US Diplomacy Failures in 1981 to 1990

During the last ten years of the Cold War, the diplomacy of the United States experienced several failures, which subsequently resulted in military conflicts. Prior to analyzing the underlying causes of these failures, it should be pointed out that at that moment, the relationships between the United States and the Soviet Union began to alleviate, yet, both superpowers were reluctant to make concessions. It is quite possible for us to say that both countries pursued the policy of containment. The main goal, which the US government set, was to prevent the USSR from advancing its interests in developing countries or the Third World as they were officially named at that time (David S. Painter, 1999, 111).

The main reason why the Reagan administration did not achieve good results was the tendency to use military force or any other means of compulsion. For instance, trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, the government resorted to several measures, in particular, blocking commercial credit, trade embargo, and subversive activities. One may say that the end eventually justified the means because the Sandinista regime eventually fell. Nevertheless, such policy had far-reaching effects on the international image of the United States (Leogrande, 1996, 333).

For example, many countries, even the allies, began to regard America as some kind of bully who tries to scare everyone else into doing what he wants. In addition to that, the Reagan administration attempted to portray the Soviet Union as an evil empire, but such policy indicated that both superpowers used approximately the same means for achieving their goals.

Moreover, many American citizens were discontent with the policy carried out by the Reagan administration because they believed that the affairs of the developing courtiers did not have any bearing on their own lives. The public demanded the government to shift the focus from the external problems to the internal ones. Now, it appears the Reagan administration could have a different and entirely different approach to the foreign policy of the United States.

As it has been noted before, primary importance was attached to military force, which was undoubtedly not very conducive to establishing close relationships with developing counties. Probably, it would have been more natural to use the so-called soft or smart power. Overall, this notion can be defined as a form of influence, which is based on attraction and persuasion. In sharp contrast with hard power, such an approach is not aimed at defeating or conquering ones rival; more likely, it seeks the decision, which can suit both sides (Lilie Chouliaraki, 2007. 10). Overall, it should be taken into consideration that even now, the world superpowers have not made full use of such political doctrine.

While discussing the relations of the United States with such counties as countries as Angola, El Salvador, Nicaragua, or Cuba, we may say that the use of soft power would have been much more efficient. At that moment, the Reagan administration was trying to decrease the influence of the Soviet Union by coercion or compulsion. It should be borne in mind that that main purpose was to make the country take the pro-American course. Namely, it was stated that the funding might be resumed on the condition that the Sandinista regime would revitalize the private sector, which contradicted major principles of the countrys pro-communist government (Leogrande, 1996, 336). Perhaps, it would have been better to convince the Nicaraguan government that a capitalistic approach would yield more benefit to the country and its people, not only in terms of inner development but in terms of international support as well.

It stands to reason that some may raise objections to this statement by saying that the use of soft power is not always efficient, especially considering the fact that the Soviet Union exercised very strong influence over the Sandinista government. Nonetheless, it is very unlikely that Nicaragua would have rejected humanitarian help. By giving a hand of assistance, the Reagan administration could have immediately improved its international image in the world and win the confidence of the Nicaraguan government and people. Furthermore, softness often involves extensive use of media, which helps to achieve a common understanding of cultural, political, and economic values. The Soviet Union managed to employ this technique several times, but the net results were diminished by the overuse of military force (Scott, 1996, 77). Certainly, the economic blockade of Nicaragua resulted in the fall of the Sandinista regime, but the cost of such policy was too high because the image of the United States suffered a heavy blow. To a certain degree, every country, striving for the palm of supremacy, has to achieve equilibrium between hard and soft politics; otherwise every attempt will be fruitless.

Therefore, we can arrive at the conclusion that the failures of the US diplomacy may primarily ascribed to the approach that the government took. In particular, Reagan administration tried to promote the countrys interests in the developing countries by means of military force or compulsion, especially economic pressure. It seems that that these failures could have been averted if the United States had tried to persuade those countries but not to force them. Especially, we may speak about the so-called soft power, which mostly relies on attraction and persuasion.

Bibliography

David S. Painter. The Cold War: An International History. Routledge, 1999.

Felix Berenskoetter, Michael J. Williams. Power in World Politics. Routledge, 2007.

James M. Scott. Deciding to Intervene: The Reagan Doctrine and American Foreign Policy. Duke University Press, 1996.

Lilie Chouliaraki. The Soft Power of War. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007.

William. M. Leogrande Making the Economy Scream. Journal of Emerging Areas ,17, no 2, (1996). 329-348.

Digital Diplomacy a Book by Andreas Sandre

Introduction

With the rapid development of technologies, coupled with contemporary tendencies to globalization, the digital age provides more political, economical, cultural, scientific, and other opportunities to people who never before could enjoy so many freedoms and access to sources of information. However, the Internet has acquired so much power and influence in all aspects of political relations, in particular, that no single government can stand against it.

It has evolved into a hazardous and influential tool that can be used both for constructive and destructive purposes. Therefore, in order to bring the situation under control, tough regulation is required, which implies that the role and importance of diplomats in the age of technological processes are becoming increasingly significant for ensuring the peaceful cooperation of nations.

This is exactly the issue Tom Fletcher, a professor of International Relations and a former Ambassador of the UK to Lebanon, investigates in his book, Naked Diplomacy: Power and Statecraft in the Digital Age. The author has served as a policy adviser to three British Prime Ministers and has rich experience as a modern diplomat operating under various conditions, in different countries. His book is an attempt to share his understanding of diplomacy and provide a critical estimation.

Fletcher criticizes a one-sided approach, and argues that the future of diplomatic interaction is in the close contact with large audiences that would enable the exchanging of opinions and data via direct communication, and progressive Internet means, provided by the digital age. Fletcher believes that this innovative vision of diplomacy is going to revolutionize both the domestic and international policy of all countries, regardless of their stage of development (Sandre 28-41).

Since the methods and tools that he discusses can be implemented in any country, the current paper will discuss the key points of Fletchers book in relation to the UAE. It will explore how the new requirements that the digital age sets can be met by the UAE government, as well as what aspects of his work are not applicable to the conditions in which the UAE is currently developing.

Book Review

During his service in Beirut, Tom Fletcher thoroughly documented everything that happened to him in Twitter and blogs. His genuine interest in people and their problems quickly won him recognition from the general public, especially the youth. Rapidly gaining popularity, through his personality and ideas, he decided to write a book that would sum up his vision of modern diplomacy and the way it should be implemented to establish long-lasting relationships with other countries (Sandre 33).

The book has become popular, not only among diplomats, but also in other non-political circles. It is written in vivid, metaphorical language and provides a profound explanation of diplomacy, comprehensible even to a layman. The first part of it is devoted to the history of the art of diplomacy since ancient times through to the present day. Fletcher analyzes various diplomatic events and estimates the role and the power of the diplomat in different epochs and circumstances. The peak of diplomacy, according to him, was the Congress of Vienna (1815), at which diplomats managed to negotiate long-lasting peace for the whole continent.

As a result, countries were open to technological development, which led to an industrial revolution. On the other hand, the number of diplomats increased significantly. As a subsequent result of this, they failed to perform their duties during the two World Wars as no one was willing to concede (Fletcher 60-78). This was a good lesson for European diplomacy, having to overcome the crises to continue performing its mission. The policy of isolation turned out to be fruitless. The states governments had to admit that it would have been much more reasonable to invest in mutual support and cooperation with neighbors rather than embarking on armed conflict.

This lesson is directly applicable to the experience of the UAE: the country is currently promoting the so-called non-interference policy, preventing anyone to meddle in its domestic issues. However, at the same time, the UAE is striving to establish regional and international networks that would connect the country with other states, and already has connections with 189 countries. Thus, it is essential for the countrys officials to understand where and how each of the two policies must be implemented to avoid both extremes: inadequate isolation and intrusion into other states affairs.

According to Fletcher, it is rather hard to estimate which of a diplomats actions could be interpreted as a desire to render assistance and which will be considered as an attempt to interfere. If the UAE wishes to serve as an example of temperance and balance, it should pay more attention to its diplomatic strategies and relations with neighbors, as any seemingly insignificant thing has a potential to provoke a conflict.

The historical overview of diplomacy is, at times, a little overbearing and lengthy. The reader already starts to question the authors originality of approach as there is nothing particularly new in this part of the book except the authors style, which is rather ironic and personal. Passing on to the second part, the reader understands what the purpose of this bulky introduction actually was. Fletcher needed a background against which he could draw a picture of contemporary diplomacy.

The contrast becomes especially striking with the emergence of information technologies. According to Fletcher, the Internet managed to revolutionize the entire diplomacy field and has led to the formation of the international arena, characterized by close interactions among the participants, as well as their interdependence. In addition, the profession itself has undergone considerable changes and a re-estimation of values.

Fletcher claims that, despite the fact that diplomats still have an elite education and typically come from the upper classes of society, the demands on their qualifications and practical skills have grown dramatically (Fletcher 182). The major reason for this is the requirements set by the digital age. The problem is that contemporary diplomats have to communicate, not only with representatives of governments, but also with a wider audience, consisting of people who are not directly involved in politics.

Computer technologies have made it an obligatory aspect of their professional activity. The idea is that diplomats of today not only have to solve problems but also must account for their actions before a global audience. They are under the unceasing scrutiny of the international community that tracks all their actions and estimates them.

Moreover, they also have to deal with a much wider range of responsibilities; a modern diplomat must be able to understand his countrys position in every aspect, not only in politics. Culture, science, education, and other spheres of activities are also now within their competence. Due to globalization, they have to establish relations with both directly neighboring countries, as well as the wider global community. This task is complicated by the fact that even strategic allies can belong to drastically different backgrounds and have differing systems of cultural and religious values and beliefs.

Therefore, the diplomat must demonstrate his competence in intercultural communication, both directly and via social platforms. This is crucial for the UAE as the country is currently criticized for being too much influenced by Islam in its domestic and foreign policy. The religion is often perceived as inflexible, aggressive, and intolerant. This complicates the task of diplomats who have to do their best to eliminate bias on the topic, and prove that the countrys policies are unprejudiced and grounded in common sense, and not blind fanaticism. The UAE must pay more attention to the increased transparency of contemporary diplomacy, to which Fletcher draws the readers attention, since the countrys image is now no less influential than its real actions. Advantages provided by the progress must be used to shape public opinion.

In Islamic countries, public unrest is a common phenomenon. Thus, diplomacy should be particularly flexible and responsive to any changes in attitudes. Diplomats must use all the benefits provided by the digital age in order to prevent armed conflicts. The UAE is among the countries that need to foster better communication with its wider audience as the power distance there is great. Despite having a negative reputation of the country, that has heavy censorship and blocks access to a variety of Internet sites, the UAE can still restore it by reporting political and social events internationally and promoting the image of a progressive, forward-thinking state. It is now crucial to make other countries see that Islam does not prevent the UAE from successful adoption and implementation of digital age diplomacy.

Furthermore, Fletcher promotes an unbiased approach to diplomacy and the freedom of expression, which is guaranteed by the age of global communication. In the case of the UAE, the right to share information and to express your ideas freely is violated through the implementation of surveillance tools that track the online activity of citizens. Society is currently using all modern online platforms but mostly for private communication.

There are not many people who have eliminated barriers to digital thinking and can express their opinion on state policies freely, without being afraid of consequences. Like the rest of the world, the UAE citizens read, like, and share posts about their politicians. However, despite the increased transparency, the modern diplomacy effort is not sufficient to be able to conclude that the country has truly entered the age of digital diplomacy.

Although Fletcher generally supports the new ways of diplomacy, he still warns that we should prevent it from running wild. The success of a nation largely depends on its ability to suppress negative consequences of the influence of the Internet. The problem is that it provides an unlimited number of opinions, including negative ones. This means that the government has to deal with a difficult choice; whether to block users and create an image of an authoritative state or to promote its own position so that it wins more approval than criticism. The second approach to the problem would reduce the chances of falling victim to unregulated public opinion.

However, despite the fact that most of Fletchers ideas are applicable to the UAE, some of them do not suit non-democratic countries. The problem is that the diplomacy that he describes is too open. The communication strategies Fletcher offers are based on equality and independence, which are not the major values promoted by the government of the UAE. For the UAE government, being too open and democratic would mean to subject itself to the risk of losing authority. In addition, there is always a risk that the messages translated via online channels can be captured by an adverse party. The country is situated in a region where excessive openness to contacts may cause more harm, especially with a number of neighbors having the potential to initiate armed conflict.

One of the most controversial ideas of the book is the idea about the application of big data in diplomacy. Fletcher argues that soon diplomats will have an opportunity to prevent crises, predict future political and economic trends, and initiate policies in accordance with public opinion. Again, this vision of diplomacy is utopian for the UAE. If the authorities allowed a system of free opinion sharing on political topics, it would only aggravate the situation with censorship and surveillance. This would ruin the trust of the public and mar the governments reputation. Unidirectional diplomacy would regain its position.

The third, final, part of Fletchers book is devoted to three main challenges that a diplomat will have to deal with in the new digital age (Fletcher 213-229):

  1. When one state should interfere with the domestic affairs of another and how it should be done;
  2. How international institutions need to be organized and what guidelines must be followed to influence the development of conflicts within one country or between several countries;
  3. The measures needed to reduce inequality that would not produce any negative impact on countries internal affairs.

Fletcher also shares his understanding of the ambassador of the future in order to single out some competences and skills that will be required to successfully deal with problems of globalization. According to him, the diplomat of the future must be a strong champion of human rights, a good leader, demonstrate perfect knowledge of intercultural communication, be an active member of society, and a career professional. The last chapter of the book encourages the reader to become creative, involved, active, and connected. This appeal is very much relevant to the case of the UAE. The country needs social activists to balance the dominance of the state and increase national self-confidence.

Conclusion

Fletcher wrote a book that covers all existing ways to appeal to the public, including mass media, blogging, social platforms, etc. The authors preference is with personal connection between the authorities and citizens. In his opinion, the major components of diplomacy are connection to the population and other countries, and authenticity of the nation.

The author not only presents benefits of digital age diplomacy but also warns governments about its potential threats. Some of his recommendations are applicable to the experience of the UAE, as they provide the country with a strategy to unite its traditional approach to diplomacy with the modern one, which would allow it to preserve a balance.

However, due to its geopolitical location, the UAE should be particularly attentive to the excessive openness that Internet diplomacy provides; the government must be on the alert for any threats of terrorist or hacker attacks, as well as general public unrest, even if it results from a seemingly innocent political forum discussion.

Works Cited

Fletcher, Tom. Naked Diplomacy: Power and Statecraft in the Digital Age. HarperCollins UK, 2016.

Sandre, Andreas. Digital Diplomacy: Conversations on Innovation in Foreign Policy. Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

Vienna Conventions Role for Diplomatic Relations

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations was adopted in 1961 and has become since then one of the most important international documents regulating international relations and diplomacy; as of today, most countries in the world have signed the Convention. The most important idea of the treaty is that diplomats possess certain immunities and privileges in their work in host countries, and the document specifies these special rights. Apart from diplomatic immunity itself, four more important concepts can be identified in the text of the convention: communication, premises status, taxation, and diplomats families.

First of all, the fundamental aspect of diplomatic immunity is that, according to Article 29, [t]he person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable&[and] shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. For centuries, diplomats have enjoyed a special status in host countries, and their right to inviolability has been recognized; the Convention, however, established this principle as a rule, and every signing country was obliged to incorporate the provision into its national legislation. Moreover, Article 29 requires host states not only to ensure that a diplomat is not prosecuted but also to protect his or her freedom and dignity.

Another important concept is diplomatic communication. It is recognized in the Convention that part of diplomats work is freely communicating with their sending countries, which is why a host country should undertake to permit and protect free communication between diplomats and governments of sending states. Diplomats have the right to convey messages in code or cipher; receiving countries do not have the right to seize or open diplomatic documentation. However, if a diplomatic mission wants to use a wireless transmitter, it can only be done upon receiving permission from the host country.

Also, a special status is granted to the premises of a diplomatic mission. Article 22 establishes that representatives of a receiving state can enter the premises only upon receiving permission from the head of the mission. Therefore, the premises cannot be searched by the receiving countrys authorities either. However, since the premises are in the territory of a receiving state, the receiving state undertakes to properly protect them against any intrusion or damage and to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission or impairment of its dignity.

Further, it is recognized in the Convention that a diplomatic agent should be exempt from the receiving countrys dues, including taxes. However, Article 34 lists cases in which the exemption is not applicable. For example, if a diplomat holds property in the receiving state, and the property is not held on behalf of the sending state, he or she is subject to regular taxation. Also, if a diplomat personally receives services in the host country, appropriate taxes can be imposed, as diplomatic immunity is not applicable to such cases.

Overall, diplomatic agents enjoy a special status in terms of their dues as long as they act on behalf of sending countries; when acting on their own in a receiving country, diplomats may not enjoy this special status.

Finally, the Convention recognizes that not only members of diplomatic missions have the rights to immunities and privileges but also members of their families. Therefore, diplomats spouses, children, and other relatives who stay in the receiving country shall be protected by this country and exempted from certain dues as if they were diplomats themselves. Same rules apply to technical and service staff of diplomatic missions.

The UAE Successful Economic Diplomacy Platform

Economic diplomacy is the process of pursuing a countrys commercial interests, both locally and internationally. It involves the use of financial tools and policies to eradicate vices, such as poverty and crime. Fulfilling a countrys economic interests depends on different factors such as the political climate, security, education, and international agreements or conventions. The UAE is located in the Middle East, a region that most terrorist groups such as the al-Qaida hail from. To attract foreign direct investment and tourism, the country must be peaceful and stable, free from violence and political and socioeconomic tension. The UAE can foster good relations with other countries and cooperate in peacekeeping operations to create a favorable trading environment. Trade treaties with as many countries as possible increase the market of UAE exports globally. Education is also another vital sector that determines the level of skills of the countrys labor force, which influences technical efficiency and reliability.

Peace and Stability

Peace and security are essential elements that encourage both foreign and domestic investors to venture into business activities confidently. No business can take place smoothly in a place marred with violence. Therefore, it is crucial for the UAE government to advocate for, support peace and stability in the UAE, and take part in activities that foster peace between nations. One way of promoting peace in the UAE is to uphold justice in the judiciary and participate in international peacekeeping endeavors among countries. Although the UAE set a principle that discourages interference with the domestic issues of other nations, the country is fully committed to actively support other countries and international organizations such as the United Nations (UN) in their bid to bring peace and stability in foreign territories (Embassy of the United Arab Emirates n.p). In so doing, the UAE will be reinforcing the order of international law and employing international agreements to safeguard everyones interests irrespective of their socioeconomic classes. This is in accordance with the principles of economic diplomacy, which seeks to reduce poverty and provide equitable education and health services for everyone.

The UAE is in a strategic geographical location in the Arabian Gulf, which is a quarter of the worlds oil (EUAE n.p). This makes the UAE a country that must be keen on foreign and domestic diplomacy since it has to export its oil to other countries. The UAE, at the moment, offers the European Union (EU), United States (US), and NATO troops right of entry to ports and other sections of its territory, air clearance, and additional important logistic help. These countries and organizations depend very much on the UAEs peace and stability to run their activities. Joining these and other allies in the global war on terrorism was a bold step taken by the UAE to restore peace and stability. However, the UAE should work harder to restore peace and encourage religious liberty. Religious obstructions have, for a long time, interfered with tourists and foreign investors. Some of the religious decrees discourage some types of foods and clothes like pork and scanty clothes. The government can grant freedom of dressing and eating to attract more visitors and investors. Other measures that promote diplomacy include freezing bank accounts of terrorists, implementing serious initiatives that curb money laundering, and enforcing counter-terrorism financial laws and policies.

Economic Education

The UAE is a rapidly expanding economy with a business-friendly environment. The Gross Domestic Production (GDP) was reported to be $419 billion in 2014 (EUAE n.p). This was largely attributed to oil, which accounts for 30% of its total domestic production (EUAE n.p). Although oil production is a lucrative economic activity for the country, there is a need to diversify the economy to avoid overreliance on oil. Among the activities that the state can prioritize to achieve this is investing in tourism, creating domestic policies that encourage foreign visitors and investors, marketing the country globally, promoting the private sector, and investing in education.

Education creates generations of highly trained citizens who will use their knowledge and skills to uplift the countrys economy. The state should provide equitable education opportunities to both males and females. Apart from sending students to study in foreign countries, the UAE government should also focus on attracting international students, not only as a way of getting revenue but as a way of marketing the country globally. This can be achieved through constructing state of the art academic institutions that offer a wide range of courses. Statistics show that the Arab States sent more students to study abroad (300,000) than the number that went to the Arab States for higher learning (250,000) in the year 2013. Western Europe received the highest number of in-bound students who numbered about 1.5 million.

Educating the citizens to give them the knowledge to start their businesses, and also makes them highly skilled so that the country will not have to look for skilled labor from outside. Highly skilled citizens also have the advantage of qualifying for jobs on the international platform. They can successfully work as expatriate employees in other countries. Serious investment in education contributes to the diversification of the economy in which the state will realize the full benefits of international trade by utilizing highly qualified professionals. Executive academic programs can fill the shortage of skilled labor if the program aims to construct a network foundation for economic diplomacy (Wright 4).

Trade Policies

To become successful in international trade, the UAE has to strengthen its social and economic relations with its neighbors and as many other countries. This includes expanding the global network through fostering good relationships, opening embassies in many countries, boosting exports, and promoting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and trade. The government can promote foreign investment by formulating policies that encourage foreign trade and upholding existing international conventions and trade treaties. Countries that contribute to the highest number of tourists on short stays can be granted visa exemption if it takes a lot of time to process the visa.

This strategy can speed up the rate at which foreigners stream. The UAE can also request international organizations such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) for subsidies and incentive packages on its products that do not pose stiff competition to other countries in the global market. Although regional and bilateral trade works well for UAE, it largely depends on the countries size and population (Soloaga and Wintersb 4). Therefore, it is better to actively participate in multilateral trade beyond the current level to increase the countrys GDP. This involves forming Free Trade Agreements (FTA) based on equitable market openings, and non-preferential trade agreements like Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCAs) (Soloaga and Wintersb 6).

Conclusion

Economic diplomacy is among the best processes that the UAE can utilize to increase its international trade market share. To succeed in attracting foreign investors and growing exports internationally, the country should actively participate in making the environment conducive for trade by actively taking part in peacekeeping operations around the globe. This will foster good relations with many countries, which the UAE can enter into trade agreements with. The UAE should also invest more in education to increase its labor force skills to produce highly skilled individuals who can perform technical operations.

Works Cited

Embassy of United Arab Emirates. About the UAE, 2017. Web.

Soloaga, Isidro and Alan Wintersb. Regionalism in the nineties: What effect on trade? The North American Journal of Economics and Finance 12.1 (2001): 1-29.

Wright Jr, Jerry. Economic Education, Executive Education, and the Training of Commercial Diplomats for the Global Economy, 2000. Web.