Category: Crime

Looking back in the United States history on the issue of immigration, the first immigrants came into the country starting in 1820. By 1920, there were close to 30 million foreigners in the country. With the presence of the immigrants came an undeniable force that played a significant role in the industrialization era. However, with the great supplied labor, the company of the immigrants became the cause of the sharp divisions over the foreign immigrant impact and their character.

To date, the majority of the debates associated with the presence of migrants, especially the Latinos, reflect a centurys old argument that caused the sharp divisions on the need to have migrants in the country. Throughout the 20^th century, immigrants in the U.S. have been influenced by economic and political circumstances ranging from 1860 to 2007. The report gives an account of the push and pulls factors responsible for driving migrants from Mexico and Central America and why these foreigners are enormous in the United States.

The majority of the native-born U.S. residents are enraged by how the illegal immigrants from the south compete with them for employment opportunities. Additionally, the natives fear that dues to the illegal immigrants, they are encountering unfair government benefits and how through them, the social fabric in the country is being altered (West 1). Among the reasons the native-born Americans are anxious about the presence of illegal immigrants in their country are group animus and ethnocentrism. Throughout humanity, it has been established that people tend to dislike those among them that act, behave, or look differently (Bernat 2). With the group divisions brought about by the dislike, the distinctions among people make them embrace the us versus them mentality resulting in difficulty to establish a balance between them.

Another faction of native-born citizens is concerned with the presence of immigrants due to material cost perception associated with their company in the country. Borrowing from Gary Freeman, West (1) shows these Native Americans fear their public resources are being drained and they have to work on depressed wages. At the same time, the benefits accrue to the small successful immigrant groups that get good jobs. Both issues by the natives become why the American political system cant resolve some of the challenges associated with the immigrants in the country. Regardless of the faction, the majority, if not all native-born Americans, are seeing their fear becoming real with the social undocumented arrival costs of the migrants being enormous. Most of the undeserved benefits, meant for the natives, are being given to the migrants (West 2).

Natives fear that employment positions meant for them or the reduced wage gains are being given to the immigrants through increased job competition (West 12). With these being the basis of the complaints, immigration will never cease to be controversial, and the majority of the natives will favor punitive policies. At the same time, political leaders will never successfully address the issue of immigration.

Harvest of Empire: The Untold Story of Latinos in America, Juan Gonzalez brings out an unflinching perspective on the role of the U.S. military and the economic interests that caused the unprecedented migration wave. The considerable number of immigrants, who are transforming the U.S. economy and culture, can be attributed to the territorial expansion wars by the U.S. to control Cuba, Puerto Rico, and nearly half of Mexico. Moreover, U.S. military covert-based operations used to impose oppressive military regimes in El Salvador, Guatemala, Dominican Republic, and Nicaragua triggered the high immigrants number moving north (Harvest Of Empire n.p.).

Based on her realization of the role played by the U.S. military and economic interests, Juan says the following at the start of the film. Looking at the issue of immigration, They never teach us in school that the huge Latino presence here is a direct result of our own governments action in Mexico, the Caribbean and Central America over many decades, actions that forced millions from that region to leave their homeland and journey north (Harvest Of Empire 3:52). Violence from U.S. military operations forced many to flee violence seeking safety.

The initial substantial postwar Mexican migration to the U.S. took place in the 1910s when the then government sought to exclude the Asians from the country resulting in labor shortages. Bender (49) shows the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920, alongside meatpacking, agriculture, mining, railroads, and steel mills near Chicago, drew many Mexicans to the U.S. In theory, Canadians, Mexicans, and Latin Americans could migrate to the U.S. searching for employment opportunities in the absence of numerical limitations.

However, Bender (50) shows the Mexican immigrant was strategically exploited by the U.S. government, manipulated, and tightly controlled. Through the raft of administrative restrictions founded on discrimination, regulators were able to turn on or off the Mexican immigrants based on the prevailing labor needs and the economic conditions in the U.S. The fact that it was easier to deport a Mexican across the border made it possible for the legislatures to turn on and off these immigrants compared to Europeans who would have to be deported across the globe.

The Immigration Act of 1917 and the federal immigration laws restricted the admission of Mexican immigrants to those that were likely to be social service reliant. As Bender (50) shows, the move was to ensure the exclusion manipulated Mexicans based on the labor needs. Between 1929 and 1939, the Great Depression was a significant reason why Mexicans were aggressively ousted from the country. Having reduced the legal number of emigrants from 450,000 to 20,000, a majority of the immigrants were forced to enter the country illegally to fill the jobs that often beckoned or them (Bender 53). Even with the laws reducing the slots for the Mexicans, their illegal entry was enabled by the falsification of documents and the ever rising demand for low wage laborers.

However, the beginning of World War II was the beginning of the return of the Mexicans to the U.S. The labor associated with the Mexicans became essential given the understanding they filled the exploitable agricultural labor shortage. Bender (51) shows the Bracero program, a labor recruitment tool, was then quickly orchestrated by the U.S. government, and became successful in helping American employers to recruit more Mexicans into the U.S. In two decades, the program allowed more than 4.7 million Mexicans into the country, with a majority of them working in the southern agricultural industries of the nation, and they worked in twenty-six states.

The U.S. governments approach to immigration issues, or the Northern Triangle, has varied in the past two decades. Cheatham (n.p) shows the respective U.S. governments in those two decades have been helping the Northern Triangle countries to manage the irregular flow of immigrants. Despite the intention to help combat violence and insecurity, critics show the U.S. policies have been largely reactive and have encouraged upturns in migrations to the border of Mexico and the United States.

The Northern Triangles economic problems are rooted in the decades of political instability, civil war, and political instability. The U.S. planted the seeds for complex criminal ecosystems that continue to plague countries from the region. The destabilization that took place in the region, to date, continue to cause women in the region to flee from the gender-based women and girls murders and the highest femicide rates. The movement of the women to the north has been associated to the rates of immigrations faced by the U.S. at its borders.

During the Barrack Obama administration, the government developed a U.S. aid program that benefitted Mexico and isolated the Merida Initiative region of the Central America portion. Through the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the government budgeted more than $2 billion to assist the law enforcement of the region, its justice system, and counternarcotics agencies (Cheatham n.p). In conjunction with the Northern Triangle, the Obama administration deterred would-be migrants and was able to crack down on close to 3 million illegal migrants through the anti-smuggling operations.

The Trump administration saw the ramping up of border security measures as a stemming migration approach, which became a priority while preserving Obamas framework. The implemented zero-tolerance policy became the method to prosecute every illegal migrant in the country and ended up separating thousands of children from their parents (Cheatham n.p). 2019 saw the Trump administration withhold assistance to the Northern Triangle since it was unable to curb migration.

The current administration, Joe Bidens, has rolled back several policies implemented by the Trump administration relating to the Northern Triangle. The administration has successfully reserved temporary worker visas for Northern Triangle migrants, raised the refugee camp to over 62,000, and reinstated the Obama administration program that Trump had canceled in 2017 (Cheatham n.p).

Further, the Biden administration has canceled asylum deals with Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. At the same time, the government has sought to dispirit unbalanced immigration using messaging operations and has called on Mexican and Central American officials to interrupt migrant flows. With unaccompanied children, some adults, and families as exceptions, migrants are continuously expelled under the order from public health (Cheathamn n.p). The other approaches by the Biden administration have been the involvement by Kamala Harris on border enforcement, supporting civil society, and stimulating investments in the private sector.

The costs associated with immigrants are enormous to the government and taxpaying citizens. However, the impact that immigrants have on the economy and culture of the United States, the migrants has been a significant force that has seen the U.S. encounter positive contributions throughout the centuries. Stripping down the negative consequences attributed to migrants in the country, it is the mandate of the Latin American and U.S. governments to ensure control of the flow of immigrants.

Works Cited

Bender, W. Steven. Exposing Immigration Laws: The Legal Contours of Belonging and Exclusion. Chapter 2. 2018.

Bernat, Frances. Immigration and Crime.Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice. 2017.

Cheatham, Amelia.Central Americas Turbulent Northern Triangle. Council on Foreign Relations. 2021.

Harvest Of Empire The Untold Story Of Latinos In America.

West, Darrell M. Brain Gain: Rethinking U.s. Immigration Policy. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2011.

Born a Crime is an autobiography written by comedian Trevor Noah, where he reflects on his childhood under the racist laws of apartheid. It is thrilling to follow his experience because it showcases the horrors and unfairness of racism. He talks about being a chameleon among African people as a child of a black woman and a white man. He belonged to no group and tried to find his place in the world as a mix-raced person. The book explores his identity, the places he did not feel different, and reviews his life in detail, which can teach a person to be more understanding, socially responsible, and tolerant.

Firstly, in his book, Noah talks about being a chameleon, which is an exciting part of the book. He is a person of color, which was considered illegal during apartheid. Yet he thought of himself as a black person because of his upbringing and the knowledge of several different African languages (Noah 40). As written in the book, he stayed the same color, but the perception of his color changed instantly when he changed the language he spoke. It was the benefit of knowing several African languages  he could respond to a robber in his native language, which instantly made Trevor a part of the robbers culture, and that is why he was never robbed (Noah 42-43). However, the cost of that knowledge and the power to fit in almost with any group was the difficulty of finding his native identity. He did not know who he was, because he always had to choose sides black or white, he did not realize his national identity because he belonged to Xhosa just as much as he belonged to the Swiss community.

As mentioned in the title of a book, Trevor was born a crime; he was living evidence of the crime his parents committed under a racist regime. He was too white to be considered black, and at the same time, he was too black to be considered white (Noah, 44). However, there was one place where he felt like race did not matter and he was accepted. It was the Maryvale school, where children did not get teased because of the color of their skin, they were instead teased for general things like being too smart, too dumb, too skinny, or too fat (Noah 44-45). In that place, he felt as if he was accepted, which changed as he entered the new school H.A. Jack Primary, where he again became different. Black kids and one Indian kid recognized him, but he was still an anomaly, an exception, a crime (Noah 44-45). Although he felt like an outsider most of his life because of his skin color, he learned to live with those feelings and accept his identity.

Trevor Noah was a multilingual child with English as his first and primary language. In his book, he explained how under apartheid different languages resulted in greater oppression and division. For example, white people were discouraged from learning African languages because from early childhood, they were taught that those languages were beneath them (Noah 44). If one wanted to be employed somewhere of high prestige, one had to know English; otherwise, there was no chance to work in prestigious establishments. African languages and their language-bearers were also divided by different schools and believed that other words are enemy ones (Noah 43). When Trevor spoke to others in their native language, they viewed him as a person from their tribe, as their own, and that is how he and his mother escaped various challenging situations throughout their life.

Language plays a rather important part in creating and sharing culture because the culture is often transferred through the tongue. A language has been created in a specific locality to preserve and pass down the culture of the people who are speaking it. One can observe the historical examples of how the national identity of some nations was ruined by destroying their native language first (as in the case of Romansh language, which people try to restore). A word can create unity because if one can understand the language another person speaks, primarily if this occurs in a foreign country, they feel like family or close friends. At the same time, if one language is demonized, using it in public can completely change the perception of another person.

As a bilingual person, I can share some advantages and disadvantages of knowing two languages. For example, when I speak to the other person, I can use the words from another language, as sometimes I can forget the most straightforward word in the needed language. It helps to understand a person from another country; it can be a great conversation starter that would interest many people. It would be easier for me to learn another language than for a person who can speak only one language. However, there are several disadvantages, for example, I can struggle to speak at an appropriate level in a professional setting. In addition, sometimes I can forget how to talk at all because, although I try to keep in mind and recycle both languages, I will always be better at one and worse at the other.

Speaking about the incidents I remembered the most in the book Born a Crime, it was an episode in the very beginning, where the mother was forced to throw her son out of the moving car to save his life. The man driving them was cursing the family for nothing and threatening to rape the mother and do worse to the children (Noah 16). That was when Patricia decided not to accept her fate calmly, but she made a choice, which saved her life and the lives of her children. After this situation, I started to look at that woman with admiration, because that episode not only showcased her inner strength, but she was wise enough not to make her children panic ahead of time. As the autobiography progressed, there were many similar stories, which showed her strength and will, but this one made the most significant impact on my mind.

There are many characters in Born a Crime; however, the one who exemplifies Francian Values the most is Patricia Nombuyiselo Noah Trevors mother. First of all, as Lourdes is a community of learning, Patricia teaches her son English, to read, to write, to understand the world around him. She showed him the truth and tried to make him know that the world is big and following ones dreams is necessary (Noah 51). As Lourdes is a community of reverence, Patricia recognized and respected all human beings, their dignity, and their worth. As much as she was strong, she saw the better in prostitutes, gangsters, and robbers. Patricias heart accepted Jesus, and that is why she was incredibly respectful, even though she could talk back to anyone to protect her dignity. As Lourdes is a community of service, she challenged her son to help those in need. Even in her childhood, Patricia gave everything to the children who had less than her. She tried to help everybody, which is why I think she is the best example of Francian values human embodiment.

This book teaches that living in a diverse community is more comfortable than living in a society when one person is unique. For example, the reader can observe how Trevor was treated in an all-black neighborhood, where he was exceptional. Older people were afraid of giving him proper punishments; they believed his prayers were better-heard because he prayed in English; he was a miracle, an abnormality (Noah 40). However, when his environment became more diverse, people stopped thinking that he was not normal and accepted him. If more diversity were implemented globally, people would forget about racism as they would stop judging a person based on ones race. After all, different races would not be considered an abnormality. It became a part of my way of thinking as it should because the distinction of races ultimately creates more racism and unfairness.

To conclude, Born a Crime teaches the reader about integrity, being kind, and being open to everyone despite his physical traits, such as race. It also teaches one to be ethical and not to divide people into white, black, and people of color. Lastly, it teaches one to be socially responsible, like the mother of the main character. Patricia gave everything she could to her son, including proper education and a sense of morality. She had a responsibility as a parent and gave everything she could to all three of her children, even if that meant that Patricia herself would suffer from abusive relationships. Her social responsibility paid off at the end of the story when her son helped her pay for her treatment. She was responsible for him, and he responded with his responsible behavior towards her.

Work Cited

Noah, Trevor. Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood. Hachette UK, 2016.

The reporting behavior among victims of crime remains relatively low despite the availability of critical infrastructure. According to Boateng (2016), satisfaction level in police operations is among the prominent predictors of crime reporting by the victims. For instance, where the degree of trust in law enforcement is low, the offended persons will be reluctant to divulge their victimization. However, a consistent pattern of primary determinants exists, which discourages the disclosure of wrongdoing. The declining degree of confidence in the criminal justice system has contributed to low incidences of reported crimes since the victims often feel the process fails to provide justice.

Many people refrain from reporting crimes to law enforcement due to several reasons. For instance, some individuals are afraid of retaliation when communicating with the police, especially when the culprit and the abused know each other. The offenders may still share attachments with their abusers, particularly in various domestic crimes, such as child abuse and marital violence (Middleton et al., 2017). In such scenarios, the victims may feel connected to their abusers and fear witnesses reluctance in supporting their claims. Thus, close associations with offenders and trust levels in law enforcement substantially discourage crime reporting decisions.

Moreover, some offenses are shameful and have profound psychological impacts on the abused. Victims often feel contaminated and humiliated, especially when they experience sexual crimes. Ultimately, such abuses go unreported as the offended choose to suffer in silence to escape public scrutiny and further humiliation. The reluctance or refusal to report may be informed by the victims vulnerabilities, the abuser-abused dynamics, and prohibitive institutional settings, which discourage disclosure of victimization. However, not knowing where to report or when one is a victim has little influence on reporting behaviors.

The nature of numerous crime and barriers, such as institutional setting, may discourage the abused from divulging their victimization. Comparatively, not knowing where to submit crime reports or when an individual has been victimized rank lowest in influencing the behavior. Conclusively, the absence of trust in law enforcement, fear of retaliation, and unique bonds with the perpetrators are the prominent factors that influence victim reporting behaviors.

References

Boateng, F. D. (2016). Crime reporting behavior: Do attitudes toward the police matter? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 33(18), 2891-2916. Web.

Middleton, W., Sachs, A., & Dorahy, M. (2017). The abused and the abuser: Victimperpetrator dynamics. Journal of Trauma & Dissociation, 18(3), 249-258. Web.

Introduction

As one of the most popular types of modern entertainment, video games have been subjected to some controversy since some of them depict extreme violence, raising alarm bells as to whether they entice cruelty in younger generations. However, the views on the issue have split, with the opponents of violent video games bans suggesting that they have the same effect on people as violent movies or books, with the limited evidence available on the connections between violent behaviors and exposure to cruelty in media. Indeed, those who state that video games that exhibit cruelty cause violence refer to outdated sources, failing to consider relevant and up-to-date studies disproving the assumptions. Thus, the logic of statements that violent video games cause cruelty in the population is flawed, and this paper aims to provide credible evidence against the banning of such games.

Research on Video Games and Violence

The video game industry is expanding every year, with new releases coming to the market all the time. It has been estimated that by 2022, the video game industry will reach a revenue of over $230 billion (Warman). Further estimates show that more than half of the modern best-selling video games in the market contain cruelty (Coyne and Stockdale 11). These include Grant Theft Auto, Call of Duty, Battlefield, Cyberpunk, Dying Light, Hitman, and many more (Fruhlinger). Younger generations playing these video games have been blamed for school shootings, increased rates of bullying, and violence against women.

Research Supporting the Adverse Impact of Violent Video Games

Claims have been made that violent video games desensitize their players to violence, offer rewards for simulating violence, or teach that cruelty and aggression are acceptable ways of resolving conflicts. In addition, experimental and longitudinal research has often shown a positive relationship between playing violent video gamers and increased aggressive and lower prosocial behaviors (Anderson et al. 151; Greitemeyer and Mügge 578). Although, the majority of studies pointing to the association between violent video games and cruel behaviors are outdated or have been conducted in a lab setting. This means that aggression exhibited by subjects in the laboratory does not necessarily predict real-world violence or criminal behavior. In addition, publication bias related to violent games research has been reported, suggesting a policy-enticed interest in showing evidence for the association (Coyne and Stockdale 12). The majority of research articles fail to consider the fact that changes in human behavior due to playing video games are nuanced and complicated, requiring variation for subjects individual factors, such as social influences, personality, as well as peer and parent relationships.

Research Disproving the Adverse Impact of Violent Video Games

Thus, to study the correlation between the exposure to violent video games and players criminal or aggressive behaviors, research must include a person-centered approach, which is rare. All available longitudinal studies on the topic have focused on group-level differences. A person-centered study, as implemented by Coyne and Stockdale, accounts for heterogeneity, making groups among individuals who share similar personal and social characteristics (14). The researchers found a variation in the trajectories of violent video game play, with waves of increased violence coming and going throughout the years (Coyne and Stockdale 15). Some participants were found playing cruel video games to cope with depressive symptoms. However, increased violence due to playing video games occurred in association with external factors that go beyond the mere exposure to images of cruelty.

The search for rational explanations of violence among younger generations is understandable because when people do violent things, it is natural to find out why. Although, the judgments of the direct impact of violent video games are rushed, which is why the suggestions of banning such games have emerged in the first place. As suggested by Ferguson et al., finding out that a person committing cruel crimes plays video games that include violence is no more illustrative than discovering that he or she happened to wear sneakers or used to watch Sesame Street. Indeed, using the same flawed logic, one may suggest that watching Sesame Street in childhood contributes to racial bias among adolescents.

Video Games Helping Reduce Violence

Besides, there is evidence showing that the use of particular social networking sites, such as Reddit or Tumblr, or other general messaging boards, was positively associated with the dissemination of hate materials on the Internet. In contrast to expectations, the use of first-person shooter games had the tendency to decrease the likelihood of producing such materials (Costello and Hawdon 1). The findings imply that violent video games are used rather as an outlet for aggression and not as a precursor also supported such implications, findings that the monthly video game sales were associated with concurrent falls in aggravated assaults and did not relate to homicides (Markey et al. 15).

A possible explanation for such a reduction in violence is that playing video games leads to catharsis, a release of aggression in the virtual world rather than in the real one (Markey et al. 15). People who have the tendencies to exhibit aggression and violence are drawn to violent media, and video games that include it align with their innate systems of motivation. When such games as Call of Duty or GTA are released, aggressive individuals are likely to spend time plating them, which removes some criminally inclined persons from the streets and other social venues (Markey et al. 15). Thus, suggestions to ban violent video games do not consider the evidence that playing the games can help individuals release negative emotions, without exhibiting cruelty in real life.

Banning Video Games: The First Amendment Issue

Another problem with banning violent video games is concerned with Constitutional issues. Specifically, in 2011, in Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association, the Supreme Court concluded that the First Amendment to the Constitution protected video games. They must be categorized as a form of art that communicates ideas through storytelling and allows players to interact with virtual reality (Patel). Because of this, they should be protected just like any other form of speech or expression. Therefore, it is illustrative that the Supreme Court struck down the California law that banned the sale of violent video games to minors. Such decisions should not be in control of the government that must not have the power to limit the free flow of information to which younger generations may be exposed.

Artistic Value

Besides, the artistic value of video games has been underestimated, with more releases representing highly nuanced art forms within storytelling. For example, the 2018 game, Celeste, dealt with complex themes of depression and self-doubt in a masterful fashion (Ortner). The 2016 Bioshock has explored the complicated political and social issues by envisioning dystopian societies through the lens of socialism and objectivism (Ortner). Cyberpunk 2077 has been praised for its social awareness and the warnings that it gave humanity about its future: pollution is rampant, crime is rampant, and social and economic inequality is just accepted (BBC). Such games encourage players to think deeply and imaginatively about the modern world. While it is true that some video games can depict extreme violence that may be intolerable to some or cause mental distress. However, the use of violence in some games correlates with the intention to illustrate larger and deeper themes, while in others, cruelty offers a release of negative emotions, which is sometimes needed. Therefore, video games provide the same variety in artistic expression as the Netflix discovery page.

Conclusion

To conclude, violent video games should not be banned because they are no more effective at inspiring aggression or criminal behaviors than novels or movies that cover the same issues. The relative novelty of video games and their rapid advancement scares some people and causes bias in research. What many proponents of violent video games fail to consider is that they are media for storytelling, and aggression and cruelty are part of the human condition despite their negative implications. Ignoring or censoring negative imagery will only exacerbate the desires of people to experience them, which can potentially lead to increased violence. It is also imperative to consider the findings that violent video games can keep individuals with cruel tendencies preoccupied as they offer an outlet. Thus, until there is a reputable scientific report using a person-centered approach that can prove that violent video games are direct causes of violence, banning such games is not only unconstitutional but also unwise.

Works Cited

Anderson, Craig A, et al. Violent Video Game Effects on Aggression, Empathy, and Prosocial Behavior in Eastern and Western Countries: A Meta-analytic Review. Psychological Bulletin, vol. 136, no. 2, 2010, pp. 151-73.

BBC. Cyberpunk 2077 A Warning About the Future. BBC, 2020, Web.

Costello, Matthew, and James Hawdon. Who Are the Online Extremists Among Us? Sociodemographic Characteristics, Social Networking, and Online Experiences of Those Who Produce Online Hate Materials. Violence and Gender, vol. 5, no. 1, 2018, pp. 55-60.

Coyne, Sarah M., and Laura Stockdale. Growing Up with Grand Theft Auto: A 10-Year Study of Longitudinal Growth of Violent Video Game Play in Adolescents. Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking, vol. 24, no. 1, 2021, pp. 11-16.

Ferguson, Chris, et al. News Media, Public Education and Public Policy Committee. The Amplifier Magazine, Web.

Fruhlinger, Joshua. How Violent Were Julys Best-Selling Video Games? Not Very, According to New Data. The Business of Business, Web.

Greitemeyer, Tobias, and Dirk O Mügge. Video Games Do Affect Social Outcomes: A Meta-analytic Review of the Effects of Violent and Prosocial Video Game Play. Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin, vol. 40, no. 5, 2014, pp. 578-89.

Markey, Patrick, et al. Violent Video Games and Real-World Violence: Rhetoric Versus Data. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, vol. 4, no. 4, 2015, pp. 277-295.

Ortner, Daniel. Video Game Bans are Unconstitutional, and They Wont Prevent Violent Crimes. Pacific Legal Foundation, Web.

Patel, Nilay. Supreme Court Says Video Games Are Protected Free Speech, California Cant Regulate Sales of Violent Games: A Complete Analysis. The Verge, Web.

Warman, Peter. Newzoo Cuts Global Games Forecast for 2018 to $134.9 Billion; Lower Mobile Growth Partially Offset by Very Strong Growth in Console Segment. Newzoo, Web.

Introduction

There has been a considerable rise in juvenile crime arrest and this is causing alarm to parents and the society at large. Sadly, parents no longer have control over their own children who continue to disappoint them. In the world we are living today, many juvenile have completely deviated from the guidance of their elders as they make their own decisions. Unfortunately, the decisions they normally make have only landed them into many problems (Ferro 43).

This is mainly because they lack moral support from their parents, guardians, teachers and church leaders. Apparently, most children influence one another into unethical behaviors that mislead them. On the other hand, some of them are often influenced by other factors such as television, radio and magazines. What usually begins as minor mistake usually end up into serious issues like crime (Giallombardo 35).

In other words, many young people are usually victims of crime as a result of trivial undoing. For instance, there are some children who like beating their friends at school, harass them or steal from them. In such instances, parents would be summoned to school as a way of solving the situation. If the guilty child does not change from such behaviors, he/she might end up into criminal offences.

When the juvenile commit crimes, they are sometimes arrested and taken to prison. The objective of this paper therefore is to discuss why minors should not be treated like adults in court. Depending on the severity of the crime, they should not also receive life in prison without possibility of parole.

Juvenile Crimes

It is so unfortunate that young people are engaging themselves into criminal offences. At their ages, they ought to concentrate on school work but not criminal activities that would only lead them to prison (Kupchik 101). With criminal activities, it would be very difficult for young people to embark on their books. Most of the juvenile usually drop out of school as they can no longer perform well in their studies (Giallombardo 23).

Other than this, it would be costly to withhold criminal activities in schools. This is because young criminals would cause disturbance to students and the teachers. However there are some juvenile who still go to school although they continue with their offences. Normally, the juvenile crimes include sexual offences, theft, drug abuse or violent offences.

According to statistics, most victims of juvenile delinquency are young boys (Ferro 71). Although there are young girls who engage in criminal activities, their cases are not as serious young boys. As a matter of fact young boys are more capable of committing crime than the girls.

In terms on sexual offences, young people are often found guilty of molesting their age mates or younger children. For example a young boy of 14 years may indulge into sex with a 5 years old child. The five year old child may be a younger sister, a relatives child or a neighbours child.

Some of these cases occur as children play together or in the absence of an adult who can monitor them. Noticeably, theft as a crime is more common among young people. Actually, many children are fond of taking money or some items without asking for permission. Initially, they may start stealing petty things like pencils, rubber, ruler or pens from their friends.

With time, this may develop into serious theft if quick measures are not taken (Giallombardo 75). Probably, these children may develop a habit of stealing school equipments such as computers, printers or laboratory facilities.

This may also culminate into much serious theft that can only be handled by the police. In order to carry out their juvenile delinquency, young people prefer joining various gang groups. Through the gang groups, the juvenile are able learn more criminal techniques as they share ideas with one another (Ferro 55).

Punishment of Juvenile Crime

Over the years, juvenile crimes have steadily increased as governments are forced to implement strict penalties on young people. In America, juvenile delinquency has been contributed by the fact that many young people can acquire weapons such as guns.

With guns, most juvenile feel protected and can attack whoever they want. Whether to treat minors like adults at courts is a controversial issue that is still debated across the world. However, the manners in which juvenile crimes are treated in courts tend to vary from one country to the other (Ferro 90). Usually, minors can be arrested when they commit crime or may face death penalties in some countries.

Due to high levels of juvenile delinquency, thousands of young people face are often arrested and may even serve a life time imprisonment. Clearly, there has to be a way of dealing with minors who are constantly interfering with the society. Sparing them can only encourage more cases of juvenile delinquency (Moore 72). It is therefore the responsibility of the government to find out effective ways of dealing with juvenile crimes.

This is a very serious issue as it involves people who are future generation. If young people are left to do whatever they want, the next generation may eligible leaders. Narrowing down to criminal punishment, young people are frequently treated like adult criminals. In this case, the minors may receive life imprisonment without possibility of parole.

A court of rule can decide to give death penalty to a minor who has committed a serious offense. Other court judges may prefer to imprison a young person for only a period of time before they are released. Typically, there are government laws that influences the decisions made by judges in courts (Ferro 103).

While life imprisonment is an effective way of punishing criminals, it has proved to be costly as governments spend a lot of money in purchasing prison facilities. Maintaining criminals is very expensive because of many cases of juvenile delinquency.

Basically, prisoners have to eat, get shelter and have sleeping facilities like beds (Moore 48). It is the responsibility of governments to ensure that they receive the necessary facilities. Because of this reason, there are some governments who prefer to use death penalties on young people.

California is an example of a country which is facing financial problems as a result of spending much money in its prisons. As such, the country has opted to release some criminals out of state jail (Kupchik 112).

Reasons why minors should not be treated like adults in courts

Primarily, young children should not be treated like adults in courts because some of them are still naïve. Brain wise, these minor are not in a position to make sensible decisions (Moore 81). No matter the intension of a juvenile crime, minors should not receive life in prison without possibility of parole.

Unlike adults, several children commit crime without knowing what they are doing. They might commit a crime because someone else has done the same. Adults on the other hand should account for their crimes since they are always conscious of the consequences. Minors deserve second chances as they can change if proper measures are taken. In as much as they may be wrong, young people must not be given death penalties.

Life imprisonment is not also a good option for juvenile criminals (Kupchik 78). For adults, they can receive life imprisonment and death penalties because they have few years to live than the young people. As a matter of fact, minors are future generation of who still have a long way to go.

Receiving life in prison without possibility of parole would prevent minors from realising their mistakes. Life imprisonment would only increase their criminal activities as they are confined in the prisons. Giving death penalties to juvenile can also make other minors more violent (Greenwald 33). In this case, treating minors like adults is a way of provoking a large number of youths.

Another reason why young people must not be treated like adults is because they may not be able to withstand a lot of pain. More often, adult prisoners are beaten up as a way of punishment. If the same is applied to juvenile delinquency, many minors would go through much pain. Considering the period of lifetime imprisonment, these minors may die before they even reach middle age (Greenwald 84).

For adults, they have fully developed body structures that can sustain hardships like carrying heavy loads in prison. Unfortunately, this may be tedious for young people who are still growing.

Carrying heavy loads might completely interfere with the growth of young people. There are better ways of handling children without treating them like adults. Instead of treating them like adults, young people can be taken to rehabilitation places where they can change their behaviour.

Conclusion

Fundamentally, juvenile delinquency should be treated with special care as they are the future generation. Moreover they must not be treated like adults who are usually aware of their actions. Young people generally deserve a second chance and do not have to face death penalties or life imprisonment.

Works Cited

Ferro, Jeffrey. Juvenile crime. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Giallombardo, Rose. Juvenile delinquency: a book of reading. California: Wiley.

Greenwald, Ricky. Trauma and juvenile delinquency: theory, research, and interventions. New York: The Haworth Maltreatment & Trauma Press.

Kupchik, Aaron. Judging juveniles: prosecuting adolescents in adult and juvenile courts. NY: New York University.

Moore, Lawrence. Juvenile crime: current issues and background. NY: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

While research may be initiated on the basis of curiosity, it traditionally aims to solve a particular problem. Crime rates have always been a highly serious social issue, and multiple studies have already been organized to examine factors that affect crimes for their prevention. That is why I would like to organize a study dedicated to the impact on crime rates if I had time and resources for it to contribute to responsive measures. In particular, I want to focus on the link between poverty and crime. Thus, my formal research question would be: how does poverty affect crime rates?

On the basis of this research question, the study could be organized and conducted to prove the following hypothesis  when poverty increases, crime rates increase as well. According to multiple pieces of evidence, low income or an absence of any forces people to commit crimes (Quednau, 2021). In this case, this research may employ the rational choice theory that supports my hypothesis. Generally, this theory is a framework for modeling and understanding peoples economic and social behavior. According to it, aggregate social behavior results from the behavior of individual actors, each of whom is making their individual decisions (Quednau, 2021, p. 8). Focusing on methodological individualism that refers to the individual choices determinants, the rational choice theory presupposes the availability of choice and an individuals action on the basis of his preferences.

In relation to criminology and this research topic, the rational choice theory states that people committing crimes as rational actors make this choice for the higher marginal benefits that crimes provide. Regardless of the risk of being caught, individuals perceive the net benefits of crimes as positive. In general, poverty is created by a lack of economic opportunities, low income, and unemployment caused by poor education or a challenging economic situation in the country or globally. The probability that high poverty leads to increased crime rates is justified by the rational choice theory as criminals will benefit more from committing a crime than working a low, unstable income job, spend time and money on education or stay without an income at all (Quednau, 2021, p. 8). In turn, committing a crime, such as a robbery, may bring more money in one night than in a year. Moreover, poverty may even mitigate risks connected with crimes and make any outcome positive. For instance, successful robbery is beneficial for extremely poor criminals who do not have money for accommodation and food. At the same time, if they are caught, this is beneficial for them too, as in the prison, they receive shelter, food, and water.

My research would be quantitative and descriptive using empirical methodology as this approach may be regarded as more appropriate for the establishment of the connection between two variables. The independent variable of this study is poverty, while the dependent variable is crime rates. First, I would collect existing data related to crime rates, employment rates, housing process, education, and average salaries from statistics of several cities within the last five years. In addition, I could identify cities with low and high crime rates and see how the factors of poverty are presented in them. Finally, I would use a regression model to create a linear equation that would demonstrate the link between poverty and crime.

Reference

Quednau, J. (2021). How are violent crime rates in U.S. cities affected by poverty? The Park Place Economist, 28(1), 1-24.

The Republic of South Africa is the most economically developed country in Africa. Now it is a BRICS country and a member of the G20, but, until the end of the last century, it was under international sanctions approved by the UN due to the official apartheid policy  discrimination against the black majority by whites. Apartheid was eliminated only in the late 90s as a result of the struggle of black generations for their rights. Now, after the victory is won, another serious problem is observed in the country  the illiteracy of the black population, and hence the poverty that causes crime.

South Africa is a country with a high crime rate. The average number of attempted murders is approximately 18,000 annually (Mahofa, Sundaram, and Edwards 4). The countrys problem lies in the presence of criminal groups opposing each other and representing opposition to the current government. According to a study conducted by the United Nations in 2003-2011, the Republic of South Africa took first place in the world in the number of rapes per capita (Crais 96-97).

In 2017, South Africa again came to first place in the world in the number of rapes committed, both in the groups of women and children, as well as homosexuals of both sexes, per hundred thousand of the population. Severe sexual crimes in this almost 49 millionth country occur every 56 seconds, according to UN statistics; there are at least 500 thousand cases a year (Urban Safety Reference Group, 2017).

In South Africa, increasingly more serious crimes, murders, and rape are also happening every year because of hatred towards representatives of the LGBT community. Although gay marriage in the country was officially legalized in 2006, namely here the largest number of monstrous cases of the so-called treatment-and-correctional rape of lesbians and gays is observed. These crimes are often committed with the approval of relatives and neighbors, convinced that it is possible to make a person normal heterosexual (Lindegaard 7-8). The term corrective rape itself was born precisely in South Africa  after the gang rape and brutal murder of Eudy Simelane, a South African LGBT rights activist and a famous soccer player.

Many travelers characterize Johannesburg as a city that is in a state of martial law. The phrase crime rate doesnt mean much here, because crime is a daily occurrence for city residents. Many houses in Johannesburg are fenced with barbed wire; there is a division into districts, and residents of one district may be non grata persons in another. Crime is most prevalent among black people. However, many whites in Johannesburg try to settle as far as possible from dangerous areas. Those who are rich are either criminal authorities or businessmen who, as soon as possible, seek to leave Johannesburg.

In Johannesburg, the economic boom has led to amazing results: over ten years, the value of the real estate has increased by three thousand percent. Here, more than anywhere else, prosperity does not depend on skin color (Kriegler and Shaw 150-152). However, for many South Africans, decades of political freedom did not bring the prosperity they were counting on. Across the country, five million people live in slum towns for less than a dollar a day (Smith 130-133).

Today, it is the financial capital of Africa, the largest city of the country, and, at the same time, a breeding ground for crime, whose white inhabitants now reside on reservations that are more like fortresses. Unemployment in the poorest areas exceeds 70%; half of South Africans live below the poverty line (Kriegler and Shaw 152). As the gap between rich and poor widens, the new South African nation is increasingly confronted with the threat of crime.

The most dangerous areas of Johannesburg are slums, and in some of them, by the standards of South Africa, rather wealthy people live. They usually have running water, electricity, and a toilet. By the standards of many residents, such amenities represent a kind of luxury. Residents of the poorest slums use dry closets, do not know electricity, and live in houses assembled from corrugated sheets (Scheingold 200-203).

The problem of the city lies also in social aggression against whites, associated with the desire to restore justice, since, during apartheid, the black population was treated as second-class people. In South Africa, racial crime flourishes today: black Africans often attack without any thirst for material gain, and do so rather avenge their colonial past. According to statistics, housebreaking and killing of white house owners are not always accompanied by the theft of things and money (Lindegaard 85-86). Thus, the legacy of apartheid makes itself felt.

The official ideology of South Africa, called apartheid, implying separate living in the country of a white and colored (primarily, black) population, played a really important role in shaping the current crime rate. The Black population of South Africa was obliged to live in specially designated areas, the so-called.  locations. Departure from these reservations and visits to cities by black South Africans could be made only in two cases: either by special permission (of course, obtained with great difficulty), or if there was a workplace in the white zones.

Moreover, the work in most cases was associated with heavy, low-skilled labor for the lowest possible pay (Crais 24-32). Cheap labor in the 1940s and 80s, against the background of a resource-exploiting economy, played a significant role in transforming South Africa into the most developed country in Africa.

For the blacks to live in the 1950s and 60s, a system of isolated townhouses, special villages for black South Africans, was created outside the city limits. Such a townhouse, called Soweto, was built next to Johannesburg, and the inhabitants of the former black settlements which had spontaneously formed around the City of Gold were forcibly evicted here (Soudien, Reddy, and Woolard 39). In fairness, it should be noted that the state initially tried to give Soweto more or less civilized features, albeit with racial discrimination.

The village, with the money of diamond king Ernest Oppenheimer, was built up with neat, typical four-room houses, nicknamed by the locals as matchboxes (Smith 38-57). However, the rapid population growth of the town has led to the fact that these areas appeared overgrown with chaotic slum-like buildings. By 1983, 1.8 million people were already living in Soweto (Super 70-71).

After the elimination of apartheid, the black population of the country gained access to areas previously closed to it and, of course, immediately seized the opportunity. Whites, who continued to live in central Johannesburg, the so-called. Inner city, promptly left their apartments. New tenants with a different skin color immediately settled in their place.

This was a classic example of the White Flight, but different, for example, from the same situation in Detroit, USA. If in the City of Motors, the leading role was played by the depressive state of the main branch of the urban economy  the automobile industry, while in the City of Gold, political processes were primarily the base. However, regardless of the root causes, the result was the same: both megalopolises from white became black. Already in 1994, in the province of Gauteng, the capital of which was Johannesburg, 83 murders per 100,000 inhabitants were recorded. For comparison, 54 people out of 100,000 were killed in the crime-occupied Detroit that same year (Super 66-69).

In recent years, the South African government has made attempts to turn the tide. The state allocates quite serious money for the regeneration of the countrys largest city and the restoration of its positive reputation. The buildings that have degraded over the past twenty years are being reconstructed, and the relatively small black middle class, which still appeared in those years, is populated here.

The South African government has spent about a hundred million dollars on rebranding Johannesburg. The official urban slogan was the bold statement African world-class city. The authorities do not lose hope of returning the image of the cosmopolitan business capital of the continent to it, but with a multicultural connotation without any discrimination. However, there are too many typically African problems in a world-class city. The city is still surrounded by brutal slums, where sometimes there is no sewage or water. Crime, although it has decreased, remains at a level incomparable with the civilized countries of the golden billion.

In central Johannesburg, tourists, especially whites, are still not advised to get out of their cars. South Africa, and with it, its largest city, is sweeping the AIDS epidemic. However, the main thing is the racial division, which, seeming to have been eliminated more than twenty years ago, de facto continues to exist. Johannesburg is still a city of confrontation between two ghettos: the black one, still poor, but blaming the other side for all its troubles, and the white, prosperous, but now existing behind the barbed wire, dominated by the psychology of the besieged fortress.

The South African National Development Program, adopted several years ago, aims to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 by attracting and strengthening own potential, developing an inclusive economy, and encouraging partnerships.

The plan aims to eliminate poverty-reducing the proportion of households with monthly incomes of less than 419 rands per person and reducing inequality in South Africa. The plan states that crime can be reduced by strengthening the justice system and improving the public environment (Gould, Hsiao, and Amisi 6). The progress observed over the past two decades implies the use of new approaches, the plan says, with the following interrelated priority goals being formulated (Gould, Hsiao, and Amisi 7-8):

• Rallying all South Africans around the common goal of prosperity and equality.
• Promoting the establishment of active citizens community to enhance development, democracy, and accountability.

However, the stated goals are rather declarative, and the plan is poorly implemented in practice. The attitude of the South African government towards crime is doubtful. In all failures, it tends to blame the police, which supposedly cannot cope with the tasks. However, it is known that there are many corrupt people among officials who are ready to cooperate with criminal elements for the sake of the spread of narcotic substances and making a profit.

Moreover, the practice of kidnapping for ransom is still ongoing (Gould, Hsiao, and Amisi 11). Organized crime in South Africa negatively affects the state of national security, criminalizing all spheres of society and various social institutions, actively resisting law enforcement and efforts to combat crime. Even though today human rights defenders are trying to attract the attention of the countries of Europe, America, as well as Australia, and New Zealand to the problem of racial crime in South Africa, the situation remains very tense.

Works Cited

Crais, Clifton. Poverty, War, and Violence in South Africa. Cambridge University Press, 2011.

Gould, Chandré Diketso Mufamadi, Celia Hsiao, and Matodzi Amisi. Reducing Violence in South Africa: From Policing to Prevention. Institute for Security Studies, 2017.

Kriegler, Anine and Mark Shaw. A Citizens Guide to Crime Trends in South Africa Jonathan Ball, 2016.

Lindegaard, Marie Rosenkrantz. Surviving Gangs, Violence and Racism in Cape Town: Ghetto Chameleons. Routledge, 2017.

Mahofa, Godfrey Asha Sundaram, and Lawrence Edwards. Impact of Crime on Firm Entry: Evidence from South Africa. ERSA working paper 652, 2016, pp. 1-19.

Scheingold, Stuart A. The Politics of Law and Order: Street Crime and Public Policy. Quid Pro, 2016.

Smith, Nicholas R. Contradictions of Democracy: Vigilantism and Rights in Post-Apartheid South Africa. Oxford University Press, 2019.

Soudien, Crain, Vasu Reddy, and Ingrid Woolard. Poverty and Inequality: Diagnosis, Prognosis, and Responses. HSRC Press, 2019.

Super, Gail. Governing through Crime in South Africa: The Politics of Race and Class in Neoliberalizing Regime. Ashgate, 2013.

Urban Safety Reference Group. The State of Urban Safety in South Africa. Urban Safety Reference Group, 2017.

Introduction

Presidential powers are the authorities within the executive arm of the government vested in the president during his four-year term in office that is applied in discharging the powers and duties of his office. The president is the commander in chief of the army, naval forces, and the militia of the different states. He has the authority to command in writing the judgment of the chief executive in any of the office sectors upon any matter involving the obligation of their organization.

Also has the authority to award /grant a stay of execution and pardons for offenses against the state apart from the cases of prosecution. Other powers held are those of making treaties, provide two-thirds of the senators present correspondence, appointing ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and other officers. Other powers include; to fill up vacancies during the recess of the senate and adjourning activities of the congress and the state.

The views on an official pardon for crime granting

The argument of the presidents authority to grant official pardon for crime against the situation apart from the cases of accusation. The argument is based on the lack of limitation on these powers except that of not pardoning impeached persons. From the framing time, there was a debate at the constitutional convention of 1787 where the founders suggested that congress be involved in pardon business.

Conversely, the other originator associates did not hold up the squabble and held that a single man of discretion and good sense is better en suited for the flimsy conjunctures to balance the intention which may implore for and against the diminution of the sentence.

While the Constitution places no major restrictions on a presidential pardon, problems can certainly result from the haphazard granting of pardon and partiality in the act. There have to be lawful assets to draw upon in surrendering pardon because working under the course of action of title 28 of the U.S.A scheme of a centralized set of laws, segment 1.1 to 1.10, and the state Pardon lawful envoy of the evenhandedness sector should help the president by assessing and exploring all desires for pardons. For each case, he set up a commendation for the evenhandedness sector to the president for the final conceding or rejection of the pardon.

Apart from pardons, the president may also allow lessening of punishment, fines, and amnesty. The debate is that the recommendations of the Pardon legal representative to the president are just but recommendations and nothing more of authoritative value and the president is not bound by any higher authority and none is in any way required to follow the power to grant or deny leniency. From this, its clear that the right is bestowed upon the president expressly and is constitutional.

Executive legislation

The legislative arm of the government has tried to limit the executive in that; it does not allow the executive officers to make laws that would give the executive arm especially the president absolute powers. The judiciary limits the executive arm of the government mainly the presidential powers through interpreting the rules, laws, and policies to avoid the executive from interpreting them to suit their selfish enforcement needs that would give it absolute control of the national affairs.

At the legitimate meeting of 1787, the participants easily conquered suggestions to make presidential pardons topic to the endorsement of the legislature, and frontier pardons to people convicted of an offense. Suggestion for constitutional adjustments to limit the presidents pardoning clout has been existing in assembly. The 1993 resolution of the council suggested that the President shall only have the power to grant an amnesty or pardon for a crime against the nation after conviction.

In 2000, a council joint resolution projected amendments to the Constitution that would have allowed crime victims the chance to present statements regarding the proposed pardon or commutation of a ruling. Unfortunately, after the Justice Department officers testified against the amendment, it was withdrawn from deliberation in April of 2000. Finally, any limitation or alteration to the presidents power to give pardons requires an amendment of the Constitution that makes the process more complicated. The checks placed in the way of presidential power have not been successful to a great extent.

The framing time dates back to the 1780s and the proponents having different views on whether to involve Congress in the execution of pardon. After formation, it was applied to ensure the president upholds the Constitution and placed on him the powers of being the head of the Executive Branch of the federal government, authority to appoint judges, ambassadors, and another high-ranking government official, veto legislation; calling the Congress into special session, grant pardons, issue proclamations and orders, administer the law; serve as commander in chief of the armed forces, recommend measures for congressional consideration, submit budgets, propose bills, and recommend other action to be taken by the Congress. It can be argued that these powers have been successfully applied in the administration of state affairs as seen from the smooth running of the government activities and programs.

As seen earlier the decision to grant pardon and reprieve lies solely with the president. This implies that the constitution has no major control over it and the recommendation of the Justice Department is subject to the decision of the president and this superiority is constitutional therefore can only be countered through constitutional amendments. As seen in the framing of these powers some founders thought of making it subject to the decision of the congress but were debated out by the other members. (Mark, 2002)

Conclusion

Presidential powers as a part of the governments administration are seen to be a key player in the administration of state affairs. However, in certain situations, it overrides other authorities or is overly used at times. This, therefore, makes it evident the need for control and limitation from the other components of the state to avoid over-application of the powers bestowed on it that may require a constitutional amendment to accommodate the desired levels of control.

List of References

Mark, R, (2002). Executive Privilege: Presidential Power, Secrecy, and Accountability. 2d ed. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Chevigny, Paul G. From Betrayal to Violence: Dantes Inferno and the Social Construction of Crime. Law & Social Inquiry, vol. 26, no. 4, 2001, pp. 787818. JSTOR, Web.

This paper by Chevigny considers contemporary grounds for crime classification. Notably, the notion that the seriousness of crimes is founded in the desert depends primarily on the perpetrators mental condition and, to a lesser extent, on the harm caused or threatened to the community. The article draws on Dantes Inferno and demonstrates how the magnitude of sins is socially created. Dante believed that the crimes most worthy of penalty were those of abuse of trust, for reasons rooted in sociopolitical factors as well as the philosophy and law of his day. He considered such acts to be the most deliberate and cause the most harm to society. Furthermore, Chevigny states that the value of trust in modern society has been misconstrued in the contemporary grading of crimes. The source is helpful to the research paper because it provides valuable information on crime grading. Additionally, Chevigny emphasizes that desert cannot be retaliation; the purpose of responsibility in criminal law was to substitute retaliation with a justified reaction to heinous conduct. The need to manage the aggressions dangers at practically any cost, along with the resulting loss of a clear concept of the purposeful mental state, has all but demolished the foundation for the dessert.

Foster, Kenelm O. P. The Canto of the Damned Popes: Inferno XIX. Dante Studies, with the Annual Report of the Dante Society, no. 87, 1969. pp. 4768. JSTOR, Web.

According to Foster, Dantes aims in creating the Inferno were twofold: he intended to portray a notion of damnation and wanted to illustrate evidence of human beings incurring damnation through the way they lived, the actions they took, and choices that were wicked, evil, and immoral. As a result, the concept underlying Dantes Inferno is self-evident. Nonetheless, Foster intended to highlight a few critical concerns. As a result, the study analyzes how Dante sees evil in general and what exactly was evil for him. Furthermore, the author cited competent theologians to support their claims. The article is helpful because it discusses the meaning of evil.

Stearns, Brenton J. Divine Punishment and Reconciliation. The Journal of Religious Ethics, vol. 9, no. 1, 1981. pp. 118130. JSTOR, Web.

Brenton claims that divine punishment is pain viewed against the backdrop of ultimate or religious morality based on a difference between suffering and punishment. The article is suitable for the research because it discusses how the punishment fits the crime and how Dante determined the more severe crimes. Suffering can be retributively just in some instances, even when there is an apparent lack of distributive justice. Suffering may endure indefinitely after reunification with God, but it no longer has the character of condemnation. An innocent or forgiven person cannot be punished, no matter how much suffering is inflicted on them. Thus, divine punishment is the highest moral ideal, the perception of pain by a morally decent person.

Steinberg, Justin. More than an Eye for an Eye: Dantes Sovereign Justice. Ethics, Politics, and Justice in Dante, edited by Giulia Gaimari and Catherine Keen, UCL Press, 2019, pp. 8093. JSTOR, Web.

The paper is useful for the research because Brenton argues that it is essential to refer critically to Dantes art of justice as the contrapasso for the following reasons. First, the contrapasso always represents a restricted, unduly narrow sense of justice in Dantes texts; it is the defective justice of the Other (the justice of the Pythagoreans for Aristotle, the fairness of the Jews for Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas). As a result, the restrictions of justice founded on simple reciprocity are inherent in its private nature; the contrapasso fails to embrace public offenses, crimes against the sovereign, and crimes against the political establishment. Third, when Bertran refers to his penalty as a contrapasso, he overlooks the public aspect of his transgression. Ultimately, the contrapasso should not be regarded as the rule of Dantes justice because it is used explicitly to highlight its limitations.

In his article Criminal justice reform in the states: Spotlight on legislatures, Daniel Nichanian provides an overview of legislative changes related to the American criminal justice system, which have occurred at the state level in the past two years. It concerns the revision of the legal system from probation and parole conditions to the criminalization of protests. Apart from it, most of the laws adopted over the past six months, in connection with the events surrounding the death of George Floyd, are aimed at tightening the police regulations.

Specifically, in September 2020, California Governor Gavin Newsom signed a series of bills, one of which, AB 1950, tightens probation conditions, limiting it to two years for serious crimes and one year for misdemeanors (Nichanian, n.d.). The new provisions have the goal to strengthen crime control and prevent its reiteration since imprisonment can occur due to technical violations. In addition, the piece AB 1506 aims to combat crime involving the murder of unarmed people (Nichanian, n.d.). Particularly, it shifts responsibility for investigating such cases from the local attorney to the state general.

Apart from it, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis signed a law that made a felony to attend a protest during which injured people or damaged property. The Tennessee state government is also criminalizing protests; in particular, in August 2020, a piece was signed by Ron DeSantis, which toughens penalties for crimes related to protest activities (Nichanian, n.d.). In practice, most of these laws involve the unfair treatment of citizens.

The Missouri Senate has taken especially harsh anti-crime measures concerning convicting underage and restricting the availability of parole. It is worth noting that this law has many opponents who doubt its fairness. In particular, one of the counterarguments made by Senator Karla May is that the persecution of minors disproportionately targets black children (Nichanian, n.d.). Apart from it, Senator Jamila Nasheed, who is also an opponent of the bill, expressed the view that in this way, white democrats and republicans oppose blacks (Nichanian, n.d.). As a consequence, many politicians and observers oppose this law.

The Minnesota government has introduced a new law on police crime in response to recent events in the George Floyd case. In particular, it proposes new rules against the use of neck braces and chokeholds (Nichanian, n.d.). In addition, its provisions include the creation of a unit to investigate police killings and prevent police unions from vetoing an arbitrator (Nichanian, n.d.). However, democratic politicians say that the bill is much narrower than it should be, and it is not able to influence law enforcement agencies.

The governments of Colorado and Iowa have also responded to the events surrounding the assassinations of George Floyd and the Black Lives Matter protests by creating laws aimed at crime control among the police. In particular, Colorado passed Bill 217, which deprives police officers of the right to claim immunity in civil lawsuits. It also gives power to the attorney general to prosecute police officers and establishes requirements for police departments to gather and disclose information on demographics and force use.

To summarize, the article provides provisions covering current corrections in the criminal justice system and crime control. In particular, the adopted laws concern the revision of the legal system probation and parole conditions, the murder of unarmed people, convicting underage, and protests criminalization. Apart from it, most of the laws passed during the last six months are related to the recent events of the death of George Floyd. Some pieces have been criticized, while there are also those that can help in crime control.

Reference

Nichanian, D. (n.d.). Criminal justice reform in the states: Spotlight on legislatures. The Appeal. Web.