Category: Democracy

Thesis Statement

This paper is claimed to evaluate the strategies of Liberal and Social Democratic political forces aimed at the alleviation of gender inequalities. Originally, both strategies can not be regarded as successful, however, the matters of gender inequalities are engrained in the minds of the peoples, and often, it is rather difficult to undermine the sexual prejudice from the minds. Still, there are more efficient methods of overcoming the sexual disparity, and these instances will be analyzed in the paper.

Introduction

The matter of gender inequality and womens rights has always been among the most provocative questions in the 20^th century, when the feministic movements first appeared. Originally, various political forces offered various strategies for achieving the sexual equality and formulating the necessary law projects. This paper is claimed to analyze and compare the strategies of achieving the gender equality by liberal and social democratic political forces.

Gender Equality

First of all it is necessary to mention, that there are numerous types of inequality in different parts of the world. In some states, this inequality is associated with the matters of death. In some countries of South Asia and North Africa, the mortality rate among women is much higher than among men (Finnegan, 2005).

The natality inequality entails the preference to boys while bearing children. The fact is that, some cultures consider the bearing of a boy as a firstborn more noble and preferred, then a girl. That is why, if a girl is going to be the firstborn, the abortion is inevitable. This mainly happens in India, and the liberal political forces issued the law, that prohibits the doctor to name the sex of a child before the birth. It should be mentioned, that gender inequalities originated from culture and that has deep historical roots is difficult to alleviate, however, the States, that have chosen the progressive democratic way aim to refuse from such discriminating practices. Luckily, the other types of inequality do not touch the issues of birth and death, and are mostly associated with job, education and opportunities.

Originally, these cultural stereotypes are inborn, as people often can not explain this inequality. Women are often regarded as the creations for caring and nurturing, and often have the positions that are linked with these skills. These occupations are associated with the homework, and are not highly economically valued. Men, in their turn, were always regarded as the breadwinners or the workers. Consequently, their jobs are evaluated higher (Ackerson, 2008).

Liberal States

First of all it is necessary to mention, that the liberalism is aimed at achieving the personal freedom for every particular citizen in the country. Social policies in these countries should offer services so that people can benefit from the capitalist financial system and policy insinuations are that government services such as health care and education should be universally offered. The strategy of achieving the gender equality (or at least alleviating the inequality) entails the issuing of the corresponding laws, which proclaim the parity in the opportunities, and prohibit any instance of gender discrimination. The greatest disadvantage of such approach is that such strategy often can not cope with the discrimination completely, and often, after the implementation of these equality laws the reverse discrimination appears. It is explained by the fact, that employers, in order not to violate the anti-discrimination law, hire women regardless of the working experience, while men stay unemployed.

The number of gender studies relating the achievement of the sexual equality in the liberal welfare states regarded the roots of inequality. Women often lack the authority to make the necessary decisions or choices and take part in the society activity. This is featured by the emphasized fact, that women are regarded to perform the different actions, and these actions are not high valued (Jackson, 2006).

In the liberal states, the rights of women are highly appreciated, and women are granted similar rights as men: education, employment, policy and military services. Originally, the necessity to grant to women equal rights with men is just the result of feministic movements, but not the clear realization of this necessity by the citizens: in other words, the government would not grant these rights, if the feminists did not start their manifestations and protests against inequality.

It is necessary to emphasize, that regardless of the law projects, equal opportunities and other factors, that are regarded to be the matters of equality, men and women will never be completely equal, as humanity will never be able to equalize physiology, psychology and health factors. The equality that liberal states offer, provide the artificial parity, while it should be in the minds of the people, but not on the paper of the law project. The liberals just targeted the consequences, but not the root of the problem, that is why, it will take too much time, when the treatment is really equal. (Besse, 2002)

The origin of this disparity is in the deep differentiation of the gender roles. In liberal states this difference is often regarded as the reason of discrimination. Consequently, the women had to start essential protests in order to gain parity and gain the equal opportunities. That is why the strategy of alleviating of gender disparity can not be regarded successful in liberal states. It is also featured by the fact, that in general women are not regarded as equal to men.

Social Democratic States

The social democratic states are not so focused on achieving the gender equality, as these states often do not face this problem. The fact is that, the most states, that have selected the Social Democratic way of development have never challenged the trouble of gender inequalities. These are mainly the countries of Eastern Europe (Slavian countries) and the Northern Europe (Scandinavian states). Surely, there are some exceptions. China, for instance, selected the Social Democratic way, and still, the disparity stays on rather high level. The situation is aggravated by poverty, as poor citizens do not think of the latest trends in social life, and do not wish to treat someone equally, if this treatment was unequal for the centuries (Rives, 2001).

It should be stated, that gender inequality is pervasive in China, especially in the poorest rural regions of the country. Impoverished women and thei inequality with men is aimed to be treated with the microfinance programs, as these programs aim is to increase the womens stability, and grant them the decision making authority in the financial and political issues. Nevertheless, even the well-tuned microfinance program that was borrowed from Bangladesh and Latin America can not measure the success in decreasing the gender inequality.

On the first sight, the strategy of Social Democratic state has no difference with the strategy of the liberal power. Nevertheless, the deeper analysis reveals the fact, that Social Democrats act more deeply, as they aim to change the way of thinking, but not just change the corresponding law system, that grants the equality of the opportunities. The aim to change the way of thinking relies on the fact that the root of the problem of disparity is in the bringing up the children. Originally, the kid should regard their parents as the equal parts of the family; consequently, this treatment will be transmitted to the rest part of this kids life. The social democrats not only discovered the essence of the problem, but also tried to solve it, clearly realizing, that it will take some time, until the problem is solved.

The gender roles that are assigned to men and women in Social Democratic states undermine any credibility of discrimination, as men and women always worked together for the common welfare. The men hunted, worked in smithies, built houses and the women worked in the field, cared for cattle, poultry, brought up children etc. In spite of the fact, that the roles and jobs are different, the treatment to a woman as the keeper of the family hearth stayed until nowadays. Thus, the strategy of the Social Democrats may be regarded as more effective, as the parity is achieved by entirely different means and tools. The fact is that, the changes have been already made (where it was necessary), consequently, the problem is half solved. Nevertheless, it will take much time for the total equality was reached.

Other Variants

As it is stated in the previous chapters, neither liberal nor Social Democratic strategies are effective in solving the problems of gender inequality. Both strategies are not perfect, and both require too much time to solve the problem completely. The best variant is the combination of both approaches, that is targeted at the minds and at the law. Such approach could be observed in the period of Soviet Union creation, when the future Superpower had to restore after the consequences of the Civil War, and rebuild the financial and industrial structures. The fact is that, men and women equally struggled for the benefits of the Socialist revolution, and this united men and women, that were not very distant even before the revolution. The Soviet Union was the first State in the world that appointed a woman (Alexandra Kollontai) as the diplomatic representative of the State. This was an unprecedented event, and it symbolized, that in the State of Socialism the men and the women are equal. Women worked together with men at the plants and factories, drove trucks and tractors (Pasha Angelina), worked in mines etc. They did not struggle for the equality of their rights  the Russian women deserved these rights and the attitude as to equals. Surely, first, they were the objects of sexual discrimination among the working men, and were often laughed at. However, these instances were severely eliminated, and the offenders judged (often publically) and punished. In this case, women did not wish to bite off their own piece of pie, but they helped to struggle for the general welfare, and their great services to the Soviet country could not be forgotten (Rives, Yousefi, 2001).

Another variant is the elimination of any differences between genders (Australia). In distinction with the liberal system, that aims to provide equal opportunities on the legislative basis, the elimination of the differences means not only the equal opportunities, but also the equal obligations and corresponding treatment to women as to equal partakes of the society. The equation process in Australia has developed so extensively, that the movement of anti-feminists started its activity. Their slogan is we are women who were born to be women. However, the demographic situation in Australia is not favorable, and the male population outnumbers, thus, women are treated equally with the men, as the feminist movement would only worsen this situation: it is explained by the fact, that feminists prefer stay unmarried, consequently, the number of women, ready to create a family, will only decrease.

When Equality is Incredible

As it has been emphasized, in some States the sexual disparity is stated in the cultural and religious norms (India, Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Morocco etc): these are mainly the Islamic states, however India is also among them. Regardless of the norms and practices that may be borrowed from the Western states, this inequality is stated in the religious norms, and there is no need to argue on the matters of the religion significance for Muslims (Besse, 2002).

However, there is an exception. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, when creating the democracy in Turkey claimed, that the Turkish people should refuse from discriminating traditions, and allowed women to be elected to the parliament, preliminarily allowing women to vote. Luckily, this initiative was accepted gladly, though Ataturk was very charismatic leader, and could persuade people to refuse from the basis of their culture  religious principles. In this context, the countries with more powerful Islamic traditions will never be able to refuse from the principle, that men are superior then women, and moreover, will never allow women to enter the governmental institutions.

Conclusion

In conclusion it is necessary to mention, that liberal and social democratic welfare states do everything possible to eliminate the sexual disparity. Nevertheless, these strategies can not be regarded as successful, as liberals prefer solving the problem on the legislative basis, and consequently they get the opposite effect, as men appear to be more discriminated when employed, or during the judicial hearing. The Social Democratic strategy, in its turn, is mainly aimed at the minds of the citizens (China), however, this strategy requires too much time for the effect took place.

The best strategy of overcoming the crucial consequences of sexual disparity was implemented during the early years of Soviet Union existence. The main feature of this strategy was that women aimed to deserve this parity, and government assisted them in this striving, as men did not wish to share their working places at plants and factories with weak women. Nevertheless, women appeared to be powerful enough, and coped with discrimination and prejudices.

Still, there are some countries, where neither liberal nor Social Democratic strategies will have an effect. These are the Islamic countries (except Turkey), where the Muslim traditions are too powerful for being overcame by the legislative base.

References

1. Ackerson, L. K., & Subramanian, S. (2008). State Gender Inequality, Socioeconomic Status in India: A Multilevel Analysis. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 43(1), 81
2. Besse, S. K. (2002). Restructuring Patriarchy: The Modernization of Gender Inequality. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
3. Finnegan, G. (2005). The Scientific Reproduction of Gender Inequality: A Discourse Analysis of Research Texts on Womens Entrepreneurship. International Labour Review, 144(4), 502
4. Jackson, C. O. (Ed.). (2006). The Other Americans: Sexual Variance in the National Past. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.
5. Jacobs, J. A. (1996). Gender Inequality and Higher Education. 153
6. Kane, E. W., & Sanchez, L. (1994). Family Status and Criticism of Gender Inequality at Home and at Work. Social Forces, 72(4), 1079-1102.
7. Palazzari, K. (2007). The Daddy Double-Bind: How the Family and Medical Leave Act Perpetuates Sex Inequality across All Class Levels. Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, 16(2), 429
8. Paludi, M. & Paludi, C. A. (Eds.). (2003). Academic and Workplace Sexual Harassment: A Handbook of Cultural, Social Science, Management, and Legal Perspectives. Westport, CT: Praeger.
9. Rives, J. M. & Yousefi, M. (Eds.). (2001). Dimensions of Gender Inequality: A Global Perspective. Westport, CT: Greenwood.
10. Tindall, T., & Hamil, B. (2004). Gender Disparity in Education: The Causes, Consequences, and Solutions. Education, 125(2), 282

Although bureaucracy as a phenomenon has gained a rather negative coloring in the everyday use of the word, it is, in fact, supposed to describe a neutral phenomenon. Traditionally, the notion of bureaucracy is expected to imply strict adherence to rules and regulations, which, in itself, is a positive and even important part of organizational performance. However, in most of its iterations, bureaucracy poses a threat to democracy when implemented (Meier et al. 1577). Therefore, one will need to introduce control tools to contain the side effects of bureaucracy while amplifying the positive ones.

By using bureaucracy as a control tool for preventing instances of unfairness, dishonesty, and fraud from taking place and restricting the influence of bureaucracy to the specified area, one will be able to make it coexist with democracy. Moreover, the specified step will allow making bureaucracy serve one of democracys primary goals, namely, the promotion of justice and equity (Meier et al. 1578). When executed as functionally balanced notion, bureaucracy can become a rather powerful tool for maintaining the status quo and avoiding key risks. Moreover, when implemented as professionally competent, bureaucratic measures contribute to the effective functioning of democracy (Meier et al. 1561).

Overall, the reconciliation between bureaucracy and democracy is possible once the former is perceived as a control tool and not as a philosophy for officials to adhere to when implementing relevant goals. Moreover, bureaucracy can offer a way of maintaining the current system in order and keeping it sustainable so that it could remain effective in the future. Therefore, with the focus on the advantages that bureaucracy provides, one can reconcile it with democracy even if some of their aspects are quite contradictory.

Work Cited

Meier, Kenneth J., et al. Bureaucracy and the Failure of Politics: Challenges to Democratic Governance. Administration & Society, vol. 51, no. 10, 2019, pp. 1576-1605.

Introduction

The extension of market ties beyond national boundaries contrasts with liberalism due to the international nature rather than the state form. Through the use of the principle, this disagreement may be handled in two methodologies: by restricting international and commercial relationships or by internationalizing political institutions. As to comprehend the studys concerns, the research will call attention to unsustainable speculations of some globalization detractors, such as multiple Balkan writers. However, entering the EU will nearly completely globalize Serbia and Crotarias economies (Takao 88). The EU is now virtually the whole globe for them, and it will be considered so after the nations join. Such anti-globalization Europeanism might be understood if democracy was vital to them as a market competition regulator and a corrector of social inequalities.

However, admission to the Eu entails globalization of all national markets. As a result, an opponent of globalization in Serbia or Croatia should oppose their nations entry into the EU. Similarly, proponents of free trade favor EU integration and are hostile to the concept of Nation states. Although it seems evident that protection must violate at least some human rights, it is remarkable that some leftist critics of globalization are also defenders of human rights across the globe (Sugow et al. 95). On the other hand, rightwing proponents of globalization frequently outline a weakness for the nation state, which can only be speculated as a method of interference with market operation. Hence the study deduces that globalization and socialism, nationalism and globalization do not align.

Human rights are emerging as individual lives shift online. Human rights were innovated before the accelerated compelling of technology; however, their merit in protecting every person has not changed. Human rights protection must be effectively enforced in the critical worlds digital sphere. The same rights that individuals have online must also be protected offline. Information and communication technology (ICT) advancements have changed the lives of every individual on the planet, not just in terms of politics, social life, and economics (Takao 89). Individuals have been able to exercise their human rights to a greater extent thanks to technological innovation.

Technology has enabled people to exert their freedom to impart and seek information and ideas without regard to frontiers, either orally in writing o using paint as a form of art. People are increasingly entitled to disperse knowledge in the form of novels, from establishing a blog to launching a crowdfunding campaign (Takao 88). As a result of information technology, communication patterns have shifted to enable individuals to interact in novel ways. These advancements have become so common that people take them for granted. Instead of sending an old-fashioned letter, millions of citizens use global online tools to communicate with their relatives and send remittances back home.

Moreover, people are empowered to express their various necessities through technology which aids in strengthening minorities and allows collective mobilization. However, technology is biased but ambivalent. It is unconcerned about its effects or use. Suppose human rights are to be fully guarded online; hence the impact of that biasness on human life and their link to the social, economic, and political process must be explored. In multiple cases, individuals have been exposed to new risks to their human freedom due to technology.

The transition of the rights to the digital domain is identified as the government censorship of online content becoming increasingly common. However, businesses and institutions subjective decisions when innovating computer algorithms to process data may comply with obstruction of freedom of expression. In the preceding years, one of the critical issues will be ensuring that the algorithm is developed to comply with human rights standards. In the technological era, the right to privacy has gotten much attention in recent decades. Evidence keeps surfacing that third parties can access private data from the government or organizations with increasing ease.

The public awareness of government surveillance and collection of personal data by large firms has risen, motivating many individuals to ensure the right to privacy in the online domain. However, bringing human rights to the internet must consider more than freedom of privacy and expression. It is imperative to highlight and analyze transitional effects if all human rights are valid offline. In the online sphere, the specifically ongoing practice of details assembling for scrutiny motives without preceding cynicism put the right to be alleged innocent until demonstrated guilty into question. Such anti-terror legislation has been credibly argued to determine the resumption of innocence.

Gezi Park in turkey is explicit, as was the government response used blocking and internet outages to prevent individuals from coordinating and gathering their protests. In this light, it is clear that the right to peaceful assembly and associations must also be examined in the digital realm (Sugow et al. 100). Social and economic rights and rights to be free of discrimination are also protected in the exact mechanism. The shift to the digital sphere has a growing influence on these rights. A strong push toward cyber security is one of the responses to concerns about national security. States have an increasing inclination to dispense security and military chronicles of the internet, whether it is a fight against terrorism.

The cyber security narratives tend to be heavy on security and short on human rights concerns. For instance, cyber security stories are frequently focused on private area implementation and preside outside of entrenched legal frameworks. While this may be a more rapid response to cyber-attacks, it undermines constitutional limits and protects state control over cyber security policy. The European Unions member states and other countries face a significant challenge in refining online definitions of all human rights (Sugow et al. 95). Moreover, the current human rights framework must be reevaluated to consider the potential adverse influence of technological advancements.

As a significant international player with established devotion to human rights, the European Union plays a vital role in modifying present human rights concepts to technological advancement. The second phase the EU should initiate is to promote human rights by adjusting external and internal policies to the digital realm. The influence of the European Union and state actors will be limited as long as power in the digital domain is exercised outside of sovereign states territorial jurisdiction. Hence network and cooperation-oriented approaches are crucial for ensuring the protection and transition of human rights in the digital era (Shieh 4). Individual rights should be the focus of the discussion rather than boundaries. The article explores the impact of technology on human rights and the human policies initiated to govern human rights and freedom in the digital era.

Influence of Technology

People in numerous nations face human rights violations due to their usage of it and the internet. Much has been erudite concerning the pertinence of human rights online through examples of those abuses (Sharp 52). Reporters without borders enemies of the internet list are one of the instances where human rights have been violated. Ethiopia, India, North Korea, Pakistan, and Russia are among the countries represented. The overview focuses on human rights and artificial intelligence, the right to privacy, and freedom of articulation.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Human Rights

There is a great apprehension that growing machine independence would jeopardize human jobs. The concern is intensified by a lack of certainty about who will be held responsible either morally or legally when the AI machine causes harm (Riti et al.150). Automation and Al are altering the global employment market and substantially affecting the right to an adequate and fair job. Machine learning (ML), a form of AL, is quickly evolving, opening doors to accuracy, efficiency, and power ranging from cancer diagnosis to self-driving cars.

Data is the most significant component of machine learning. Companies like Hire Vue AL use this mechanism to make the hiring process more efficient. However, not all data is created equally and available in the same way across populations and regions (Sharp 53). Insufficient data availability and error or biased information are two of the most significant sources of risk for data-related prejudice. Hence technology has reduced human freedom as it has innovated machines to work for humans; thus, they become dependent on them. Moreover, it has reduced job opportunities hence increasing the rate of poverty.

Freedom of Expression

When it comes to freedom of expression government often violates it. People can use the internet to exercise their right to freedom of expression of opinion by exchanging and communicating ideas (Riti et al. 500). The number of people using the internet has increased by 2.3 billion since 2000. The government may employ multiple tactics, such as screening, restricting content, and cutting off access to technology: journalists, dissidents, and other individuals who express themselves online face adverse in several parts worldwide. The risk appears mainly in Syria, where the government closely monitors residents online activities to the point where many journalists have been slain, with some being imprisoned or kidnapped.

Since 2011 the committee to protect journalists has identified 89 cases of media or journalist workers slain in Syria. Pakistan is one of the few nations that come to close o Syria in terms of the threat to media and journalist workers lives, having 81 journalists slain(Shieh 5). Syria employs network and internet restrictions as part of the large-scale military operations. Governments in countries where the telecommunication industry is not as tightly regulated may strive to enchant their censorship capabilities by enacting new legislation. A regulation forcing social media users and bloggers to register with the authority has added constraints on freedom of articulation.

The Right to Seclusion with the Internet of Things

The line between the public and private realms blurs, placing individuals rights to privacy at risk. According to business insider, by 2020, there will be 34 billion gadgets connected to the internet. From smartphone location monitoring to motion sensors with an inbuilt video camera filming a persons movements, all those technologies have the power to track and interact with individuals data (Krutch 7). Although several people value privacy more than ever, millions of individuals unknowingly give away their personal information.

Policy Dynamism Promoting the Alteration of Human Rights

Multiple governments have improved their surveillance capabilities over the past years, thus posing threats to the right to privacy. Several repressive regimes rely on effective and sophisticated surveillance software developed primarily in the north and Europe. A person can watch an original video as similar internet filtering practices can be located in several nations. From a policy and legal standpoint, the distinction between mass and targeted surveillance is critical (Adewoyin and Ayogu 10). Mass surveillance focuses on gathering as much data as possible from the internet, a random practice likely to violate the ICCPR art provision.

Targeted surveillance is focused primarily on a single person, a group, or a religion. It is at least potentially legal under international human rights regulations. Multiple European firms, including Qosmos of ultimate Germany and France, have been accused of selling surveillance technology to the Syrian government. Targeted malware has been used frequently and extensively during the Syrian conflict. At the same time, physical attacks that include torture, bombing, and military strikes are connected to attacks on Syrian internet surveillance and infrastructure (Riti et al. 302). Activists are likely to be killed and targeted when the network operates appropriately. When a network fails, it is usually a sign that a specific location is about to be bombed.

Human Rights Policy Initiatives

However, in the end, no guidelines or laws will be able to address all of the issues that digital development has innovated. To adequately protect digital rights and freedom of individuals, nations must work together to develop intelligent and comprehensive policies to meet their obligations under international agreements. Corporate executives ought to guarantee that due diligence as well as organizational compliance procedures safeguard and promote equality of opportunity (Sugow et al. 97). Export controls are increasingly significant to enchant human rights based on international policy. Existing measures, however, have proven to be insufficient in preventing the export of surveillance and censorship technologies to nations where human rights are violated daily due to a lack of oversight and international coordination (Sugow et al. 98). The Wassenaar arrangement is a forum for coordination but focuses on global stability and security rather than human rights. Although the listing is updated yearly, it takes time for surveillance and censorship technologies to be added.

Export control is emerging as a significant piece of equipment for enacting a human rights-based perspective in international policy. However, existing enchantments have proven inadequate in preventing the export of surveillance and censorship technologies to nations where human rights are occasionally violated because of a lack of oversight and international coordination. The Wassenaar arrangement is one such forum for coordination, although it focuses on global security and stability rather than human rights; despite the listing being updated yearly, it takes a significant amount of time for surveillance and censorship technologies to be added.

While some surveillance technologies, including targeted and mass surveillance, are listed in the current Wassenaar, where the definitions are to be updated to guarantee they cover the appropriate technologies. Apprehensions have been outlined about negotiating the actual list employed in Wassenaar. The negotiation takes place between a few government experts where there is minimal transparency about decision-making initiatives raising questions concerning the credibility of Wassennars.In contrast, civil communities and investigative journalists have played a significant role in monitoring the sale of unlined technologies.

Internet Governance and World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) Process

The WSIS meeting which was held in Tunis in 2005 and Geneva in 2003, proclaimed that it is necessary to give special attention to ICTs and other technological breakthroughs. Individuals need to live in a people-based, comprehensive, as well as growth-oriented Information Society. The two summits marked the beginning of a ten-year process in which several action lines would be taken to reach this aim. The human rights-based component is essential in this process since it focuses on individual empowerment, inclusive participation, affordability, and policies for access. The current discussion about Internet Governances missing control calls the WSIS processs utility into doubt. Therefore, the difficulty becomes ensuring that human rights are considered in all future advancements. In this instance, the United Nations Second committee might assist by broadening the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) term until the end of 2015 (Sugow et al. 105). Any appendage should establish that the IGF addresses multiple of its criticisms.

Freedom Online Coalition

The online freedom coalition is a worldwide coalition of twenty-six governments from both poor and healthy nations, with 12 within Europe. The FOC organizes diplomatic efforts to promote online freedom of association, assembly, privacy, and expression. The measures include issuing demarcates and diplomatic notes in case of suspected human rights breaches online, sharing information, developing stances in international discussion, and developing joint public statements (Adewoyin and Ayogu 12). The coalition is expected to be involved in innovating consistent and suitable national regulations and laws that minimize the export and employment of such technologies.FOC is alleged to be used as cover by the authority to deflect accusations of human rights concerns.

Measures to Ensure Technological Sovereignty

Many nations have asked for steps to defend their citizens technological sovereignty to protect them from mass spying. It has meant compelling private amenities contributors to nationalize their functioning so that the government may obtain more extraordinary jurisdiction over the figures they keep. Although human rights, particularly the right to privacy, are commonly claimed to account for such acts, they also represent a change away from a state-centric approach to national security (Adewoyin and Ayogu 7). While governments seek more control over sensitive data, such efforts may only be lawful if states enhance human rights standards when localizing data.

Several European officials and corporations have advocated data localization standards, local internet traffic routing, and national email, but none has gained general acceptance. For example, the President of the European Council, Herman Van Rompuy, proposed additional undersea connections connecting Europe and Latin America. At the same time, the Finnish Minister of communication and Education, Krista Kiuru, wanted Finland to be a secure haven for data. Outside of Europe, Brazil was the first to contemplate mandating international corporations to retain data within its boundaries (Riti et al. 210). Nonetheless, this clause was subsequently omitted from the final language of its 2014 Marco Civil da Internet, or Internet Rights Bill. Russia, on the other hand, has plans for data localization.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the world is amidst a massive technological transformation that has influenced all aspects of society. Digital technology has implicated multiple issues in exercising human governance rights and security. The test for authority private sector actors, the technology community, and civil society is whether they can develop holistic and proactive policies to ensure technology will be employed to increase security and freedom. Moreover, the benefits of digital technology are diffused to individuals worldwide through multi-stakeholder collaboration. The article summarizes human rights approaches in all dimensions and how technology influences them. The overt emphasis on monitoring and censorship has disguised several other human rights-based equally significant entities. While the study has attempted to present other examples, this research is likewise biased toward monitoring and censorship. It is a continual effort to broaden the view of this discourse and outline the vast number of rights influenced. There is perhaps no aspect of human rights that digital technology has not impacted. Thus technology harms freedom concerning the rights perspective.

Works Cited

Adewoyin, Oluwande, and Bosede Ayogu. My Freedom: Assessing Reactance in a High Freedom Persuasive Website. FUOYE Journal of Engineering and Technology, vol 4, no. 2, 2019, pp. 5-15. Faculty of Engineering, Federal University Oye-Ekiti.

Krutch, Joseph Wood. The Best of Two Worlds. W. Sloane Associates, 1953, pp. 1-8.

Riti, Joshua Sunday, et al. Institutional Quality and Environmental Sustainability: The Role of Freedom of Press in Most Freedom of Press Countries. Environmental Impact Assessment Review, vol 91, 2021, pp. 106-656. Elsevier BV.

Sharp, Lucy. Materials Technology: Innovations and Progress. Impact, vol 2020, no. 2, 2020, pp. 52-53. Science Impact, Ltd.

Shieh, Dar-Bin. Driving Taiwanese Science and Technology Research. Impact, vol 2020, no. 4, 2020, pp. 4-5. Science Impact, Ltd.

Sugow, Abdulmalik et al. Appraising the Impact of KenyaS Cyber-Harassment law on the Freedom of Expression. Journal of Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law (JIPIT), vol 1, no. 1, 2021, pp. 91-114. Strathmore University.

Takao, Hidekuni. Nano-Tactile Sensing Technology. Impact, vol 2018, no. 9, 2018, pp. 88 90. Science Impact, Ltd.

The article looks at the views of French historian Alexis de Tocqueville on democracy and its potential dangers. The scholar praised this political system but noted that it might become a Tyranny of the Majority (de Tocqueville, Alexis). Tyranny is generally associated with a dictatorship of political leaders who misuse their power. De Tocqueville emphasizes that when people unite, they do not change their nature and still seek power to pursue their own interests. In this way, the historian warns the readers that even democracy can become a tyranny if the majority starts to act like a dictator, ignoring the interests and rights of minority groups. De Tocqueville concludes that excessive power and freedom granted to people might be as dangerous as when they have none of it.

I do not think de Tocquevilles views on democracy are still as relevant as they were in the 19th century since many developed countries have already accepted the same ideas. However, the historians criticism was very useful for the democracys development and demonstrates how much progress has been made to achieve the present state. Now, everyone admits that true democracy does not ignore the interests of vulnerable and oppressed groups. Council of Europe states that democracy is not the rule of the majority but is government on behalf of all the people, according to their will (Democracy). To ensure that, modern democratic models rely on two basic principles: individual autonomy and equality (Democracy). However, today, democratic governments face new challenges, such as complex issues of a globalized society, including terrorism or mass migration (Stavridis). Additionally, there is a growing dissatisfaction of people when they fail to address these problems properly (Stavridis). Thus, de Tocquevilles criticism shows that no political system, even democracy, is perfect, and it needs to constantly evolve and adjust to new conditions to stay efficient.

Works Cited

Democracy. Council of Europe.

de Tocqueville, Alexis. Democracy in America. Translated by Henry Reeve, Penguin Random House, 2000.

Stavridis, James. Democracy Isnt Perfect, But It Will Still Prevail. Time, 2018.

Americas involvement in Iraq has often been called by some strategic experts as the worst strategic decision since the Vietnam War. The continuing U.S. efforts to transform the authoritarian, multi-ethnic, and religiously divided Iraq into a liberal, democratic, capitalist, and secular nation-state is facing considerable difficulty and this essay aims to explain why the concept of Western liberal democracy can never take root in this ancient land and what should be the best way forward to restore stability and governance in Iraq.

The essay first explains the dynamics of ethnic composition of Iraq and how the cultural characteristics of Mideast societies make it difficult for them to adopt Western concepts such as democracy. The essay then explains the importance of understanding the age old differences between the Shias and the Sunnis and how these are irreconcilable and thus must be factored to understand the difficulties in establishing democracy in Iraq. The essay then highlights the serious effects of initial American policies of debaathification and its concomitant effect in the ensuing civil war.

The Iran factor is then explained to state that any hope of stability in Iraq will necessarily require the US to mend its relations with Iran.

The essay concludes by stating that the choices before the Obama administration are indeed few, with a precipitous withdrawal not being an option as it would result in a dangerous vacuum. The best option would be to carry out a phased withdrawal from Iraq, stabilizing the present Iraqi establishment and letting the Iraqis decide for themselves which form of political system they wished to adopt.

Americas involvement in Iraq has often been called by some strategic experts as the worst strategic decision since the Vietnam War. In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, America declared a War on Terror and invaded Afghanistan to root out the perpetrators of the Twin Towers terror attacks. Today most Western policymakers, who are children of this era, cannot conceive of the possibility that their own words and deeds could lead to evil, not good (Madhubani 37). This statement holds good for the American decision to invade Iraq to remove Saddam Hussein. Whatever be the merits or the demerits of the decision, Iraq today poses formidable foreign policy challenges to the Obama administration. The continuing U.S. efforts to transform the authoritarian, multi-ethnic, and religiously divided Iraq into a liberal, democratic, capitalist, and secular nation-state is facing considerable difficulty and this essay aims to explain why the concept of Western liberal democracy can never take root in this ancient land and what should be the best way forward to restore stability and governance in Iraq.

Iraq, a Muslim dominated country located in the Middle East between Iran and Kuwait has always had a tumultuous past. Originally part of the Ottoman empire, this country of 23 million, consists of a majority of Shia Muslims(60-65%), followed by Sunni Muslims (32-37%), the Kurds (15-20%) and a sprinkling of Christians and lesser sects (CIA World Fact Book 1). Since its independence, the country has been dominated by the Baathist party, a Sunni dominated grouping, which ruled with an iron hand over the majority Shia population. Saddam Hussein was the latest in the line of Sunni military leaders in power in Iraq. Iraq had never been a democratic country. In fact other than one aberration, Turkey, all Islamic states without exception have some form of monarchy or religious clergy as the dominant political entities. In the Middle East and West Asia, political identities tend to be drawn instead either from ones religious affiliation or ones local kin groupbe it the tribe, clan, village, neighborhood, sect, region, or professional association (Friedman 98). This has been the norm for centuries which cannot be replaced with the modern, new fangled ideas of democracy in a short span of time. Huntington with reference to Mideast cultures himself admitted that cultural characteristics and differences are less mutable and hence less easily compromised and resolved than political and economic ones (5). Thus to create a political system in Iraq mirroring the Western liberal democratic model may well be impossible.

The Shia-Sunni divide is rooted in an ancient past where the differences are basically ideological and can never be reconciled. Peace in Iraq traditionally had been enforced through the utilization of strong arm tactics. Fear was the key that kept the minority Sunni sect in power and in control of the majority Shia population. The Baath party under Saddam Hussein maintained their iron grip and at the same time held some very progressive views. The Iraqi regime, though not admitting that it was in any sense anti-Islamic, was at that time committed to a secular, nationalist ideology (Lewis 152). Iraq under Saddam Hussein had a working government no matter how brutal and it had a civic system which delivered albeit, with harshness towards those who defaulted.

Different cultures have different yardsticks of what constitutes human rights as the Chinese and the Iranians would take pains to tell and that the concept of universal equality and human rights do not sit well in traditional societies of the Middle East and the Orient. This fundamental difference in mindset and culture is a difficult concept for Western sensibilities to understand or countenance and it is this civilizational difference that has led to many conflicts. The removal of Saddam Hussein, unleashed the old animosities between the Shias and the Sunnis. The first few serious missteps such as disbanding the Iraqi army and debaathification of the political class left a large section of the population without employment, with plenty of arms and many an inducements from other players resulting in an internecine conflict bordering on a civil war.

The removal of Saddam Hussein and the debaathifcation process handed Iran a strategic advantage without even firing a shot. At one point, Iran now had a Shia majority government in power in Iraq, which it could manipulate giving rise to the fears of a future Shia Super state in the Middle East. Iran realizing the trouble that the US was facing has upped its support to the Shia rebel groups in Iraq who are at odds with the US armed forces. A steady supply of arms, ammunition, money and training of insurgents continues to make its way from Tehran. American strategies in Iraq can never succeed unless it finds ways and means to mend its relations with Iran. The fact that the strategic fulcrum of West Asia had always rested on the ancient kingdom of Persia is a lesson from history which the American foreign policy makers must relearn if they wish to achieve any modicum of stability in Iraq. The presence of Al Qaeda in Iraq is a temporary phenomenon. West Asian and Middle East communities coalesce around their clans and tribes and do not like interference from outsiders even if they be of the same religion. Pan-Islamism as a concept is acceptable to Muslims as long as it does not impinge their home turf. Thus the real challenges for the Obama administration would be to find ways to stop the civil war which lies at the heart of the present instability in Iraq.

The choices that are now available to the US are stark. To withdraw precipitously from Iraq would lead to a renewed civil war. A withdrawal of the US from the region to concentrate on Afghanistan will leave a power vacuum in the region, which is sure to be filled in by Iran. Complete withdrawal may also enable Al Qaeda to stage a recovery in Iraq where its fortunes have been on low ebb for the past few months. Ground realities thus dictate that American forces would be required in Iraq for a long time to come. The aim should be a gradual withdrawal of troops, revolving around stabilizing the Iraqi establishment becoming resilient enough to handle internal and external threats. The low intensity civil war will continue for some time to come till the various demographic factions within the country find social and political equilibrium. The presumption of Westerners that other peoples who modernize must become like us is a bit of Western arrogance (Huntington 64) must be put away and the vaunted American ideology to spread democracy everywhere must take a back seat. Considering the social and cultural environment, one can, over time, expect a quasi western democratic model to emerge or a slide back to dictatorship or an Iranian style religious theocracy. Whatever be the form of government, the best American foreign policy initiative would be to let the Iraqis determine for themselves which form of political system to adopt. That in essence would be the best option for America in Iraq.

Works Cited

CIA World Fact Book. Iraq. 2009. Web.

Friedman, Thomas L. Hama Rules. Friedman, Thomas L. From Beirut to Jerusalem. Sydney: Anchor Books Doubleday, 1995. 73-105.

Huntington, Samuel. If Not Civilizations, What? Paradigms of the Post-Cold War World. Foreign Affairs (1993): 56-67.

The Clash of Civilizations. Foreign Affairs (1993): 1-25.

Lewis, Bernard. Islam and the West. NY: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Madhubani, Kishore. The Dangers of Decadence: What the Rest can teach the West. Foreign Affairs (1993): 36-40.

Introduction

Many political ideologies exist in the U.S. ranging from far right-wing conservatism to far-leftist philosophy. However, only two major parties, Republican and Democratic, are available to represent this vast range of viewpoints. Ideologies are formed by a persons innermost beliefs, cultivated by years of thought and shaped by lifes numerous experiences. An ideological debate causes a more emotive response in individuals than does any other.

The 9-11 attacks, abortion the war in Iraq, civil liberties, global warming, health care, gay marriage, stem cell research, and many other politically motivating subjects have ignited emotional ideological battles. Few times in American history has the political chasm been as wide. Seemingly, Democrats and Republicans can agree on nothing and this ideological difference is expanding.

The Great Divide

The tenets of Liberalism that define the Democratic Party proclaim a strong conviction in democracy and belief that the constitutional authority of the people will limit a powerful, expansive government. Liberal legislative leadership, partly through necessity, has instigated steady governmental growth well beyond where the architects of the constitution and most citizens would favor. The conservative ideology defines the Republican Party.

Conservatives are against the government regulating corporations but are very much for legislation that regulates the private conduct of individuals. Abortion, stem cells, teaching evolution, and gay marriage are preeminent examples of current ideological debates between Republicans and Democrats. (Dorf, 2003).

Abortion/Gay Marriage

Those of the Republican, conservative ideology are against legalizing abortion. They believe it to be murder and are crusading to save babies lives. However, conservatives are also against funding prenatal care programs and post-natal welfare-type programs designed to feed and clothe small children. Those of a Democrats ideology believe this logic to be contradictory (Lakoff, 2002). Liberals claim that gay marriage is a civil rights issue and whether or not they endorse this particular lifestyle will strongly act to defend the concept of gay marriage, or civil unions, based on this closely held ideology. Opponents of gay marriage claim that legalizing it will serve to endorse homosexuality, however; the number of gay people will hardly change in either direction simply because of legislation (Tucker, 2006).

Science/Religion

Creationism, creation science, and the intelligent design theory are similar terms that conservative, Republican religious factions have used to explain the origins of the universe which they want to be inserted into public education. (Jones, 2005). Attempts to establish religious beliefs into public school systems would certainly cause some teachers and students to be offended and, although Christianity is the predominant religion in the U.S., the Constitution serves to protect the minority. Democrats are quick to point out this fact. (Black, 1962).

Conclusion

Democrats and Republicans have taken sides on these most imperative of issues with both sides claiming ideological differences. Whether a person believes that the earth evolved by accident or was created in six days, which ideology thinks it right to destroy it? What ideology can explain invading and occupying a sovereign nation that did not attack first? Some issues go well beyond simple ideological leanings. If politics were debated and decided based on competing ideologies alone without other motivating factors such as greed, power, and domination becoming the deciding factor, Democrats and Republicans might work better together for the betterment of the country.

Works Cited

Black, Justice. Engel et al v. Vitale et al. This Nation.com. 370 U.S. 421 (1962). Web.

Dorf, Michael D. Was Roe v. Wade Rightly Decided? Will it be Overruled? CNN Law Center. (2003). Web.

Jones, Arthur. Workshop: Myth and Fraud in Science Teaching from Copernicus to Darwin in the Textbooks and Popular Literature of Science. (2005). Dordt College. Web.

Lakoff, George. Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think. (2nd Ed.). University of Chicago Press, 2002.

Tucker, Brian. Constitutional Amendments to Ban Gay Marriage. Crains Cleveland Business. Vol. 27, I. 24, 2006.

The Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe book by Linz and Stepan explore the issue of democratic transitions defining the core issues and making adequate assumptions concerning the causes and conditions that lead to them.

The post-authoritarian democracies, in particular, post-1989 Europe and the former Soviet Union constitute the focal focus of the book. Authors state that democracy is regarded consolidated in the case it is the only game in town (Linz and Stepan 5). This means the correspondence to the three dimensions including behavioral, constitutional, and attitudinal ones. The behavioral dimension refers to the fact that no actor, in other words, a team or group spends significant resources trying to change the democratic regime or achieve secession. Regarding the constitutional dimension, democracy is considered consolidated when governmental and non-governmental forces operate in a similar way striving to common goals.

The attitudinal dimension supposes the situation when public opinion strongly supports the democratic regime. Linz and Stepan distinguish the five arenas of a consolidated democracy, each of which is essential for the existence of the democratic regime (7). Being a form of state governance, democracy requires the following components to be incorporated in it: a civil society free of association and communication; a political society with free and inclusive electoral contestation; a rule of law to guarantee constitutionalism; a rational-legal bureaucracy; and an economic society with institutionalized markets and a certain degree of regulation by the state (Linz and Stepan 14).

Furthermore, authors discuss the notion of states that occur when one confuses nation and state and decides, for instance, the question of citizenship. At that, Linz and Stepan emphasize the great importance of state existence pinpointing that the absence of an organization with the attributes of a modern state&precludes democratic governance over the whole territory of the state, although it might not preclude areas of segmented political authority (18). A state is represented here as a range of institutions performing specific functions.

In terms of nationalism, authors claim that the nation-state policy often has a different logic than a democratic policy (Linz and Stepan 25). It is reflected in the alienation of some nations from the state governing, for instance, when one language is recognized official in a multinational setting. At the same time, the chances to consolidate are bigger in multinational states due to equal citizenship granted to individuals. Providing thorough analysis, authors consider the two additional non-democratic regimes including post-totalitarian and sultanic. At that, pluralism, ideology, mobilization, and leadership criteria serve as a basis for their comparison and discussion. After that, the authors provide tables that explain several transition paths and consolidation tasks inherent to a particular country.

Reading this work, it becomes evident that Linz and Stepan aim to explain a part of democracy focusing on transition and consolidation in post-authoritarian societies. Variables utilized by authors include a range of countries and appropriate criteria for their evaluation. This explanation clarifies the causal mechanisms that lead to the identified types of democracy. It should be stressed that authors utilize both political and economical instruments to explain their assumptions. Such a comprehensive approach promotes a clear understanding of the theme.

In particular, combining such factors as economic conditions, market, elections, and several others, they achieve a multifaceted explanation. At the same time, they avoid economism and politicism preventing the reduction of all facts to these dimensions. As for international factors, Linz and Stepan provide the evaluation of many countries, among which one might note Hungary, Bulgaria, USSR, Czechoslovakia, and others, yet the analysis does not focus on the connection between them. The selection of the above cases is justified by their relation to the identified regions of post-authoritarian regimes. Cases operationalized by authors are analyzed and measured appropriately. Also, they provide data and background information concerning all the cases.

Analyzing the data, authors apply the methods of scientific research and empirical evidence that, in turn, contribute to the objective consideration of the topic. As a result of the empirical analysis, the authors specify information related to certain countries. At that, various tables benefit the visibility of data. Through the research, they strengthen their proposed explanations and acquire a basis for further discussion. Speaking of the focal contribution, it should be emphasized that the importance of the notion of democratic consolidation cannot be overestimated.

The post-authoritarian democracies present rather ambiguous and complex phenomenon that needs to be analyzed in detail to understand their consequences and implications both in local and global contexts. The only weakness of the work that might be noted is the absence of limitations, in other words, the shortage of factors that might limit the suggested information. As was stated before, the work by Linz and Stepan is relevant to the debate on the topic yet it might be improved and complemented by new works. For example, Rizman and Ethier present contemporary views on the topic. Howbeit, this work is essential to comprehend core definitions as well as tendencies related to democratic transition and consolidation in the post-authoritarian setting.

In his turn, Lijphart focuses on consociational democracy in his Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration book. According to Lijphart, a concept of consociational democracy might be referred to as a complete and self-sufficient theory, in which one observes a double phenomenon of the emergence of the vertical segmentation into separate groups according to certain common characteristics including religion, language, race, ethnicity, and ideology and the institutionalization of the negotiation process at the level of the groups of elites. Speaking of consociationalism, Lijphart distinguishes the two principal aspects: a plural society with segmental cleavages; and the segmental elites cooperate through consociational structures (5). The author claims that democracy necessitates in cross-cutting cleavages that might involve religion, linguistic division, or ethnicity. However, he strives to develop such a model of state governance that will work even in the absence of the aforementioned cleavages.

The political stability which includes such concepts as system maintenance, civil order, legitimacy, and effectiveness serves as an essential foundation of the system. Developing the theory of consociational democracy, Lijphart specifies the most significant characteristics of the regime that are as follows: the high probability of preservation of democracy and a low level of violence applied to the public (21). Precisely speaking, Lijphart highlights the four main characteristics of consociational democracy:

• A grand coalition. The exercise of power by a large coalition of political leaders of all significant segments of the plural society that assumes, first of all, the creation of a coalition government with the participation of all parties representing the main sectors of society (25);
• Proportionality as the guiding principle of political representation and the distribution of posts in the state apparatus and the state budget (38);
• Mutual veto or the rule of the matching of the majority that acts as an additional guarantee of the vital interests of the minorities (36). It involves the final decision of a qualified majority with two-thirds or three-fourths majority vote that would give minorities more chances for the defense of their interests;
• Segmental autonomy and federalism that suppose a high degree of autonomy of each segment in the management of its internal affairs (41).

The study conducted by the author is conceptualized and focused on democracy within multiple societies. The author proposes the change in the democracy level suggesting appropriate decisions towards its development. In the role of dependant variables, Lijphart utilizes mutual veto, proportionality, segmental autonomy, and a grand coalition. However, it is better to say that these variables are interdependent as the change of one of them leads to the change in others and democracy essence in general. On the contrary to the work by Linz and Stepan, Lijphart applies only political terms avoiding cultural or economic factors. At that, he explores plural societies to ensure the rights of minorities.

Also, he does not address international factors preferring to compare democracies existing in different countries. Lijphart selects the four cases of the Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland, and Austria to explain his comparative insights. After that, he applies the identified model of consociational democracy to a wide range of countries from Canada to Indonesia. Therefore, the selection of the author aims at embracing multiple countries. Speaking of the chapters specified in the assignment, it is important to note that Lijphart represents working definitions and assumptions making it possible for the reader to understand the topic correctly and properly. Likewise, Linz and Stepan, Lijphart uses empirical evidence and scientific research methods to conduct the analysis. Also, he puts causal mechanisms in the core of study and explanation. The result of such an approach undoubtedly benefits the study and strengthens proposed assumptions.

The key contribution of the work is the fact that Lijphart investigates democracy in plural societies promoting the rights of minorities. His clear explanation of variables necessary to democracy existing also should be noted as a contribution. Perhaps, the weakness of the work lays in the lack of economic factors. It seems that the addition of economic variables might enhance the explanation. In his work, Lijphart bases on other scientists ideas to improve on them. For instance, the assumption that the two-party system contributes to the cross-cutting cleavages was examined. As a result, he debunked this hypothesis using strong arguments related to real events. Furthermore, several prominent political science researchers have contributed to the emergence and further development of this theory as well. In particular, it is worth noting that Corwin, Lembruch, and other political scientists work on this theme.

Thus, the detailed consideration of the problem of democratic consolidation principles to the plural nature of some societies has led to the construction of the independent concept of consociationalism. It should be noted that this concept fits the nowadays disputes and the resolution of the problems along with conflicts in multipartite societies. To conclude, it should be emphasized that the common theme of democratic transition was discussed in both suggested works. While the work by Linz and Stepan focuses on post-authoritarian democracies, the work by Lijphart explores democracy in plural societies.

Works Cited

Lijphart, Arend. Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration. New Haven: Yale UP, 1977. Print.

Linz, Juan J., and Alfred Stepan. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1996. Print.

The process of building democracy is defined not by political statements but by the change in peoples perception of political relationships. While South Africa has been known as a state with an ostensibly democratic regime for nearly a quarter of a century, yet its current state of political freedom raises a range of questions. Specifically, the fact that South African society has not been democratized needs to be mentioned. South Africa has a complex history of fighting for its peoples right to live in a democratic community, with the end of the Apartheid symbolizing the conclusion to the unjust and authoritarian regime (Hickel, 2015). By using an education program allowing people to learn more about democratic principles, one will change social perceptions and contribute to building democracy in South Africa.

Overall, the lack of democratization within South African society can be seen as the primary problem that has to be managed for democratic principles to be established within the republic. The lack of understanding of what constitutes democracy within South African society is the foundational reason for the state to have failed to build democracy over its 25 years of political freedom. The type of quasi-democracy that can be observed in South Africa can be defined as representative since people elected by South African citizens are expected to represent them in the parliament.

In order to resolve the current issue within South African society, specifically, the lack of understanding by general audiences what constitutes democracy, one may need to introduce an educational program. The program will incorporate basic concepts of a democratic system and the standards that it upholds. Thus, democratic values and ideas can be fostered within South African society, encouraging people to contribute to building the political system that represents the associated values and the needs of its population to the best extent possible.

References

Hickel, J. (2015). Democracy as death: The moral order of anti-liberal politics in South Africa. Oakland, CA: University of California Press.

Pickvance, K. (2019). Democracy and environmental movements in Eastern Europe: A comparative study of Hungary and Russia. New York, NY: Routledge.

Parliamentary democracy

At the beginning of the 21st century, parliamentary and presidential democracies are the main forms of power. Parliamentary democracy is a structure of state power wherein the state leaders of the executive branch are appointed by the legislature. In a parliamentary democracy, legislative and executive branches of power are closely connected. Moreover, the presence of representatives of the central state in the (ministerial field services ensures that decisions taken at the local level are supervised and coordinated. Overall, the leadership capacities of the government institutions are not formally restricted by the powers of the local governmental agencies (for the structure of local power), Furthermore, the ordinary person looks towards the central state for guidance and the resolution of the problems (Hague et al 1998). In contrast to presidential democracy, in parliamentary democracy, there is a clear distinction between the head of the state and the head of the government. The myth of all-powerful governance is ingrained in the national political culture. In the political tradition, the state does not represent divisive, sectional interests, but the common good. It represents the will of the population, legislating on its behalf and implementing legislation in a way that is rational and impartial. The government defends the individual against potentially harmful private interests (Plattner, 2007).

Presidential democracy

In contrast to parliamentary democracy, the executive branch is separated from the legislature in a presidential democracy. The head of the state, the President, protects the system from centrifugal tendencies, which would otherwise threaten to tear the country apart. presidential democracy allows a long-term perspective to prevail over short-term expediency. For all these reasons, there is a widespread belief that political leadership is exercised from the center. Only political leaders at the central level have the authority to take the initiative and to exercise leadership. Therefore, both constitutionally and politically, the remit of political leaders at the central level is both legitimized and unbounded by territorial constraints. At the same time, while in a formal sense center-periphery relations are similar to those found in a presidential democracy, in practice the role of local government is more influential than its presidential democracy counterpart (Hague et al 1998).

Discussion section

Amongst other reforms, the powers of presidential democracy enjoyed by the state-appointed ministers over local councils are reduced; a new tier of elected local authorities at the regional level was introduced, and more powers were given to the mayors of municipal councils. Overall, parliamentary democracy has served to increase the role played by local authorities in the political system. The central government is the main partner in the relationship with the localities, but a new and more equitable distribution of power has been established between the two levels of government. Apart from presidential elections, parliament remains the principal arena where the main political, economic, and social issues of the day are debated. Its members retain the potential to embarrass the government, for example, during the questions to the government in the National Assembly on Wednesday afternoons. Moreover, senators and deputies still retain certain powers to obstruct the passage of government legislation (Plattner, 2007). If the degree of obstruction is sufficiently determined, then the government may have to give in to the demands of the parliamentarians. Nevertheless, although these points mean that members of the executive branch of government in presidential democracy cannot simply ignore the wishes of those in the legislative branch, the Constitution presents them with a raft of constitutional resources with which to exercise leadership.

Bibliography

1. Hague, R., Harrop, M., Breslin, S. 1998, Comparative Government and Politics- An Introduction. Palgrave Macmillan; 4th Revised edition edition.
2. Plattner, M. F.2007, Democracy Without Borders?: Global Challenges to Liberal Democracy. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Introduction

First of all, it should be stated that the Labor Party of the United Kingdom is attributed to a center-left wing of the political forces, and it is the current ruling party of the UK. Originally, it should be stated that the party is regarded to be a membership organization which entails the Constituency Labor Parties, which are the representatives of the trade unions of GB and the UK.

As for the origins of the party, it should be stated that it started its existence based on the trade union movements and activities, and socialist parties which were popular in the 19^th century. The party goes on regarding itself as the democratic socialist party, thus, there are origins of both directions: Neo-Liberal and Social Democratic. Nevertheless, the party was more inclined to the social democratic origin. In its origin, the labor party is the political power that supports the low-paid working class, and, traditionally it consists of the representatives of the working class, who are regarded as the grassroots of the current members and voters.

Ideology

To define the real origin of the Labor Party it is necessary to regard its ideology, which will be the basis for the estimation of the actions performed by leaders and representatives of the party. Taking into account the origins of the party, it should be stated the following: the party was in favor of the socialist-oriented policies. The most popular of these policies was the public ownership of the largest industrial objects, governmental regulation of the economic issues, total redistribution of wealth and financial reserves, increased attention towards the rights for workers and the participants of the trade unions.

Though, it is also necessary to emphasize that since the mid-1980s the party has changed its views. The traditional socialist positions were no longer required, and the leaders Neil Kinnock, John Smith, and Tony Blair adopted and implemented the Third Way, promoting the development of free-market policies. From this viewpoint, the researcher Andrew Britton (2005) emphasizes the following: this change to the Third Way confused numerous observers, and they started describing the Labor Party as social democratic and sometimes even neo-liberal. The current Labor government has brought in policies such as introducing a minimum wage and increasing the spending on the NHS and education. It has been heavily criticized for making little ground on its traditional principle of reducing the gap between the rich and poor.

This change of the political course was observable. One of the brightest instances of this modification was the 2008 Labor Party conference, which discovered closer attachment to the big business, and the party positioned itself at a distance of the working class. The words by Gordon Brown had only emphasized this gap: we are, we always have been and we always will be a pro business government.

This conference became the first in the history of the Labor Party when the constituency Labor Parties and the representatives of the trade unions did not have the right to vote and submit their motions on the issues which were discussed on the agenda of the conference. Currently, the Labor Party entails more keynote addresses, guest speakers, and question, and answer sessions rather than specific discussion of policy which now takes place in the National Policy Forum, as stated in Brownell (2007)

Current Policy

As it may be noted, the current policy principles and the origins of the party differ essentially. The party was regarded as social-democratic at the very beginning of its existence, the recent changes made it even less liberal than ever, consequently, it stayed purely social-democratic.

For the confirmation of this conclusion, it is necessary to give the words of the political researcher Callaghan (2003). He states the following: What is clear is the common phenomenon across Europe of the crisis of representation. Actually nobody represents the interests of the working class in the nowadays Europe, and the United Kingdom is not an exception. Originally, this democratic deficit will inevitably lead to mass abstentions in the election. As social democracy across Europe and at home adopts a social-liberal program of managing the neo-liberal offensive with a friendly face, a space is opening up which demands to be filled.

As for the international policy, it should be stated that the social-democratic views of the party are observed even in the international arena. Currently, neither the anti-war movement in Great Britain nor the global justice movement in Europe appeared to be capable to stop the overall neo-liberal offensive, this resistance has caused the essential changes in the workers movements and originated divisions within the trade unions.

As it is often emphasized, numerous leaders of the trade unions adapted the social liberal frameworks of the political activity, thus, the Labor Party decided to split up with the unions on this basis, as the ideas of liberalism doo not look attractive for the Laborites.

Gordon Brown emphasized in one of his speeches the necessity of changing the accents of the political interests of the party: & we must not ever put the goal of full employment at risk by returning to the old days of inflationary pay rises and conflict, the old days of putting sectional interests ahead of the national interest, and we will and must continue to pursue what we promised in our manifesto: stability in economic management, stability in industry policy, stability in industrial relations, and stability in the public finances and in our demand for efficiency and value for money, a more personalized service, and accountability and real choices and the highest of standards in our public services.

Thus, there is no mentioning of the stability in the relations with the trade unions, as this stability has been already violated, and the likelihood of setting stable relations with them is minimal. Consequently, there is no single hint for neo-liberalism, as the relations with the working class and all the representatives of the trade unions become more and more pragmatic.

Conclusion

Finally, it is necessary to mention that there is no instance of neo-liberal inclination of the party. Originally, it was stated that the basis of the party is solely social democratic, and, even though some instances of liberalism could be traced in the principles of the party, currently it can not be regarded as liberal, as the leadership of the party selected to support the interests of business, but not the working class.

References

Bright, Martin. The Climb-Back of His Life; Gordon Brown Is Still in Deep Trouble, and Dreams of Recovery. Will He Weather the Storm? There Are Historical Precedents That May Comfort Him. New Statesman 2008: 10.

Britton, Andrew. Labour Party Policies. National Institute Economic Review (2007): 5.

Brownell, Josiah. The Taint of Communism: The Movement for Colonial Freedom, the Labour Party, and the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1954-70. Canadian Journal of History 42.2 (2007): 235.

Callaghan, John, Steven Fielding, and Steve Ludlam, eds. Interpreting the Labour Party: Approaches to Labour Politics and History. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 2003.

Labour Party. Great Britain International Review 30.5 (2005): 2.