, power and the ordering of relationship within society that is important for those involved in CDA. While DA focuses on the relationship between language forms and a

limited sense of context and tends to be oriented to a narrow understanding of the larger social, cultural and ideological forces that influence our lives, CDA goes much further toward addressing the ideological dimensions of discourse. It is a version of discourse that does not posit language use free of ideological conditions.

According to van Dijk (2007), CDA does not have a unitary theoretical framework. Van Dijk (2007) identifies four mainstream approaches to CDA. The first one is Critical Linguistics which was developed by Fowler, Kress, Hodge & Trew (1979); Fowler (1991, 1996); Kress (1985) and Kress & Hodge (1979). The second approach which was introduced by Fairclough (1989, 1992, 1995) is the Sociocultural approach. Wodak (1996, 2001) and Wodak et al. (1999) proposed the Discourse-Historical approach. And finally, van Dijk’s (1998, 2002) framework was based on a sociocognitive approach. Van Dijk (2007) claims that these approaches are closely related by more general conceptual frameworks like van Dijk (2001).

The work of Fowler et al. (1979) has been cited as the starting point of Critical Linguistics (CL). CL is the earliest and one of the most influential linguistically-oriented critical approaches to discourse analysis. According to Fowler (1991), “critical linguistics simply means an enquiry into the relations between signs, meanings and the social and historical conditions which govern the semiotic structure of discourse, using a particular kind of linguistic analysis” (p. 90). It utilizes Halliday’s Systemic-Functional Grammar as an analytic methodology, although very early works were based on transformational grammar. Fowler (1991) focuses on the media’s representation of events, the linguistic analysis of that representation and the ideology encoded by it. He is primarily concerned with ‘mystification’ analysis of hard news texts. Mystification, it is argued, occurs with the use of certain grammatical structures which are thought to obscure certain aspects of reality, thus encoding ideology. Hodge and Kress (1993) provided some transformations such as transitivity, nominalization, negative incorporation and agentless passive with the last one having received most attention. They argued that drawing on these transformations; one can reveal intentions subtly disguised in complex structures, concealments and deceptions incorporated in transformationally derived sentences.

Having inherited the analytic methodologies of CL, Fairclough (1989) wrote about the social theories supporting CDA and developed his sociocultural analysis in his seminal work Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language in 1995. Fairclough argues that language is linked to social realities and brings about social change. He states that government involves the manipulation and use of language in significant ways, and is particularly concerned with the linkage between discourse, ideology and power relations within society.

Fairclough’s linguistic orientation is that of systemic-function grammar of Halliday. But he does not limit DA to the study of texts and specific discursive practices. He emphasizes a text as the product of a process in which discourse is closely related to social structures in its production and interpretation. He critically examines specific situations where relations of power, dominance and inequality are instantiated in discourse. Fairclough’s model of DA operates first with a dialectal relationship between the micro-structures of discourse (linguistic features) and the macro-structure of society (societal structures and ideology). He stresses that while macro-structures of society may determine the micro-structures of discourse, these in turn reproduce the larger social and ideological structures. Scrutinizing the language of mass media as a site of power, Fairclough shows the fallacy of such assumptions that media institutions are neutral.

Fairclough (2000) has been concerned with the “Language of New Labour” and the “Language of the New Capitalism”. His grammatical tools also relate to Halliday’s Systemic Functional Linguistics, as well as to Conversational Analysis.

Wodak’s (1996, 2001) discourse-historical approach advocated by the Vienna School in critical discourse analysis has focused on the impact of historical socio-political contextual factors since the 1980s. Wodak (2000) states that in investigating historical, organizational and political topics and texts, the discourse-historical approach attempts to integrate much available knowledge about the historical sources and the background of the social and political fields in which discursive ‘events’ are embedded. Further, it analyzes the historical dimension of discursive actions by exploring the ways in which particular genres of discourse are subject to diachronic change (Wodak 1996).

Having recognized the importance of context to the meaning of the text, CD analysts began to pay attention to the contribution of non-verbal aspects of texts, which are semiotic devices. Van Leeuwen (1996) was the first who proposed a useful framework for considering the possible role of visual devices in the media. In fact, he doesn’t start with linguistic operations such as nominalizations and passive agent deletion or linguistic category such as transitivity, as many other critical analysts do. Instead, he says:”I seek to draw up a semiosemantic inventory of the ways in which social actors can be represented and to establish the sociological and critical relevance of my categories before I turn in the question of how they are realized linguistically”. (1996: 32)

Van Dijk (1985) holds that texts are not used just to inform us of some reality. They, additionally, based on the ideological standpoints of the person, organization, etc. involved in their production, construct the reality. One of the main tenets of CDA, then, is to reveal the sources of dominance and inequality observed in the society by analyzing texts (written or spoken). It is to find the discursive strategies utilized to construct or maintain such inequality or bias in different contexts.

The socio-cognitive model by van Dijk is based on the assumptions that cognition mediates between “society” and “discourse”. Both long-term and short-term memories as well as certain mental models shape our perception and comprehension of discursive practices and also imply stereotypes and prejudices, if such mental models become rigid and over-generalized. The methodology used is eclectic, based primarily on argumentation theory and semantic theories.

The basic conceptual and theoretical concepts worked out and used by van Dijk (2000) in his CDA studies are as follows: Macro v. Micro- power as control; access and discourse control; context control; the control of text and talk and mind control. The micro level comprises language, discourse, verbal interaction and soon, while macro level has to do with power relation, such as inequality and dominance. And CDA plans to wed these two levels, since in actual interaction one cannot separate them from each other; social power, in this approach, is viewed as a means of controlling the mind and actions of other group(s). The social power by itself may not be negative, but what in fact is of significance to CDA is the inappropriate use of power, which would bring about inequality in the society. Van Dijk (2002) takes ideology as the attitude a group of people hold towards certain issues; hence the analysis of ideology is one of the main concerns of discourse analysis. In order to uncover ideology generated in discourse, van Dijk resorts to social analysis, cognitive analysis and discourse analysis of the text.

Van Dijk’s (2004) seminal work, Politics, Ideology and Discourse, proposes a worthwhile framework for political discourse analysis. This work which is a section of the Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, describes the political discourse as the most ideological. Van Dijk (2004) argues that the social organization of the field of politics, and hence of politicians and political groups, is largely based on ideological differences, alliances and similarities. The overall organization of social beliefs as a struggle between the Left and the Right is the result of the underlying polarization of political ideologies that has permeated society as a whole … Indeed, political ideologies not only are involved in the production or understanding of political discourses and other political practices, but are also (re)produced by them. In a sense, discourses make ideologies ‘observable’ in the sense that it is only in discourse that they may be explicitly ‘expressed’ and ‘formulated’. Other political practices only implicitly show or experience ideologies, for instance in practices of discrimination on the basis of sexist, racist or political ideologies. (p. 11)

Van Dijk (2004) defines political discourse not only in terms of discourse structures but also in terms of political contexts. He contends that it is not sufficient to observe, for instance, that political discourse often features the well-known ‘political’ pronoun we. It is crucial to relate such use to such categories as who is speaking, when, where and with/to whom, that is, to specific aspects of the political situation. (p. 13)

More recently, distinguished figures in CDA have made some innovations in the frameworks utilized in this field. Van Leeuwen (2005) outlined three models of interdisciplinarity, i.e., ‘centralist’, ‘pluralist’ and ‘integrationist’. The idea of ‘discipline’ is in effect narrowed down to ‘skill’ in the integrationist model (p. 8).

According to van Leeuwen, the main feature that distinguishes the integrationist model from the others is its interdependent disciplines. Moreover, disciplines in the pluralist and integrationist models are equally valued – that is, one discipline is not seen as subsidiary to another – but it is not the case for the centralist model. In the pluralist and integrationist models issues and problems are central, while methods are oriented in the centralist model. Because of the newness of integrationist model, van Leeuwen particularly leaves much space for the discussion of why and how discourse analysis can be integrated with other disciplines. Some of the pitfalls of the integrationist model are also acknowledged. However, because such forms do not exist in practice, the proposed interdisciplinary models can be only understood as ‘pure’ or ‘ideal’ forms.

Chilton (2005a) introduced the reader to a cognitive approach to the analysis of discourse in social and political contexts. This innovative idea was fairly heuristic and thought-provoking, and could easily motivate further debate. Specifically, Chilton highlights three main problems of current research in CDA in a broad sense and then the incorporation of a cognitive perspective is proposed. He believes that a possible cognitive approach combined with cognitive evolutionary psychology and cognitive linguistics, specifically blending theory, to the analysis of discourse in social and political contexts is fairly needed for CDA if it is going to be genuinely interdisciplinary. To illustrate this, he applies the combined cognitive framework to a racist discourse, exploring the work largely ignored by CDA account, and concludes that “the framework can go beyond description (of CDA) and put forward suggestive explanatory stories” (p. 44). Based on cognitive evolutionary psychology, he also explicates initially a core empirical and theoretical question that CDA has never addressed before about to what extent language can trick, deceive or manipulate the human mind. He claims that because of its little attention paid to the human mind, “CDA in its later manifestation has made no contribution to scientific understanding of the language capacity” (p. 22) and could not achieve the goal of answering questions regarding the nature of the human mind, of human language, of human language use and of human society. His argument guides us to the issue of the status and direction of CDA.

In 2005, Norman Fairclough made an attempt to highlight and enrich a transdisciplinary approach to CDA that was first introduced into CDA by Chouliaraki & Fairclough (1999). Central to Fairclough’s approach is a feature of transdisciplinarity and dialectics of discourse in relation with other non-discoursal elements of social life. Fairclough contends that transdisciplinary research can be further developed and enhanced through dialogue of all the disciplines and theories involved, which has been exemplified by the treatment of genre and genre analysis in the version of CDA. Moreover, he claims that CDA can benefit from research in other disciplines and theories, and vise versa.

Wodak & Weiss (2005) drew upon their research on European Union discourses with a wide range of genres and critically discussed recent theory formation in some approaches of CDA and elaborated some thoughts on the mediation between the social activities and discourse through a particular focus on the discursive construction of European identities. Although the plurality of theories and methodologies can be highlighted as a specific strength of CDA, they maintain, it is also crucial to develop an integrated theoretical framework for CDA capable of reconciling sociological and linguistic perspectives without reducing them to one another because a synthesis of theories illustrated by Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999) is by no means “a monistic theory model’ or ‘more true than the individual theories” (p.125). Three basic steps for developing an integrated theoretical framework are proposed – clarifying the theoretical assumptions before the actual analysis, developing the conceptual tools capable of connecting both directions of sociology and linguistics, and finally defining categories. They argue that European identities are constructed differently in particular contexts and discursively re-negotiated and co-constructed, and propose for further study three perspectives – historical, communicative, and participation and representation.

Van Dijk (2005) drew a new theory of the way knowledge is managed in discourse processing as well as a new theory of context. Knowledge is defined pragmatically and socio-cognitively as ‘shared beliefs satisfying the specific (epistemic) criteria of an (epistemic) community’ (p.73). And the way knowledge in discourse production and comprehension is seen as a function of context. Van Dijk argues that social context and text are linked by a ‘context model’ (van Dijk 2001; Wodak 2000), “the mental representation of the participants about the relevant properties of the social situation in which participants interact, and produce and comprehend text or talk” (p.75).

As humans we convey information, thoughts, feelings, ideas through different modes of communication which include speaking, writing, drawing, sign languages, facial expressions etc. Communication is the exchange of meaningful information between two or more people or group of people in a community or society. Velentzas and Georgia (2014) explains that to communicate means to ‘make common’ or ‘to make known’, ‘to share’ and it includes verbal and non-verbal and electronic means of human interaction. The two basic types of communication are the Verbal and Non-Verbal Communication. The Verbal Communication is the communication that happens through the use of verbally or oral, vocally, or written words to express ideas and thoughts and to convey messages to other people. The Non-Verbal Communication happens when the person communicating use signs, facial expressions, images, and symbols to pass across information to people, it’s a communication that happens without words, or spoken words and also without written languages. Communication may be intentional or unintentional, may involve conventional or unconventional signals, may take linguistic or non-linguistic forms, and may occur through spoken and other modes Mehrabian (as cited in Velentzas & Georgia, 2014).

Cartoons, today in Nigeria print media are used to communicate effectively to the readers. Cartooning has been one of the most important tools in promoting the cultural tradition in Nigeria. Olaniyan (2018) opines that “Cartooning is defined precisely by some distance to actuality, which is achieved mostly by amplifications through simplification” (p.1). Most daily newspapers and weekly magazines publish various cartoons and comic strip. The Punch, The Guardian, New Nigerian, Nigerian Tribune, Tell, Newswatch, The News, etc. all publish cartoons and comic strip on social, political, and economic affairs of the country or as illustrated of some editorial matter (Onakpe, 2014). The human subject of the cartoons are usually recognisable public official, like the presidents, governors, the influential people and the poor men or women, the farmer, police officers etc. Editorial cartoons in Nigeria have served as a very important source in understanding both the local and national politics throughout Nigerian history (Jimoh, 2010). Cartooning in this period and time is a very important part in a newspaper. Cartoon or caricature first emerged in Italy during the 16th century. It has become an important part of the Newspaper discourse in this era. Cartoons have the capacity to amuse, to criticice and can be used to explain social events. (Hassan, 2019) Cartoon is the concised way of transmitting messages to the readers.

Visual images in newspapers have become a trend as it is used as a mode of communication and it has gained significance in modern communication. Editors of newspapers use visual images to pass across information relating to happenings in the country. Ariyo (2017) states in his journal that “editors of newsmagazines and newspapers find this mode more subtle and reliable to voice their thoughts and messages on important issues in the political landscape” (p. 2). This means that Editors of newspapers communicate or express their thoughts on political issues using visual images as they find it as an easy way of communicating their thoughts concerning political issues to the people.

Political Cartoon is defined as a graphic presentation of typically designed in a one-panel, non-continuing format to make an independent statement or observation on political events or social policy (Edward & Wrinkler, as cited in Jimoh, 2010). A background knowledge of the subject matter is needed in order for the reader to understand the message the editors are trying to pass across. Lawate (as cited in Ariyo, 2017) also stated that political cartoons for any newspapers are indispensable and it is a visual medium that engages the audience, and helps them understand and interpret the political, social and economic scene in the country and the world. Political cartoons are used by these editors to express their thoughts concerning the political issues in the country and the ability of readers to understand these cartoons properly is to have a background knowledge of the subject matter.

This study, therefore, takes a look at the various political cartoons by analysing them using the theory of Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) as explained by Gunther Kress and Theo Van Leeuwen. However, it is strange that the visual images we see every day in newspapers are a form of discourse analysis as it serves as a mean of language or communication that can affect or influence the thought and behaviour of human lives. Gee (2011) explains that “discourse analysis is based on the details of speech and gaze and gestures and action or writing that are arguably deemed relevant the context and that are relevant to the argument the analysis is attempting to make” (p. 117). Some of the different branches of discourse analysis include Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Contrastive analysis (C.A), and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) etc. This study is centred on the theory of Multimodal discourse analysis.

Multimodality tries to investigate how different semiotic modes or resources are combined within a given socio-cultural domain in order to create a semiotic event (Kress & Van Leeuwen 2001). This theory is based on the concept that verbal communication can never be completed or through without mentioning the non-verbal communications like painting, images and colours etc. Ariyo (2017) asserts that “Multimodal discourse analysis is essentially concerned with the theory and analysis of semantic resources at the semantic expansion which occur as semiotic choices combined in multimodality phenomena” (p. 2). Political cartoons are one of the most effective multimodal media that combine linguistic and non-linguistic semiotic elements to relay meaning and they are a sub-genre of the news discourse analysis.

Multimodal discourse analysis is concerned with ‘Visual modality’. It can be found in the definition of Bell (2001) as he defines MDA as ‘the represented realism of an image’ (pp. 10-34). This theory is based on whether the image is portrayed as realistic, or if it is identified as something imagined or caricature. MDA is a branch of discourse analysis that is concerned with the analysis of semiotic resources which gives multiple meaning to a mode of communication. Van Leeuwen (2004) explains that semiotic resources are the actions, materials and artifacts we use for communicative purposes, whether produced physiologically. Semiotic materials are the mode in which communication is passed across, it could be through colours, images, vocal apparatus, facial expression etc. Technologically, semiotic resources could be pen and ink, computer hardware and software. In terms of visual modality, it can portray things, people, and images like they are real.

The researcher’s use of cartoons is to explain the embedded messages in the selected political cartoons and to see the functions of the use of the linguistic and non linguistic semiotic resources in the political cartoons and how they are used to express hidden discourse in politics or political system. This is why the researcher is interested in taking A Multimodal Analysis of selected political cartoons in Nigerian newspapers as the title of this research.

Introduction

Rural homelessness in the UK has long been an overlooked issue, unlike urban homelessness, it tends to be hidden. Since 2010 the number of people sleeping rough in largely rural areas has increased by 32% according to the Institute for Public Policy, warning its difficult to relieve or prevent rural homelessness compared to cities due to problems covering large areas, as well as lack of funding and specialist resources (Slawson, 2017). In 2015-2016, 6,270 households in England were considered homeless in 91 rural local authorities (Snelling, 2017). Homeless individuals in rural areas regularly sleep rough in camp sites within woodlands, disused barns or outhouses. Often there are little or no shelters and temporary accommodation available due to the rurality of some towns and villages. The amount of households considered homeless by local authorities is largely as a result of substantial shortages of affordable housing and tenures in rural areas (Snelling, 2017). Furthermore, the failure of local authorities to acknowledge the housing insecurities of rural people is intensified by the often overlooked and hidden nature of rural homelessness, further combined with the social and cultural construction of the rural idyll (Cloke et al., 2002). Homelessness, traditionally depicted to just occur in urban areas, is absent from people’s conceptions about rural life. Idyllic images of the countryside and nostalgic ideas about village communities portrayed as ‘the dream’ that allows people to escape from the stresses of urban life mask serious experiences of deprivation and ineqality to which rural communities are vulnerable to, in turn undermining discussion about rural homelessness within academic research and popular news (Satsangi et al., 2010).

Literature Review

Cloke and his colleagues have been the main authors to conduct and publish research on rural homelessness in the UK. A central paper in the discussion of rural homelessness is Cloke et al., (2001) The Geographies of Homelessness in Rural England which highlights the limited amount of research is focused on the local geographies of homelessness in rural areas. The majority of research on homelessness has been conducted in the US and Canada which mainly concerns movements and understandings of homeless people within urban areas. Cloke et al., (2001) suggests the limited research on rural homelessness may be due to local homelessness statistics not being readily available to academic researchers, therefore research has broadly focused on aspatial areas of changing homelessness policy contexts (Burrows et al., 1997, Hutson and Clapham, 1999), particularly on homeless groups such as young persons (Hutson and Lidiard, 1994). Although these studies have supplied imperative material on dynamic scales and profiles of policy responses to homelessness in the UK, they fail to address the range of local circumstances in which homelessness takes place and is experienced in rural areas (Cloke et al, 2001). The limited academic research on rural homelessness is exacerbated by policy decisions of homelessness accustomed to governmental initiatives intended to reduce homelessness, social exclusion and poverty have largely been outlined by certain urban spatial foci. Therefore, since rural components of homelessness have been unnoticed in both academic discourses and fundamental policies, public consciousness about the nature of rural homelessness is limited or absent (Cloke et al, 2010).

In response to the absence of academic research and the public facade that constructs the countryside socially as a space where homelessness does not exist (Cloke et al, 2000), this project through discourse analysis aims to analyse how the problem of rural homelessness in the UK is represented within new articles, challenging popular discourses on homelessness in relation to the overarching ideas about the rural idyll masking rural homelessness.

Methodology

This project has employed discourse analysis to examine eight different articles regarding rural homelessness from The Guardian newspaper. When searching for my sample of suitable news articles, I searched the term ‘rural homelessness in the UK’ into Google News and found only a limited number of articles which focused on rural homelessness. In this search, I found The Guardian had published the most articles on the topic compared to other news brands. The Guardian is known for publishing emotive articles and is one of the most read and trusted brands of newspaper in the UK (Waterson, 2018). Therefore, this was an appropriate and fair choice of newspaper to conduct my discourse analysis, particularly as The Guardian uses emotive wording which could be significant in analysing representations of rural homelessness in their articles. In order to systematically and fairly select my samples, I used Google Trends to see if there was an upsurge in articles published on rural homelessness over the last 10 years. I discovered during the winter months in 2018 (January, February, November and December) several articles were published on rural homelessness. This could be due to the time of year, there is often more attention and recognition of the homeless in the news as the cold weather makes conditions dangerous for individuals. I also found that July 2017 also had an upsurge of articles published. I believe this upsurge was by cause of the 2017 Homeless Reduction Act 2017 along with the IPPR releasing their report ‘Right to home? Rethinking homelessness in rural communities’ in July 2017, publishing figures and recommendations on the crisis. Using this date range, I was able to select my eight articles, five are from the winter months in 2018 and three from July 2017. Once I had obtained my sample, I coded the articles in order to identify any themes that recurred throughout my sample (shown in Table 1), which therefore formed the discussion in this project.

Discussion

This analysis reveals different representations of the rural homeless within the sample. A reoccurring theme in several of the articles addressed spatialised discourses as a reason for the increasing number of rough sleepers since 2010. Services and local councils are unable to offer their support due to the vast, difficult location of some of the homeless individuals. Another emerging theme was the misconceptions regarding rural homelessness, masked by ideas of the idyllic rural, consequently exacerbated by policy decisions, unaffordable housing and local councils not adequately addressing the issue. The following section will examine these patterns of representation and how the chosen news articles construct popular understanding of rural homelessness to the public.

Many of the articles featured several real-life stories of homeless individuals, describing how they became homeless and the difficult living conditions they now experiences: “Patrick Button clambers down a muddy ditch and into a clump of trees between a playing field and the busy Chippenham bypass. It’s the kind of place you wouldn’t notice, never mind call home…… Button worked as a carer and shared a two-bedroom home with a long-term partner. When she died suddenly, he lost the house, and within weeks he found himself shifting a rotting badger’s carcass to make room for his tent on the outskirts of the Wiltshire town” (Booth, 2018).

“Nicholas Shipton, 53, once owned three houses and had his own landscape gardening business…But when his wife left him, he says he went off the rails. He found an abandoned factory, sleeping on some car seats inside: “It had a roof but it was horrible. I used to hide there every day, then go out and steal things to eat” (Noor, 2018).

Describing in detail the location where the individuals sleep and highlighting the wider context of the rurality of the area enables the reader to envisage the harsh conditions individuals must live in, representing them as vulnerable and exposed in these open areas. Furthermore, using the real names of individuals and explaining the reason why they’re homeless adds an emotive dimension to their stories, consequently making the reader feel sympathy towards them. This vulnerable depiction is further reinforced by the article displaying photographs of individuals in their living conditions. For example, Booth’s (2018) article Down and out in Chippenham: Britiain’s hidden rural homelessness, displays a photograph at the top of the article of Patrick Button siting in a wooded area where his tent was burned down. Therefore, generally these articles represent the homeless as victims. As referenced, aspects of these articles tend to highlight the circumstances of the homeless individual, which portray rural homelessness as embedded in personal misfortunes or failings e.g. family break-ups. As Truong (2012) indicates, this contends popular belief when news articles focus on the personal characteristics and behaviours, specifically ‘deviancy’. However, this discourse leads the reader to believe the accountability for homelessness is likely positioned on homeless people themselves rather than structural causes.

With that said, personal circumstances do not explain the causes or effects of rural homelessness in terms of social inequality. Other sections of the articles represent homeless individuals as a product of geographical disadvantages compounded by structural disadvantages within local authorities and governmental policies, in turn also depicting them as victims. These articles highlighted spatialised discourses of rural homelessness, repeatedly using terms such as ‘hidden’, ‘unseen’, ‘tucked away’. Although the definition of these terms implies the rural homeless individuals are purposely not seen, it symbolises a form of social exclusion and challenges popular discourses about homelessness only occurring in urban areas. The terms were often expressed in association with support services provided by councils struggling to access the homeless due to vast and remote locations “Geography is a massive issue” (Noor, 2018). Current polices are failing to address the needs of individuals in rural areas which is supported by statistics from the recent 2017 report from the IPPR. This discussion within the articles suggests its structural causes are accountable for the increase in rural homelessness. Almost all the articles analysed in this project quoted statistics about the extent of rural homelessness, largely asserting the large increase in rural homelessness: “IPPR thinktank shows a 42% rise in rough sleeping in England’s 91 predominantly rural local authorities between 2010, when there were 397 rough sleepers, and 2016, when there were 565” (Noor, 2018).

Although quoting stats is an informative way of portraying the severity of rural homelessness, readers may feel far removed from the issues and extent of the poverty individuals face in rural areas. Statistics are not always impactful compared to describing individual stories and using photographs as there is no human aspect tied to them to make them relatable (Street Spirit, 2015), therefore readers do not grasp rural homelessness on a personal, emotive level. Booths (2018) article also explains how local councils often underestimate their figures of the number of rough sleepers in their area, unlike homelessness in urban areas, within the countryside the “homeless are elusive” making it hard for authorities to adequately count. Subsequently, this incorrect data will be given to central government and use to assist policy decisions. Cloke et al., (2000) contends that the sheer visibility of rural homelessness dominates government initiatives and does not address the issue correctly.

This reduced visibility becomes contrasted with issues of idyllised constructions of rurality. Several articles either at the beginning or within the article somewhat described the countryside in the context of the rural idyll. These descriptions were also reinforced by landscape images of the countryside.

“From this vantage point the eye travels west up the deep Swaledale valley, with the late-afternoon sun falling on woodland and fields of sheep…. Along the valley floor there are occasional glints of the meanders of the river Swale itself and, in among the valley folds, villages and farms and hamlets, like outcrops of local stone” (Adams, 2017).

“Take a drive through the Mendip hills in Somerset and you’ll come across some beautiful countryside sights: fresh mist rolling over green hills dotted with welly-clad dog walkers” (Noor, 2018).

Peoples impressions of charming, picturesque representations of rural areas combined with the reduce visibility leads to the denial of the presence of homelessness. As Cloke et al., (2002) highlights, homelessness is thus depicted external to the countryside. The purity of the rural space is linked to the broader cultural construction of rurality that comprises ‘naturalness’ (p:79) as a location for unorthodox or idyllic lifestyles. Therefore, homeless individuals are composed to not relate to or belong in this space, which in turn forms a major cultural prompt within public consciousness and the media to recognise rural homelessness as valid part and concerning issue in their discourses.

Conclusion

To conclude, the hidden visibility of rural homelessness is largely the reason for the absence of the topic in news articles and within public consciousness which has consequently meant it is a problem that is not taken seriously. This absence if further distorted by notions of the rural idyll masking the reality and problems surrounding rural homelessness. Many of the articles focused on spatialised discourses, leading to the assumption that services are unable to give the support to the homeless. There is an awareness within local councils but mainly within local charities and churches helping homeless individuals on a day to day basis. Clearly more research needs to be implemented within academia along with local councils carrying out thorough searches and counts to be more aware of the extent of rural homelessness. In turn governmental policies and initiatives can adequately prevent and lower the rates of rural homelessness.

News sources

1. Adams, T. (2017) Countryside in crisis: why rural Britain needs a new deal. The Guardian. Last accessed: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/jul/15/countryside-crisis-rural-britain-north-yorkshire (Last accessed 3/3/2019).
2. Booth, R. (2018) Down and out in Chippenham: Britain’s hidden rural homeless. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2018/dec/14/down-and-out-in-chippenham-britains-hidden-rural-homeless (Last accessed 6/3/2019).
3. Booth, R. (2018) Rise in homelessness not result of our policies, says housing secretary. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2018/dec/18/rising-homelessness-is-not-due-to-tory-policies-says-james-brokenshire (Last accessed 3/3/2018).
4. Jones, S. (2017) Rural Wales ‘perfect storm’ will lead to rising homelessness. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/housing-network/2013/jan/24/rural-wales-perfect-storm-housing-homelessness (Last accessed 4/3/2019).
5. Noor, S. (2018) What’s behind the quiet rise of homelessness in the countryside? The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/inequality/2018/jan/10/rural-idyll-homelessness-hits-the-countryside (Last accessed 6/3/2019).
6. Pepinster, C. (2018) How rural vicars became the last social workers in the countryside. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/07/pepinster-poverty-rural-poor-herefordshire-priests-church-of-england-society (Last accessed 4/3/2019).
7. Slawson, N. (2017) Rural homelessness ‘hidden crisis’ needs attention, says thinkthank. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/global/2017/jul/10/rural-homelessness-hidden-crisis-needs-attention-says-thinktank (Last accessed 6/3/2019).
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References

1. Burrows, R. (1997) The social distribution of the experience of homelessness. In: Burrows, R., Pearce, N., and Quilgards, D. (eds.) Homelessness and Social Policy. London: Routledge.
2. Cloke, P. and Widdowfield, R. (2000) The Hidden and Emerging Spaces of Rural Homelessness. Environment and Planning, 32, 77-99. Available at: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1068/a3242 (Last accessed 6/3/2019).
3. Cloke, P., Milbourne, P. and Widdowfield, R. (2002) Rural Homelessness: Issues, Experiences and Policy Responses. Bristol: Policy Press.
4. Cloke, P., Milbourne, P. and Widdowfield, R. (2010) The Geographies of Homelessness in Rural England. Regional Studies, 35, (1), 23-27. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00343400120025655?needAccess=true (Last accessed 3/3/2019).
5. Hutson, S. and Clapham, D. (1999) (eds.) Homelessness: Public Policies and Private Troubles. London: Cassell.
6. Hutson, S. and Liddiard, M. (1994) Youth Homelessness: The Construction of a Social Issue. London: Macmillan.
7. Satsangi, M., Gallent, N. and Bevan, M. (2010) The rural housing question: communities and planning in Britain’s countrysides. Bristol: Policy Press.
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Linguistic manipulation is an authoritative instrument in politics because political discourse is initially focused on convincing people to take specific political action or to make critical political decisions. To persuade the capable electorate in present time societies, politics primarily over powers the mass media, which leads to creating innovative forms of linguistics manipulation. For example altered forms of pressed conferences and pressed statements, efficient text in slogans, the connotative meanings of words a combo of language and pictorial imagery. In a net shell language play a pregnant role because it is a device through which the exploit aims and targets become obvious.

Quaid e Azam is one of the accomplished leaders of the last century. In Sub-continent there was no one equal to him in perception, insight, intellect and perseverance. According to Sayeed. K. B Jinnah’s place and prestige was very catchy in Sub-continent. He was not only a party leader in the western sense of the term, he was the Quaid e Azam, the great leader of the movement. He worked wonders and sculpture out an independent state namely Pakistan on the world map within the fantastic period of seven years. It is said that Jinnah had strong power of speech. His words and structures were never barren of meaning. They carry such ideational functions, representations and identities as have strong bump on the minds of others.

The structures such as judicator, lexicon, diction and public context of political speeches have been a massive attention for critical discourse and applied linguistic. Also a lot of work have been done on the speeches of the politicians around the globe.

So has efforts been made to interpret Quaid’s speech through critical discourse analysis.

The purpose of this project is to disclose certain tools and devices, e.g. Euphemisms, pronouns etc. in Jinnah’s speech which he carried out in the First Constitutional Assembly of Pakistan. Although there are so many speeches delivered by Jinnah that have political essence but we chosed this speech because it contain nutriment for pondering for entire nation.

SUMMARY OF THE SPEECH

Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah opens his speech by thanking all the people present there for electing him as a president and for speaking in appreciation of his services. He elaborates on to main functions of constituent assembly. Framing the future constitution of Pakistan and functioning as a complete sovereign body are the functions to be perform by the constituent assembly. He stresses upon unprecedented and unparalleled achievement which is, no doubt, the creation of Pakistan. He emphasized on the huge responsibility of how to exercise power and to take decisions as they were now an autonomous body. He highlighted the importance of law and order in the country. He also spoke on the curse of bribery and corruption, black-marketing, nepotism and jobbery. He was harsh in words as he said he will not tolerate such curses in his country. Quaid e Azam was confident that the future history will record its verdict in favor of his decision of partition. He did not ignored minorities in his speech he stated that to make Pakistan a prosperous country we had to adopt certain things, e.g. working incorporation, leaving behind the past, burying the hatched, and concentrating on the well-being of the masses especially poor. Through the use of hyponyms like Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis in Muslims and Brahmins, Bengalis, Madrasis and so on in Hindus, he calls attention to the biggest hurdle in attaining independence. He spotlights that no discrimination will be made among people based on their caste creed religion minority or majority. In the end Jinnah draws attention of the people to his aims and objectives which are justice, impartiality and unbiasness. He closes his speech by reading out a message he received from the United States of America. The speech contains best wishes to the president constituent assembly and to the whole nation.

SOCIO-CULTURAL, POLITICAL, HISTORICAL CONTEXT FOR THE TEXT

The analysis of this measure belongs to three facet of socio-cultural overall situation such as economic political and cultural.

Quaid e Azam 11th august 1947 was one of the greatest or turning speech in the history of Pakistan. Being the first president of Pakistan conveyed his first formal speech to the members of the constitutional assembly. There were two purposes of his speech first was to show the appreciation to the members and also the entire nation for electing him the president second was to take the nation into trust in the situation of Indian separation.

As Pakistan was a just created state at such time so it was not having any constitution, administrative machinery and no governance. That’s why Quaid e Azam talk about the legislation of Pakistan as he knew that being a newly born country (Pakistan), they may face social problems such as corruption, bribery, black-marketing, nepotism and jobbery so Jinnah convinced the audience to take steps against these wickedness. Moreover there were many more people who were against the division of Punjab and Bengal specifically so Jinnah had to respond to such resistance by arguing in favor of division and the peril movement of India do not separate. Pakistan had Muslims in majority and Hindus in minority and moreover the Muslims were further divided into Pathans, Punjabis, Sunnis and Shias etc. and also Hindu had Brahmins, and Vashvanas etc., so Jinnah had to prove to them by giving examples that Muslims and Hindus will be equal citizens if they removed the discrimination and live freely.

METAPHORS

Definition:

Substitution of one thing for another in order to suggest comparison or resemblance; mundane thing that is used as a symbol for an abstract concept.

• You have to tackle this monster which today is a colossal crime against society.
• I think the whole world is wondering at this unprecedented cyclonic revolution…
• This mighty sub-continent with all kinds of inhabitants has brought under a plan which is titanic unknown, unparalleled.
• We must put that down with the iron hand and ….

Monster, cyclonic revolution, titanic and iron hand are the metaphor used in the speech in which Jinnah want to highlight the intensity and vastness and extensiveness of the following issue or matter.

No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection…

Souls in subjection is used metaphorically in the above sentence.

PARALLELISM

Definition:

A device which expresses several ideas in a series of similar structures.

It is used to draw attention to a particular part of message and make it stand out from the rest of the speech.

• I shall never tolerate any kind of jobbery or nepotism. Whenever I will find that such a practice is continuing anywhere, low or high, I shall certainly not countenance it. In the above sentences Jinnah uses I SHALL twice to draw attention of the audience towards certain curses in the society.
• If you want to make this great state of Pakistan happy and prosperous… If you will work in co-operation… if you change your past and work together in a spirit. Through the use of parallelism, the leader is transferring great responsibility to his nation.
• Maybe that view is correct; maybe it is not; that remains to be same. The use of MAYBE twice in the sentence above highlights the confusion regarding partition.
• You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques…. To make the freedom of worship stand out in his speech, YOU ARE FREE is used several times.

RULE OF THREE

Rule of three is used to stress the concept and points more completely and rise our memorability.

• Mr. President, ladies and Gentlemen
• So that your life, property and religious beliefs of its subjections are fully protected….
• You may belong to any religion or cast or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the state.

The rule of three that have been used to make the message convincing and persuading, to make it remember for much extensive time for the audiences.

The text of Jinnah speech does not show any euphemistic expression. Also it does not contain any presupposition or implicature.

CONCLUSION

The purpose of doing this project was to reveal which linguistic resources were used to project the political ideology by Quaid e Azam in his speech. The textual analysis of Jinnah’s speech shows that devices which include hyponyms, metaphors, parallelism, pronouns etc. depicts Jinnah’s vision regarding nationalities and conventional social evils in Pakistan. His words alludes that he wanted to sermonize fair play, equality and impartiality for the entire nation. The breakdown of grammatical features of the speech indicates that he was very loud and open in his sentences. Social analysis of the speech narrates that it was Quaid’s first formal address and through this address he wanted to take all the people into confidence. Also, his purpose was to provide a blueprint for the newly created country. Through analyzing this speech it is evident that ideologies can be constructed and the minds of the listeners can be influenced through the use of language. It is obvious in the study of the speech that Jinnah very cautiously and deliberately chose specific forms, vocabulary and devices so to make a distinct bump on their listeners. The study therefore has implications for the theory of political discourse analysis.

REFERENCES

1. Fairclough, N (1995).critical discourse analysis: the critical study of language. England: pearson Education Limited.
2. SDÜ Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Mayıs 2009, Sayı: 19, ss.111-122.
3. Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 30, No.1, January – June 2015, pp. 159 – 173.
4. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2158244018792612

Introduction

The association between politics and language can be trace back to ancient Greece and since then the intellectual interest has been erected on the premise that political behavior is knotted with and dependent on language usage. Political discourse is all pervasive and cogent because of its sturdy power to access the general public at giant. It generates the influence on the general public perception, and, because of the political support of the system, they assume the ability of representing the general public sentiments. During this regards, the critical events are properly formed through the political discourse to present before public as their views. The motivation for our study depends on the requirement for objectiveness within the interpretation of the political discourse, placed at the intersection of three necessary symbolic spaces: the political space, the general public space and therefore the communicative space yet as on the requirement to measure to what extend a discourse will influence its direct receptor, the citizens, and in what ways that. The political language, essential in building a discourse, for print media discourse within the election context additionally, needs a knowledge base approach during which linguistics ought to co-ordinate with journalism, the rhetorical science, the communication sciences, the political sciences and therefore the social science.

Discourse Analysis (DA) is considered a technique to elucidate and analyze the results of any political elections. Indeed discourse analysis techniques appear to be able to determine a general approach toward election and politics through considering some issues, problems and queries. Additionally the space, the world, the sphere of persuasion and information is treated because the area of discourse struggle. Supported this assumption, political parties which will offer dominance to their discourse over others’ discourse can reach political competition and any party which fails in election campaign he/she can leave the election competition space. This is often discourse that permits researcher to spot every candidate’s capabilities and insight so as to possess the most effective alternative in elections. During this direction, our understanding of politics and present conditions of our town and country is incredibly vital. Thus a dominant discourse is that the one which will notice the most issues and needs of a society and submit an appropriate response to them. moreover discourse analysis aims to indicate however changes within the use of language are often seen as a proof of general social and cultural changes in an exceedingly society, that once more have to be compelled to do with changes in power relations. By doing therefore, crucial discourse analysis (CDA) conjointly encompasses a special perform in promoting knowledge domain scientific work (Fairclough, 1992:72).Critical discourse analysis (CDA) may be a branch for Discourse Analysis ordinarily used for analyzing political spoken and written texts. Fairclough (1995),a pioneer in trendy CDA, outlined it as: the type of discourse analysis that aims to consistently explore usually opaque relationships of relation and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and texts, and (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes; to analyze however such practices, events and texts arise out of and an ideologically formed by relations of power and struggles over power; and to explore however the opacity of those relationships between discourse and society is itself an element securing power and political system.

According to Van Dijk (1988), media discourse normally, and news reports specifically, ought to even be accounted for in their title, i.e., as specific sort of language use or text as specific types of socio-cultural carrying out. The ability of media is plain as a result of it’s incited several important studies in several disciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies (Van Dijk, 1993). within the interpretation of reports media, Van Dijk (1988) explores the notion of media news in daily usage and offers the ideas such as; (1) new info regarding events, things or persons; (2) a (TV or radio) program kind during which points are presented; (3) a news item or story, i.e., a text or discourse on radio, on TV or within the newspaper, within which new data is given concerning recent events (Van Dijk, 1988). However, Fowler (1991) interprets news as a product formed by political, economic, and cultural forces, not as a mirrored image of reality. He additionally emphasizes the tools of linguistics such as: the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts. News isn’t described as an image of reality, which can be correct or biased however as a frame through that the social world is habitually created (Van Dijk, 1988). Additionally, he additionally argues that news ought to be studied primarily as a type of public discourse. Within the literature of newspaper, mass communication analysis, the economic, social, or cultural dimensions of stories and print media are self-addressed.

Statement of the problem

The analysis revolves round the thesis that discourse in mediating social actions, experiences and worldviews, and enacting personal and cluster relationships, is additionally a supply of declarative, legitimizing, maintaining and sustaining inequalities and injustices, power and dominance, abuse and bias, creating them seem as social conventions at intervals social departments. These asymmetries ends up in repressing language use that manifests within the variety of manipulation, social process, offensive language use, propaganda, use and abuse of power, gate keeping of what gets to be portrayed in discourse and what shouldn’t be portrayed within the imposition of a dominant ideology on the less privileged ones. One among the political events throughout that politicians attempt to use discourse to determine, maintain or sustain power is throughout political campaigns. The readying of linguistic facilities in political campaigns is that the initial determiner of the satisfactoriness of most candidates which impose their ideology on others in their quest to win the people’s mandate. They win this mandate by naturalizing and neutralizing their ideologies, creating them appear a part of the knowledge-base of their social establishment, and thence a suitable and incontrovertible ‘order of discourse’, and a part of common sense. These philosophic problems are hidden in texts such even those that suffer as a consequence a blind to them and should contribute to their sustenance. Previous students on political campaign by the parties in Asian country had tended toward an outline and analysis of favor, innovative and persuasive ways of politicians, and manipulation of linguistic structures to champion individual interest in presidential election campaign.

A number of the catchy, necessary and eye-opening studies on the social connectedness of discourse analyses Pakistani political scene. The investigator noted there’s a spot to fill in literature therein these students haven’t investigated such problems because the role of discourse in the production and sustenance of power and dominance; however language is employed and abused by several Pakistani politicians; the discursive ways employed by most Pakistan politicians for the upkeep of difference in several contexts; and the way language is employed by politician aspirants to project philosophic beliefs of people and teams to control the larger range of unthinking others. It is the higher than gaps within the few discourse analyses applied on political campaign in Pakistan that necessitated this study.

The present work investigates the interface between structures of discourse and structures of power within the three political parties, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) of the country throughout election 2018. The study aims at evolution the hidden meanings concerning the social structures, intentions, identities and power relations of serving and intending politicians. These concealed meanings have to be compelled to be unmasked so the structures and power relations also Pakistani politicians are going to be honest, and additional Pakistanis are going to be woke up to the linguistic and discourse options that sustain the ideology and power relations that have continuing to present the ungenerous interests of only a few politicians.

Purpose of Study

Purpose of the Study and Research Questions With this background on the General elections 2018 in Pakistan, this study is investigating the newspaper hard news of the 2018 general election in Pakistan with regards to the way language ‘is employed, often in quite subtle ways, to reveal underlying discourses’ of ideologies different point of views. The discourse of political news is particularly interesting as they might clarify the relationships and power structure that exist between the members of the society. In essence, we are looking at the attitude of the press to the issues raised and we search for evidence of stance to pinpoint this. The newspapers constitute an important medium in reporting the elections in Pakistan. The study is also to sum-up, examine and understand the general election 2108 campaign by these parties as part of discourse and to find out if the political campaign selected have veiled sense and agenda also to rouse the awareness of language users to the effect of language on the individual and group ideologies so that as text producers and consumers, they may refrain from committing and accepting respectively, these oppressive, manipulative and suppressive dominant ideologies.

Significance of Study

Human beings are basically political animals whose political instincts are perpetually manifesting within the selection and use of words. The Critical Discourse Analysis, as we’ve got said before, goes beyond linguistic analysis to project socio-political messages inherent in linguistic expressions and its consequences on the listeners. The work can produce awareness and lift the consciousness of all stakeholders and significantly to language researchers within the Pakistani social setting to the potentials of discourse and texts to mediate dominant discursive practices. These students can gain insight into the peculiar power and philosophical structures underlying campaign. To text producers and shoppers, the work can give the inspiration on a way to use and settle for bound discursive practices that have thus far become the order of discourse. they might return to terms with the very fact that the questionable sense philosophical formations can be deconstructed in texts as a result of discourse has the potentials to ascertain these philosophical positions or to subvert them. Finally, politics has remained a veritable supply of human activities wherever language, whether or not spoken or written, is ideologically burled. As a dynamic human process associate degreed an interactive forum, it involves heaps of linguistic negotiation that incessantly yield contemporary knowledge that may be used for linguistics analysis. To the current finish, language specialists would be a lot of critically attentive to the dynamics of language. Not a lot of work has been wiped out the world of CDA within the Pakistani political discourse. The analysis would encourage future researchers during this field and supply a lot of insight into the means discourse sustains the connections between language, power and beliefs. This may thus expose the transformations in language and enlighten US on however it shapes and reshapes the given reality. Critical Discourse Analysis is provocative nice awareness within the issue of social power abuse, dominance, difference and linguistic repression.

Scope of Study

The study is intended to look at elections campaign texts throughout the General Elections 2018 in Pakistan. Two English daily newspapers Dawn and The News are selected to conduct CDA of political campaign of these three major parties of the country throughout the aforesaid elections. It commented by the opposition parties promoting the general belief that the elections were a monumental fraud of a sort that has never been experienced in the history of Pakistan. Its characteristics are organized law-breaking, ballot box snatching, voter intimidation, result manipulation and wholesale subversion of the need of the people, all of that were planned and executed by the ruling party to perpetuate itself in power. Hard News covered by these two newspapers are analyses as Political Discourse as a result of matter analysis using the general useful model is sometimes scrupulous, being that it looks at patterns created by long campaign of texts. The linguistic knowledge chosen can thus offer a quantum of information for analysis. Going beyond this may be unrealistic as a result of the limitations in time and space. The era additionally witnessed the mobilization of the voters through political campaign. There are totally different kinds of political campaign, however the print media remains one of the oldest mechanisms for election campaigns and it is one of the most vital sources of political information in Pakistan. Significantly, the selected texts form of discourse features, figurative and rhetorical devices utilized during the amount. This is sometimes done to achieve attention and generate interest through attacking campaign strategies.

Literature Review

Although the study of political discourse is as old as politics itself, it’s considered a young sub discipline of social sciences and humanities. Resurrected within the half of the twentieth century it’s rooted in two of the oldest academic disciplines, politics and rhetoric, and to some extent still shares with them identical normative and practical view of language use. Indeed, the link between language and politics is also found in Aristotle’s Politics, wherever the thinker ascribes to man the distinctive ability to use speech so as to differentiate between and label things as either; smart or bad; useful or harmful; simply or unjust; and then forth. If, according to philosopher, the purpose of politics is to create the voters happy, then language functions as a helper in achieving satisfaction. Within the field of rhetoric, Aristotle and others were primarily involved with persuasive means that used by a competent public speaker to achieve bound goals, as an example, to arouse worry, hope, and anxiety. Similarly, trendy critical political discourse students obtain to reveal the ways that during which political actors manipulate language to more a selected political cause or attain a definite result.

Discourse is the study of any side of language use as per (Fasold, 1990, p.65). The aim of discourse is to search out how speech patterns work in specific structure and the way they’re used and exploited in society. It designates the actual ways in which represent the actual aspects of social life. Essential discourse Associate in Nursingalysis (CDA) is an approach to discourse analysis that is distinguished from the opposite sorts of discourse analysis attributable to its characteristic of ‘critical’. Fairclough (1993) opines, “Critical implies showing connections and causes that area unit hidden: it conjointly implies intervention, as an example providing resources for those that could also be underprivileged through change” (p.9).It was developed on the far side essential linguistics and broadened the scope of Public Policy and Administration analysis analysis. It analyzes the linguistic and philosophical theory aspects of the text within the lightweight of social and political context.CDA is Associate in Nursing knowledge domain approach that studies the matter structures in reference to society and observes the relation of the text with different texts. Vandijk (1998) states concerning CDA, “Most styles of CDA can raise questions on the method specific discourse structures area unit deployed within the copy of social dominance, whether or not they area unit a part of a voice communication or a report or different genres and contexts”. CDA approach the political discourse in a process where social structures determine the discursive practices. These discursive practices sit down with the foundations of socially acceptable behaviors during a specific character that facilitate to supply and interpret a message specific message. CDA is joined with these practices during this method that it tries to form a link between these practices, actual text and bigger social context. Van Dijk (1995) states that discourse analysis is truly ideology analysis. in step with him, “ideologies area unit generally, although not completely, expressed and reproduced in discourse and communication, as well as non-verbal semiotic messages, like footage, images, movies” (p.17). Mind control and manipulation are two vital ideas in CDA that area unit achieved through political discourse. Dominant the minds of the audience may be a major trick by politicians to reproduce hegemony. Manipulation and mind control have their relation with psychological feature. The word exploitation is replaced by the words ‘hidden meaning’ in CDA. Meanings of the words transform as per the speaker.

There lies a relationship between linguistics and CDA. The form and structure of the text consist of the hidden information that exists in the text and reflect the attitude of the dominant group. Wodak (2001) asserts that CDA’s interest resides in identifying how the linguistic forms are used in manipulation and exploitation. Similarly, Schaffner (1996) adds to the importance of language in analyzing the political discourse that in political discourse linguistics has a concern with linguistic structures in order to get relevant messages across the address in order to fulfil a specific function. Another thing that can be related to CDA is cognitive linguistics. Cognitive linguistics consists of a number of theories which are concerned with different aspects of linguistic structures/ conceptual structures like conceptual metaphor theory, mental space theory, frame semantics and cognitive grammar. So, cognitive linguistics is an apparent and obvious option for CDA. Its involvement to linguistic structures is confined to sentence only. The present study reflects clear connection between language and power and shows how the power is secured through artistic use of language in political discourse. The research exposes how human beings are manipulated by politicians and it is the manipulation of their minds through construction of mental models.Bourdieu (1991) states about political discourse: Political discourse is often important because the result of that discourse, and this in turn is why CDA is, in my opinion, an interesting approach. In other words, it is not the language itself which has wider ramifications which make it a worthy field of study but rather consequence of powerful person using that language to achieve some goal (p.188). Manifestos are the representatives of genre of writing that is political discourse. MacDonald (2001) states in this regard that Parties usually issue a manifesto in which they outline the policies they advocate. Elections manifestos formulate ideological goals and aims (cf.ex.1). An elector can have an estimate on party’s position on ethnic and cultural and racial grounds. Manifestos facilitate the voter to base her/his decision on the basis of party’s position on issues and vision that party hold. Manifesto text can be regarded as persuasive text. What actually CDA locates in political discourse of manifestos is very important thing because words represent the personalities. The words right and almost right convey two different meanings in political discourse.

There always lies a relationship between linguistics and CDA. The shape and structure of the text incorporates the hidden info that exists within the text and replicate the perspective of the dominant cluster. Wodak (2001) asserts that CDA’s interest resides in distinctive however the linguistic forms square measure employed in manipulation and exploitation. Similarly, Schaffner (1996) adds to the importance of language in analyzing the political discourse that in political discourse linguistics incorporates a concern with linguistic structures so as to induce relevant messages across the address so as to fulfil a particular perform. Another issue which will be associated with CDA is psychological feature linguistics. psychological feature linguistics consists of variety of theories that square measure involved with totally different aspects of linguistic structures/ abstract structures like abstract figure theory, mental area theory, frame linguistics and psychological feature descriptive linguistics. So, psychological feature linguistics is an evident and obvious possibility for CDA. Its involvement to linguistic structures is confined to sentence solely. This study reflects clear association between language and power and shows however the facility is secured through inventive use of language in political discourse. The analysis exposes however kinsfolk square measure manipulated by politicians and it’s the manipulation of their minds through construction of mental models. Bourdieu (1991) states regarding political discourse: Political discourse is commonly vital as a result of the results of that discourse, and this successively is why CDA is, in my opinion, a motivating approach. In different words, it’s not the language itself that has wider ramifications that create it a worthy field of study however rather consequence of powerful person victimization that language to realize some goal (p.188). Manifestos square measure the representatives of genre of writing that’s political discourse. MacDonald (2001) states during this regard that Parties sometimes issue a declaration within which they define the policies they advocate. Elections manifestos formulate philosophic goals and aims (cf.ex.1). Associate elector will have associate estimate on party’s position on ethnic and cultural and racial grounds. Manifestos facilitate the elector to base her/his call on the premise of party’s position on problems and vision that party hold. Declaration text is considered persuasive text. What really CDA locates in political discourse of manifestos is extremely vital issue as a result of words represent the personalities. The words right and virtually right convey 2 totally different meanings in political discourse.

By thoroughly studying the related literature, the following research questions for this study are developed to investigate and answer by conducting the critical discourse analysis of political campaign for General Election 2018 in Pakistani print media.

1. What are the major themes and topics of public interest represented in Dawn newspapers during the 2018 General Election of Pakistan?
2. What are the differences and/or similarities in the way in which the Dawn and The News newspapers report the 2018 general election of Pakistan?
3. What are the Persuasion and argumentation strategies from Political parties represented in Dawn and The News?
4. What are the differences and/or similarities in the reports before 2018 general election of Pakistan?

Theoretical Frame Work

The principles of theory or strategies, that guide CDA approach as analysed by Fairclough and Wodak. CDA addresses a social drawback instead of pure linguistic analyses. The approach is so downside –oriented. CDA is historical. The historical context is often analysed and integrated into the interpretation of discourses and texts. CDA is knowledge domain. Social group issues are too complicated to be studied from one perspective. Hence, it attracts on different disciplines to clarify and critically valuate social issues particularly because it affects social asymmetrical relations of power. Discourse constitutes society and culture. The macrostructure is that the basis for analysis (social structure) and therefore the microstructure serves to clarify and take a look at the macrostructure Intertexual and interdiscursive relationships square measure investigated. Power relations square measure discursive. The link between text and society is mediate. The approach is dynamic, a relentless movement back and forth between theory and empirical knowledge.

Investigating Political Discourse Political discourse has been extensively examined using the tools of vital Discourse Analysis (e.g. Fairclough 2000; Fairclough 2002; Jones & Collins 2006; Jones & Collins 2006; Mulderrig 2003; Weiss & Wodak 2007; Wodak & Chilton. 2005; Wodak & Meyer 2009). In these investigations, CDA treats discourse as a social observe and analyses the influences of social, political and cultural contexts on discourse. CDA uncovers essential linguistic characteristics of social relationships and social structures (Fairclough 1995).

Methodology

For this study, as the analysis is qualitative in nature, techniques and procedures that were supported the approach of essential discourse analysis. We’ve to integrate 3 dimensional analysis approach „description, interpretation and rationalization employed by Fairclough with different tools offered by CDA, e.g. word selection, repetition, persuasive methods, denotive methods and positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation. With the assistance of those methods, the researchers have discovered however political and ideologic agendas are embedded in discourse which can play a big role in shaping the views of individuals. The data for the current study to be gathered from two English daily newspapers Dawn and The News. However, the only source of data collection is Hard news on political campaign covered by these newspapers during General Election 2018, in Pakistan. The purpose of this study is to explore how the same issue has been treated differently in the newspapers which underlay their ideology. Thus the study is an attempt to find out their hidden ideological meanings by following CDA. The purpose is to show how the treatment of the national issue of Pakistani social and political issues is thematically and linguistically different.

Population and Sampling

A population is an important element of the study where the results or the outcomes of the investigation are generalizable. According to studies a population refers to the limits within which the research findings are applicable. The population for this study is to investigate the campaigns of these major political parties by conducting CDA of hard news of two newspapers Dawn and The News. Odd dates of daily Dawn are selected for the study while even dates of newspapers are selected as a sampling for Daily The News.

Research Design

For this study, content research design is employed. This is because the study seeks to uncover the hidden meaning relating to the social structures, ideologies and power relations between the electorate and the political office holders. The research shows specifically how the aspirants through the manipulation of linguistic facilities reconstructed and controlled people’s thoughts, beliefs and perceptions in order to dominate them. The qualitative approach will be used to detect discursive structures within the transcript of the political campaign and discover the ideologies and power structures underlying them.

Research Instrument

While study I adopt one major instrument, the use of written records in form of hard news published in the selected newspaper during GE-2018 in Pakistan. Discourse analysis of written texts as a method provides the tools for describing the ideas and the relations among the ideas that are present in a text. The goal of this analysis is to describe and interpret the ideological and power structures in the texts of the intending governors of the south western zone

Introduction

When philosophers and scholars began writing their works some of them argued that authoritarian forms of government were key in bringing up and enhancing fast developing countries. Some argued that dictatorial governments played a very important role in enhancing and maintaining the economic growth. Today, however, the political mantra is democratic governments in most states, all over the world.

Summary

Rita Abrahamsen in her book; DISCIPLINING DEMOCRACY ,uses the example of good governance discourse to help us understand development not as some set goals but , “a historically well-known form of knowledge connected to some existing structures and relations of power”. She argues that the development discourse helps reproduce a world order that is undemocratic in some sort of way. Rita Abrahamsen in her book thoughtfully discusses the issue of democracy and good governance in Africa. The book reflects and comments and reflects on contemporary development in Africa by using a case study of four African countries in the sub Saharan Africa .These countries include ;Kenya, Zambia ,Cote d’ivoire and Ghana. According to Rita Abrahamsen, “it is important to note that this countries are not used because they represent Africa but because democratization is an issue that is influential across the African continents despite of the cultural, economic, political, social and geographical divide.”

Rita Abrahamsen argues that the good governance agenda emerged in the early 1990s and with it came the multiparty democracy in African states. The issue of good governance and democracy may have therefore placed Africa at the center of the development discourse where the writer states that western donors and organizations such as the World Bank view democratic government as a condition for assistance.

Rita Abrahamsen tackles the issue of how we are made to believe that the real force for democratization is internal factors whereas external factors are only but supportive. In this book, she explains how we are blinded by that fact and actually explains that the west is always present and that what is seen as domestic causes of democratization are actually largely shaped by external international forces. These international forces have brought about the development discourse to construct the third world countries as underdeveloped, painting them look inferior and unequal to the western nations. Rita Abrahamsen seeks to explain how the international arena is always present in domestic affairs of the third world nations and how their interventions end up affecting their development .The development discourse of Africa is therefore seen as key in understanding the changes to multipartyism in the continent.

This book argues that good governance comes with transformation which is best understood with the historical conjecture in which it emerged. The end of cold war, fall of communism and also the failure of the IMF and World Bank programs might have brought up this idea. The writer of this book therefore seeks to point out the close relationship that exists between the structures of government and the development discourse and how the institution of governance and democratization were considered as a possibility by changing the global balance of power. The development discourse explains governance in a way that tries to hide the difference between democratization and the removal of state from the social and economic arena. This therefore creates economic liberalism in the form of structural adjustment programmes. The book also goes ahead to criticize the good governance claim that it is culturally sensitive and instead argues that it is not different from modernization theories. This is by the fact that it has adopted an image of a good society created from the western experience.

Rita Abrahamsen argues that electoral democracy is important to African states and that it may help protect citizens from tyrannical power and enable legal and peaceful transfer of power from one leader to another (A good example is Kenya where elections are held after every five years and a leader’s term is only two terms which is ten years).However, the outcomes of these elections are not always taken positively (As seen in the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya). In many third world countries, especially among the middle class and the lower class, democracies is denied by social and economic rights rather than the political rights they can access. This does not offer well because it provides very limited opportunities for limited social justice because for them if you are not empowered economically, then you don’t have much of a say in any issue regarding to governance.

Rita Abrahamsen looks at how some scholars view the term democracy. Schumpeter, for instance wrote, “democracy does not mean and cannot mean that the people tally rule in any obvious sense of the term ‘people and rule ‘.Democracy means only that the people have the opportunity of accepting or refusing the men who are still to rule them”…Now one aspect of this may be expressed by saying that democracy is the rule of the politician (ibid: 284-5).

The detachments of democracy from the ideals of social and economic rights amounts to an endorsement of the social order and this promotes a form of democracy that allows for the continuation of elite privileges and sanctions the persistence of suffering.

The books also explains how external adjustment programmes may have led to democratization in Africa not because they decentralized power away from the state but because people opposed the negative effects of the said programmes. This book poses the question “whose democracy “and shows how external forces pressure and influence democratic transitions and argues that this democratization that happens in Africa may represent a defeat for Africa’s poor. The return of political pluralism has been seen by the author of this book as a sign of for economic liberalism and by implication further suffering from the poorest sections of society.

Conclusion

The democracy depicted in this book has been unable to involve the poor sections of society in the political process and agenda making. This issue brings about political unrest and instability in the third world countries. The book shows that although African states have established democratic structures, they still continue to face civil and political instability.This however does not mean that good governance discourse has been a total failure. Good governance has been a very important part of the government in the African continent and this helps shape the relationship of these countries with international organizations.

This essay uses research from both experimental studies and from discursive psychology to evaluate whether memory is both a biological and a social process and provides evidence to that effect. Within psychology, two distinct traditions take memory as their object of concern: the cognitive experimental approach (biological) and the Discursive psychological approach (Social). The Cognitivebiological approach studies the structure of the brain and how remembering and forgetting take place (Kaye and Tree, 2016). The research uses single case studies and laboratory-based memory tests. The Discursive approach treats memory and remembering as a social activity accomplished through interactions and uses individual and group interviews and also established data sources in their research (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Cognitive experimental and discursive approaches are distinct from each other concerning their fundamental ontology, styles of theorizing, methodological preferences, and modes of application and they could be considered to have little compatibility (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). However, both cognitive and discursive psychologists concern themselves with the functional significance of memory which is the role of the past in creating and maintaining the current self and identity (Kaye and Tree, 2016). The study of memories across both disciplines is vast and therefore this essay focuses on episodic and autobiographical memory.

In cognitive psychology, remembering is treated as an individual process for recording, retrieving, and configuring information; everyday actions are regarded as surface behaviors caused by underlying mental and neurological processes (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Initial research into memory was carried out by cognitive psychologists and focussed on biological processes. Episodic memory is a type of long-term memory that involves conscious recollection of previous experiences together with their context in terms of time, place, and associated emotions and is linked to the hippocampus in the medial temporal lobe (Kaye and Tree, 2016).

Single-subject research has been key to the progress of the research into the biological process of memory (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Using the methods of cognitive neuropsychology researchers study brain-damaged patients to understand how particular cognitive processes work (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Henry Molaison experienced surgery which left him with no ability to store or retrieve new experiences. He could remember events that occurred before his surgery but was unable to form new memories (Lichterman, 2009). The research into Molaison’s condition led to the understanding that complex functions such as learning and memory are tied to discrete regions of the brain (Lichterman, 2009). Scoville and Milner (2000) studied Molaison and 9 other patients who had undergone similar surgery and concluded that the hippocampus, located in the medial temporal lobe was necessary for normal memory. Subsequent research into Molaison identified that adjacent regions transform perceptions and awareness into memories. However, for Molaison, the transformation could not take place. Molaison experienced all aspects of his daily life as if they were taking place for the first time (Lichterman, 2009). Milner (2000) cited in Lichterman (2009) claimed that the hippocampus is responsible for converting immediate memories into long-term memories and as Molaison could still remember his early life the storage and retrieval of memory must occur outside of the hippocampus. However, his intellect, personality, and perception were intact and he was able to acquire new motor skills even though he could never recall performing the tasks before (Lichterman, 2009). Mollison also had preserved performance on semantic memory and therefore it was argued that medial temporal lobe damage had little impact on linguistic ability and he was also able to acquire new vocabulary relating to past experiences (Lichterman, 2009). Evidence from patients who have suffered brain damage leading to severely impaired episodic memory has been fundamental in understanding the importance of specific neural regions, for example, that the hippocampus in the medial temporal lobe is responsible for episodic memory (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Medial temporal lobe lesions cause temporally graded retrograde amnesia, suggesting a time-limited role of the hippocampus in memory retrieval (Kaye and Tree, 2016). This forms the basis of the standard model of system-level consolidation which proposes that the hippocampus is part of the retrieval system for recent memories but that memories are gradually transferred to the neocortical circuits for long-term storage (Tackashima et al, 2009). Therefore, long-term memories can be retrieved independently of the hippocampus (Tackashima et al, 2009). This was tested in Tackashima et al’s 2009 study where regional brain activity and connectivity during retrieval with functional magnetic resonance imaging. Participants were provided with images and asked to recall them with two separate delays 15 minutes and 24 hours including a whole night of sleep. The outcome of this experiment was that memory traces of the locations associated with specific faces were linked through the hippocampus for the retrieval of recently learned images, but with consolidation from the neo-cortical network (Tackashima et al, 2009).

Edwards (1997) cited in Billig (2010) suggested that the cognitive approach ‘reduces all of psychological life, including discourse and social interaction to the workings of cognitive or computational mental processes’. In contrast to this, Discursive Psychologists claim that remembering is not an act performed in a laboratory as part of a test of the accuracy of recall but instead is something we do as part of our talk with other people (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Discursive psychologists are not primarily concerned with whether the information being presented accurately represents the past event (Davies and Horton-Salway (2016). So, whilst the Cognitive experiment approach focuses on the biological functioning of the brain and where storage and retrieval of memories take place, the discursive begins with the assumption that the telling of memory involves the construction of a selected version of something that happened in the past (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). The analytical focus is on how specific versions of memories are produced i.e. how events are described and what interactional business participants accomplish by constructing descriptors in one way rather than another (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Edwards and Potter (1992) argued that if a cognitive process such as memory is studied in the real-world setting within which it is occasioned the central focus needs to be on the conversational pragmatic through which the psychological act is accomplished.

Pillemer (1998) states that the act of recounting a detailed personal memory to others communicates meaning that transcends the surface content of the particular recollection and this specialized form of communication appears to be rule-based. Pillemer claimed that the act of talking about memory and hearing the memories performs functions beyond the mere transmission of information (Pillemer, 1998). Edwards and Potter (1992) argue that what gets reported owes more to social and interactional norms rather than any memory of events being reported. Pillemer (1998) suggests that people’s narrative styles are more likely to reflect cultural conventions than underlying memory organization. Pillemer also argues that the production of details adds authenticity to memory and that the production of vivid recollections adds emotional intimacy and immediacy; recounting of memories may be perceived as a sign of the speaker’s openness, thus encouraging others to reciprocate and strengthen interpersonal bonds (Pillemer, 1998). Additionally, Pillemer (1998) suggests that memories are constituted in private and public negotiations between potentially rival claimants as to what the past has been.

In researching memory, Discursive Psychologists bracket out the question of whether the description of memory is real and focus on the discourse and the constructed reality; the analysis which takes place is on what is going on in the talk and the social context it takes place in (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Discursive Psychology also brackets out how a situation is experienced and instead focuses on the form and content of the discourse, the relationship to the broader societal context, and what is achieved by this way of doing it (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Therefore, Discursive psychologists unpick the discourse and explore the implications of it, i.e. why is it told in this way rather than in other ways. An example of such a study is Locke and Edwards’s (2001) study on President Clinton’s descriptions of his relationship with Monica Lewinsky which used video recordings of the Grand Jury testimony. In this study, motives, thoughts, memories, and the events to which they are attached are studied for how they are invoked; in the testimony, Clinton uses the phrases ‘remember’ recall, and forget as coins of verbal exchange that have a public discursive use in managing accountability (Coulter,1990 cited in Locke and Edwards, 2001). The testimony provided is not simply looking at recall in the sense of memory retrieval but at memory as a social psychological phenomenon; Clinton uses remembering as a discursive resource to manage a legal situation to his advantage (Locke and Edwards, 2001). The discursive approach does not question whether memory is accurate but it questions the assumption that one version of the past can be settled on as the correct version of events (Edwards

This essay uses research from both experimental studies and from discursive psychology to evaluate whether memory is both a biological and a social process and provides evidence to that effect. Within psychology, two distinct traditions take memory as their object of concern: the cognitive experimental approach (biological) and the Discursive psychological approach (Social). The Cognitivebiological approach studies the structure of the brain and how remembering and forgetting take place (Kaye and Tree, 2016). The research uses single case studies and laboratory-based memory tests. The Discursive approach treats memory and remembering as a social activity accomplished through interactions and uses individual and group interviews and also established data sources in their research (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Cognitive experimental and discursive approaches are distinct from each other concerning their fundamental ontology, styles of theorizing, methodological preferences, and modes of application and they could be considered to have little compatibility (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). However, both cognitive and discursive psychologists concern themselves with the functional significance of memory which is the role of the past in creating and maintaining the current self and identity (Kaye and Tree, 2016). The study of memories across both disciplines is vast and therefore this essay focuses on episodic and autobiographical memory.

In cognitive psychology, remembering is treated as an individual process for recording, retrieving, and configuring information; everyday actions are regarded as surface behaviors caused by underlying mental and neurological processes (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Initial research into memory was carried out by cognitive psychologists and focussed on biological processes. Episodic memory is a type of long-term memory that involves conscious recollection of previous experiences together with their context in terms of time, place, and associated emotions and is linked to the hippocampus in the medial temporal lobe (Kaye and Tree, 2016).

Single-subject research has been key to the progress of the research into the biological process of memory (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Using the methods of cognitive neuropsychology researchers study brain-damaged patients to understand how particular cognitive processes work (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Henry Molaison experienced surgery which left him with no ability to store or retrieve new experiences. He could remember events that occurred before his surgery but was unable to form new memories (Lichterman, 2009). The research into Molaison’s condition led to the understanding that complex functions such as learning and memory are tied to discrete regions of the brain (Lichterman, 2009). Scoville and Milner (2000) studied Molaison and 9 other patients who had undergone similar surgery and concluded that the hippocampus, located in the medial temporal lobe was necessary for normal memory. Subsequent research into Molaison identified that adjacent regions transform perceptions and awareness into memories. However, for Molaison, the transformation could not take place. Molaison experienced all aspects of his daily life as if they were taking place for the first time (Lichterman, 2009). Milner (2000) cited in Lichterman (2009) claimed that the hippocampus is responsible for converting immediate memories into long-term memories and as Molaison could still remember his early life the storage and retrieval of memory must occur outside of the hippocampus. However, his intellect, personality, and perception were intact and he was able to acquire new motor skills even though he could never recall performing the tasks before (Lichterman, 2009). Mollison also had preserved performance on semantic memory and therefore it was argued that medial temporal lobe damage had little impact on linguistic ability and he was also able to acquire new vocabulary relating to past experiences (Lichterman, 2009). Evidence from patients who have suffered brain damage leading to severely impaired episodic memory has been fundamental in understanding the importance of specific neural regions, for example, that the hippocampus in the medial temporal lobe is responsible for episodic memory (Kaye and Tree, 2016). Medial temporal lobe lesions cause temporally graded retrograde amnesia, suggesting a time-limited role of the hippocampus in memory retrieval (Kaye and Tree, 2016). This forms the basis of the standard model of system-level consolidation which proposes that the hippocampus is part of the retrieval system for recent memories but that memories are gradually transferred to the neocortical circuits for long-term storage (Tackashima et al, 2009). Therefore, long-term memories can be retrieved independently of the hippocampus (Tackashima et al, 2009). This was tested in Tackashima et al’s 2009 study where regional brain activity and connectivity during retrieval with functional magnetic resonance imaging. Participants were provided with images and asked to recall them with two separate delays 15 minutes and 24 hours including a whole night of sleep. The outcome of this experiment was that memory traces of the locations associated with specific faces were linked through the hippocampus for the retrieval of recently learned images, but with consolidation from the neo-cortical network (Tackashima et al, 2009).

Edwards (1997) cited in Billig (2010) suggested that the cognitive approach ‘reduces all of psychological life, including discourse and social interaction to the workings of cognitive or computational mental processes’. In contrast to this, Discursive Psychologists claim that remembering is not an act performed in a laboratory as part of a test of the accuracy of recall but instead is something we do as part of our talk with other people (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Discursive psychologists are not primarily concerned with whether the information being presented accurately represents the past event (Davies and Horton-Salway (2016). So, whilst the Cognitive experiment approach focuses on the biological functioning of the brain and where storage and retrieval of memories take place, the discursive begins with the assumption that the telling of memory involves the construction of a selected version of something that happened in the past (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). The analytical focus is on how specific versions of memories are produced i.e. how events are described and what interactional business participants accomplish by constructing descriptors in one way rather than another (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Edwards and Potter (1992) argued that if a cognitive process such as memory is studied in the real-world setting within which it is occasioned the central focus needs to be on the conversational pragmatic through which the psychological act is accomplished.

Pillemer (1998) states that the act of recounting a detailed personal memory to others communicates meaning that transcends the surface content of the particular recollection and this specialized form of communication appears to be rule-based. Pillemer claimed that the act of talking about memory and hearing the memories performs functions beyond the mere transmission of information (Pillemer, 1998). Edwards and Potter (1992) argue that what gets reported owes more to social and interactional norms rather than any memory of events being reported. Pillemer (1998) suggests that people’s narrative styles are more likely to reflect cultural conventions than underlying memory organization. Pillemer also argues that the production of details adds authenticity to memory and that the production of vivid recollections adds emotional intimacy and immediacy; recounting of memories may be perceived as a sign of the speaker’s openness, thus encouraging others to reciprocate and strengthen interpersonal bonds (Pillemer, 1998). Additionally, Pillemer (1998) suggests that memories are constituted in private and public negotiations between potentially rival claimants as to what the past has been.

In researching memory, Discursive Psychologists bracket out the question of whether the description of memory is real and focus on the discourse and the constructed reality; the analysis which takes place is on what is going on in the talk and the social context it takes place in (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Discursive Psychology also brackets out how a situation is experienced and instead focuses on the form and content of the discourse, the relationship to the broader societal context, and what is achieved by this way of doing it (Davies and Horton-Salway, 2016). Therefore, Discursive psychologists unpick the discourse and explore the implications of it, i.e. why is it told in this way rather than in other ways. An example of such a study is Locke and Edwards’s (2001) study on President Clinton’s descriptions of his relationship with Monica Lewinsky which used video recordings of the Grand Jury testimony. In this study, motives, thoughts, memories, and the events to which they are attached are studied for how they are invoked; in the testimony, Clinton uses the phrases ‘remember’ recall, and forget as coins of verbal exchange that have a public discursive use in managing accountability (Coulter,1990 cited in Locke and Edwards, 2001). The testimony provided is not simply looking at recall in the sense of memory retrieval but at memory as a social psychological phenomenon; Clinton uses remembering as a discursive resource to manage a legal situation to his advantage (Locke and Edwards, 2001). The discursive approach does not question whether memory is accurate but it questions the assumption that one version of the past can be settled on as the correct version of events (Edwards