Procedural Pragmatism in Modi’s Views: Analytical Essay

‘Modi has articulated India’s concerns and interests without falling into the familiar ideological traps that Delhi used to set for itself ’

What is Pragmatism? ‘pragmatism’, as applied to shifts in India’s post-Cold War foreign policy, has generally been interpreted substantively: that is, to denote a foreign policy that has expunged one form of ‘content’ (earlier ideational frameworks) and adopted a new ‘content’, namely a set of realist assumptions that frame the national interest in terms of material power.

The age of taking moral stands – peace over war – on terror with loose, ineffective statements that lack credibility because of subsequent inaction, such as “we condemn” or “we warn”, are behind India. Modi has been hailed to bypass the long-held idealistic notions of Nehruvianism; he will also set aside cultural and religious ideologies or entrenched principles, specifically, if and when required his own party’s Hindutva or Hindu nationalist ideology such as Mr. Modi declared that India would contribute to the conservation of the Maldives’ oldest mosque, an ornate, 17th-century building made of coral.

Perhaps the States do not suddenly adopt realist assumptions; rather, those assumptions are simply and universally part of their nature and/or the structure of the international system. As Reus-Smit observes, the assumptions of neo-realism render ‘actors’ interests … exogenous to social interaction’.

But apparently, Mr. Modi brings a rare pragmatism in dealing with the many differences with the US on trade, climate change, and civil nuclear liability. Modi’s eager pursuit of American investment in India is matched by his recognition of the unprecedented possibilities for geopolitical cooperation with the US. ‘The nuclear deal between Iran and the US is a vindication of Delhi’s diplomatic pragmatism that [has] unfolded since India conducted nuclear tests in May 1998.’

Procedural pragmatism, which Modi brings with himself is a process of ideational innovation in foreign policy, rather than the content-rich blueprint for change—namely, to a foreign policy built on realist assumptions—that foreign policy revisionists envisage. As a process, pragmatism means working creatively with ideas and ideologies, but it does not prescribe which ideas and ideologies are relevant, since these are defined by the given political and historical context. At the same time, he will be willing to abandon ideological and institutionalized ideational stances of all kinds, where necessary (‘Modi will be more interested in development than pushing the Hindutva agenda’).

However, Mr. Modi can be more openly pro-Israel than any Congress prime minister, not having to contend with a large Muslim membership with strong anti-Zionist feelings. Behind the scenes, though, Israel’s weapons exports to India have risen consistently as has trade and technology transfer between the two nations.

Just like Mr. Modi’s choice of foreign minister, seems to suggest new pragmatism in pursuit of India’s goals. These are grand and overarching, a re-imagining of India’s place regionally and in the wider world, in order to move from a nation that follows global rules to a force that helps to establish them.

Focus on building Materially can be seen from S. Jaishankar’s current Foreign Minister’s statement which exclaims that ‘ It’s all about positioning today’s India on the world stage, he said, which means “cultivating America, steadying Russia, managing China, enthusing Japan and attending to Europe”. In the same breath, he adds that “prioritization of the neighborhood is also important”.

After making several efforts in the earlier phase of his Diplomacy which went on the extent of a surprise landing at Islamabad on Nawaz Sharif’s birthday to Isolating Pakistan is part of the reason for the change in Mr. Modi’s guest list in his two inaugurations. The shift from SAARC to BIMSTEC was about more than acronyms. BIMSTEC comprises India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. So, it is SAARC minus Pakistan and Afghanistan, plus Thailand and Myanmar. BIMSTEC’s new prominence is significant, 22 years after it came into being as a means of integrating the littoral economies of the Bay of Bengal. Mr. Modi’s India is signaling a quite different aspiration to those of years past. Instead of engaging Pakistan, it seeks to marginalize it all together and build new bridges to east and south-east Asia.

The words used this time are more aggressive: “they [Pakistan] have made a big mistake”, “will have to pay a heavy price”, and above all “Freehand has been given to security forces to act.” The part on “free hand” has created a new meaning for itself that implies the forces are free to act what they deem best, there will be no political barriers placed in their way and they will not be held back, as they were during the Kargil War in 1999.

Criticism

Ignorance or flawed:

The prime minister of Nepal, the current chair of SAARC, has urged its ‘revival’, a point of view seconded by the Sri Lankan president, who insists that ‘both BIMSTEC and SAARC are significant organizations”. His first big mistake was demanding changes to Nepal’s newly approved constitution and imposing an unofficial blockade of that land-locked nation in 2015. Nepalis naturally interpreted this stance as that of a regional hegemon seeking to impose its will on a democratic government. Nepal reacted by building closer ties with China as a bulwark against India’s domination.

To the south of India, China’s acquisition of the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka in an equity-for-debt swap has underlined the massively increased clout of India’s largest neighbor. Security experts speak of China’s “string of pearls” strategy, and view Hambantota as an addition to that string, alongside the Gwadar port in Pakistan and the country’s first overseas military base in Djibouti.

Maldives former President Abdulla Yameen signed a free trade agreement with China last year, enthusiastically backed Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative, and leased an island to China for military use, leading some commentators to question whether he was handing the rudder of the nation to the Chinese.

Modi was playing the same game of smoke and mirrors in this area as he had in domestic policy. A further two years down the line, relations with many of our neighbors have deteriorated, and his image as a leader who can get things done needs questioning also we have experienced nothing like the whiplash shift marking the entry of Donald Trump into the White House.

In opposition to popular belief Modi’s policies are indeed constrained by both ideology and institutionalized ideas, and, as a result, like most other leaders, his pragmatism entails Bricolage that is, improvising with influential and institutionalized ideas rather than without them. In the Indian context, this finding is significant since it suggests that Modi cannot always set aside the personal and domestic beliefs of Hindutva that are so closely aligned with his leadership, and, equally, that he is not entirely free to move away from India’s entrenched foreign policy positions of the past. It falsely signals to outside observers that India’s foreign policy is driven entirely by considerations of power and interest whereas in actuality it continues to draw on domestic sets of ideas.

Girish Sahane says ‘Modi is like a stylish batsman of whom much is expected but who consistently fails to deliver big scores. Four years on, he’s put far too few runs on the board while Xi’s been on a century spree. It might be time to accept the man’s technique is fatally flawed, and drop him from the national team.’ frequently confused and pursued an ad hoc, personality-driven style that has contributed to a worsening of relations with most of our neighbors.

  1. https://qz.com/india/1262687/indian-foreign-policy-is-blighted-by-modis-incompetence/
  2. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/5-ways-indias-foreign-policy-has-changed-post-balakot/?amp
  3. https://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/a-new-era-of-pragmatic-foreign-policy-appears-to-be-emerging-in-modi-s-india-2-0-1.873121
  4. https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/ia/pragmatism-indian-foreign-policy-how-ideas-constrain-modi

Compare and Contrast Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson

Between Theodore Roosevelt’s Square Deal and Woodrow Wilson’s New Freedom domestic programs, Roosevelt contained more regions of reform than Wilson. Roosevelt was also more progressive than Wilson. They both contributed significantly to a period of national reform that made the government in Washington a bigger center of power. The United States neared the end of the nineteenth century as a fundamentally altered nation from the beginning of the Civil War. Progressivism began as a series of local movements and included many different efforts to improve the work of society. The main theme of the Progressive Era was reform, so the era has been defined as a reform movement.

During the 1904 campaign, Roosevelt bragged he had worked in the anthracite coal strike to provide everybody with a “square deal”. Roosevelt’s first goal after winning the election was the powerful railroad industry. On page 505 it declares that The Hepburn Railroad Regulation Act of 1906 was seeking to bring back some regulatory power to the government by giving the Interstate Commerce Commission power to oversee railroad rates. Roosevelt put pressure on Congress to enact the Pure Food and Drug Act, which limited the sale of dangerous or ineffective medicines. The Jungle, a book published by Upton Sinclair in 1906, included horrific descriptions of conditions in the meatpacking industry. Roosevelt pushed for passaging of the Meat Inspection Act, which helped stop many illnesses once transmitted in impure meat. Roosevelt was the first president to actively take part in the new and struggling American conservation movement. In 1902, the president supported the National Reclamation Act, which used funds raised by the sale of public lands in the West for the construction of dams, reservoirs, and canals, projects that would “reclaim” arid lands for cultivation and later supply the cheat electric power. Roosevelt shared the concerns of the naturalists who pledged to protect the natural beauty of the land and the health of its wildlife from human intrusion. Since economic consolidation is meant to continue to be a permanent feature of American society, a strong, modernized government should take a more active role in regulating and planning economic life. One of those who came to support this position was Theodore Roosevelt. On page 503 in The Unfinished Nation, Theodore Roosevelt once said, “We should enter upon a course of supervision, control, and regulation of those great corporations.” Roosevelt became the most powerful symbol of the reform impulse at the national level.

The 1912 presidential contest was not just between conservatives and reformers. It was also one of two brands of progressivism. On the forty-six ballot, Woodrow Wilson, the governor of New Jersey and the one and only progressive candidate in the race, began as the party’s nominee. Wilson introduced a progressive program called The New Freedom in 1912. Roosevelt’s New Nationalism encouraged economic concentration and government regulation and control. Wilson appeared to side with those who believed that bigness was both unfair and inefficient, and the proper response to monopoly was not to regulate but destroy it. On page 511 in the Unfinished Nation, it says that the 1912 presidential campaign was an anti-climax. Taft resigned to defeat and barely campaigned. Roosevelt campaigned energetically. In November, Taft split the Republican vote, while Wilson held on to most Democrats and won. He had received only forty-two percent of the popular vote, compared with twenty-seven percent for Roosevelt. In legislative matters, Wilson expertly united a coalition that would support his goals. Wilson’s first victory as president was fulfilling an old Democrat goal of lowering the protective tariff. The Underwood-Simmons Tariff offered cuts large enough, to introduce real competition into American markets and help break the power of trust. To make up for the loss of revenue under the new tariff, Congress ratified a graduated income tax, which the recently adopted sixteenth amendment to the constitution now allowed. By the fall of 1914, Wilson thought the New Freedom Program was completed and that agitation for reform would now subside. When congressional progressives failed to enlist his support for new reform legislation, Wilson dismissed their proposals as unconstitutional or unnecessary.

Although the Progressive era was a reform movement, it was in this period that race relations were at their lowest possible, this was the Jim Crow era. In the post-Civil War era, the South embarked upon a refurbished effort to separate the races in all public places and facilities. This segregation was achieved through state laws, local ordinances, and local practices and customs, and had the United States supreme court sanction. Within this system, however, African Americans carve out a much larger sphere of social and cultural activity than they had ever established under slavery. In its ruling in the Plessy v Ferguson (1896) case, the Supreme Court ruled that separate housing for the races was legal if they were equal. The legal principle that followed was “separate but equal” in public accommodations, which was still in place until the Civil Rights era. Hostility also marked this era against African Americans in the South.

The extraordinary prosperity of the 1920s influenced much of what enthusiastic generations liked to call the “New Era.” In the following years after World War I, America constructed a lively and extensive national culture. Politics have been reorganized around the needs of a booming, dependent industrial economy, undermining many of the previous generation’s reform crusades but also creating new institutions to help foster economic growth and stability. Though the prosperity of the 1920s spread more broadly than at any time in the nation’s industrial history, more than half of the population did not achieve any real growth benefits. The unassuming conservative presidents of the era suggested a time of stability, but few eras in modern American history have seen so much political and cultural conflict.

Many Roles Of W.E.B Du Bois’s And His Journey As An Intellectual

W.E.B Du Bois can be described as a man of many faces. During his own lifetime he is what would be described as a “Renaissance Man”, playing the many roles of the Scholar/Academic, the Writer, the Activist, the Historian, the Sociologist, the Educator, the Social Critic; the list is seemingly boundless with the things he was able to accomplish in his ninety-five years of life. Additionally, Du Bois, is in his own right, a monumental figure in American history and is indispensable in how we understand the history of race in the United States today. Through his extensive writing, speeches, and theories accompanying the subject there can be many ways that Du Bois can be interpreted by the modern population of the twenty-first century; many viewing him today in a less than flattering light due to the theory that seems to have made the most impact in the public eye even after his overarching career and I believe more substantial later works: his theory of the “Talented Tenth”. As one of the most popular and accessible of his wordy texts, it is the theory that has had the honor of branding Du Bois as an elitist, something that I believe is partially false. If solely looking at his earlier works, then yes Du BOis could be wholeheartedly identified as an elitist, but as I will be making an argument for in my paper, I believe this to be totally false. I will do this by tracking through DuBois’s life (in the years he was active in the public eye) through the historical contexts that helped to shape and change in beliefs as well as most prominent, in my opinion, books and essays during those critical time periods that display his starting thought processes and their seemingly gradual change due to his foray into Marxist theory and socialist thought.

The first work that I will use to mark Du Bois’s journey as an intellectual will his essay, “The Conservation of Races”. This period of Du Bois’s life was dominated by the creation of his first fully-formed statement concerning the nature and significance of racial differences. Though his early notion of what he believed race to be is virtually distinguishable from the concepts and theories he has regarding race in his later periods, it sets a solid base for the beginning of Du Bois’s logical and theoretical thought. Du Bois’s earliest conception of race appears to rely on three beliefs seen present in his essay: the pragmatic notion of meaning, the primacy of the community, and lastly faith in the talented. Du Bois’s earlier concepts of race dilenates racial groups as communities or units of social action; these groups themselves have special features that allow them to functionally contribute to a definition of their goals, while at the same time having the ability of pushing toward realization of these goals. The goals that each group would view as the most pertinent for themselves would revolve around characteristics they thought of as highly refined cultural expressions, examples being constitutional law, philosophy, and art. The examples listed above would be seen as the crowning achievements of their race that could only be produced by who Du Bois believed to be talented.(DeMarco 1983)

The product of the essay heralded DuBois move from the confines of professional academia and university scholarship to the spheres of public intellectualism and race leadership. It also sets out many of the arguments about race and reform he would continue to have to expand and refine up through the early and middle decades of the next century. Early sections of the essay outline drawbacks and difficulties of scientific attempts to categorize racial groups and also trace the role of race in shaping human history (DuBois offers some evidence of the “universal prevalence of the race idea” and its utility as a means of organizing social and political relations). Moving from the historical to the sociological, he provides brief descriptions of contemporary racial groups before turning to address more specific concerns with the status of the Negro in America. It is here, in the heart of the essay, that he first explores the double-bind of African American subjectivity and raises the questions- “Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both?”-that later would be enfolded into his concept of double consciousness. The remainder of the essay examines some of the problems associated with that double-bind and sets out principles of conduct and leadership as well as some practical policies that members of the Negro Academy should follow to fulfill their intellectual and artistic potential and, by extension, uplift the race as a whole In the opening paragraph-prior to the essay’s early sections on the science and history of racial groups-DUBOIS makes a claim about AA’s collective origins and ideals in the late 19th century America: he argues that they approach debates and dialogues on race with deep suspicion because past experience has taught them that such talk, especially when it addresses questions of racial difference, very often is predicated on assumptions of black inferiority. While there may be no consensus about what race comprises, there is a general argument, among AA at least, that it is most accurately perceived and understood in light of the feelings of distrust and disillusionment it engenders:“The American Negro has always felt an intense personal interest in discusssions as to the origins and destinies of races: primarily because back of most disscussions of race with which he is familiar, have lurked certain assumptions as to his natural abilities, as to his political, intellectual, and moral status, which he felt were wrong. He has, consequently, been led to deprecate and minimize race distinctions, to believe intensely that out of one blood God created all nations, and to speak of human brotherhood as though it were the possibility of an already dawning tomorrow DU BOIS explains and justifies this disenchantment by outlining at a thematic level the sentiments that characterize discussions of race from the perspective of AAs, but he also relies on a narrative approach that enlivens and amplifies those thematics for the readers by treating race as an emotional process and leading us through its affective-cognitive phases: first an “intense personal interest” in the topic (which opens the possibility of the discussion of race); then disgust with the doctrine of racial distinctions (which becomes cause for its deprecation and rejection); and finally, a passionate belief in the possibility and immediate necessity of transcending that doctrine (which then segues into an embrace of a monogenetic view of human origins). As an element of narrative, this affective-cognitive sequence allows DU BOIS not simply to identify emotions associated with problems of racial difference but also to enhance their referential capacity-in this instance, specifically for an AA audience, The affective-cognitive sequence enhances the likelihood of a positive judgement by his audience because it makes feelings recognizable in a thematic sense even as it renders them familiar in an experimental sense. Successful reception requires Du BOis to accurately mindread his black audience and offer them a narrative that interweaves raced particulars (i.e., the presumption of black inferiority) and unraced universals (i.e., the desire to believe that “out of one blood GOd created all nations”) in a way that mirrors or at least approximates their own perceptions and experiences of racial difference that can serve as a kind of affective- cognitive common ground for intraracial solidarity. Taken as a whole, the narrative suggests Du BOIS’s main goal in the introductory section is to est an emotional kinship with his readers that will, later in the essay, help establish and strengthen the intellectual links between balck author and black audienceBut Du Bois doesn’t settle for a one-way courtship: he offers his AA audience a mind reading challenge of it own as the outset of the very next paragraph, in part by directing greater attention to white readers and even more so by arguing that the affective-cognitive sequence modeled in the first paragraph results in an understandable by unsound belief in monogenesis:“Nevertheless, in our calmer moments, we must acknowledge that human beings are divided into races; that in this country the two most extreme types of the world’s races have met, and the resulting problem as to the future relations of these types is not only of intense and living interest to ush, but forms an epoch in the history of mankind Dubois’s first concern is to show that race is critical to the linear understanding of history. In other words, he pushes beyond the model of the representative man to establish the importance of racial groups in the study of human development. ANd while he notes the existence of variations between people on a physical level, he is more concerned with establishing the presence of an abstract set of differences- characteristics more apparent to the humanist than the scientist and best apprehended in emotional rather than empirical terms. We can read DU BOIS’s rejection of empirical observation as an attempt to formulate a narrative model that minimizes the emotionally limiting effects of static, physical racial boundaries but does go to far as to minimize the distinctions between and among the races Narratives of race and reform must be dynamic and flexible enough to permit not only the discussion of physical distinctions but also the exploration of shared cultural practices, desires, and ideals. Indeed it’s the concept of racialized ethics to which DU BOIS returns again and again in the remainder of the essay. His ultimate argument is not just that races and racial differences must be preserved but that such preservation must concern itself with the “ideals of life” and “deeper differences” of psyche and spirit “ undoubtedly based on the physical, but infinitely transcending them”. Finally, DU BOIS urges his audiences (black and white) to think of race as a growth process based upon the existence of transcendent (but not immutable) differences. SIgnificant racial separation occurs because groups grow in different ways according to the collective ideals of a particular racial group may shift as the race itself develops. As physical distinction lessen, says DU BOIS, differences in the ideals expressed and pursued by different races become more critical to the history of human development:“The English nation stood for constitutionals liberty and commercial freedom; the German nation for science and philosophy;the Romance nations stood for literature and art,and the other race groups are striving, each in its own way, to develop for civilization its particular message, its particular ideal. Which shall help to guide the world nearer to the perfection of human life for which we all long, that ‘one far off Divine event’” Ideals and the passion to guide the world nearer to them constitute a discourse of emotion that animates and structures the final sections of the essay as Du BOIS urges his readers to develop the ethical habits of being “honest”and “earnest” in examining their lives and adjusting their behavior with the immediate goal of self reform, and then use their intellectual and artistic abilities to cultivate and propagate those habits in others with long term goal of conserving racial distinctions while fostering collective social uplift

Benefits of Living in a Democracy

The world is prominent, and it contains many secrets. Those secrets are held and kept by people from all over the globe. The American government is an example of everything that is held and kept from the public based on information that is tending to be told. The right to privacy is our right to stay in the province around the United States of America, which incorporates all those things that are apart from ourselves, like our human body, home, our property, thoughts, feelings, secrets, and identity. The proper to privacy offers the United States of America the flexibility to decide on those components through the realm of the information or other things that can be often accessed by anyone. The discourse for private information is still in part of the discussion. Particularly with the utilization of the internet, during this day and age, social networks are driving new sorts of social interaction and also the convenience has made others inquisitive of what is our right to privacy. Once people can gather numerous items of knowledge concerning individuals, they apprehend all that is required to steal your identity or maybe spy on somebody. Whether or not the information is correct or not, misjudgment can cause a consequence to the individual that is being affected. The role of democracy is simply the form of government that provides its citizens with the most freedom, opportunity, prosperity and having a sufficient life. Even though the American people live in a democracy, controversies about privacy provide the idea of corruption to the public eye. Democracies should protect privacy since the initial purpose of a democratic nation is to let people live their lives without the fear that they do not have their rights being diminished.

The background of privacy became very prominent since the outcome of 9/11. The event has made an impact on how the stance of the right of privacy is being portrayed. In the morning in New York City, on September 11th the United States awareness of protection was altered eternally. On that day, American Airlines Flight 11 transporting around 90 individuals on the board, impacting into the World Trade Center’s North Tower. Nearby, after a couple of minutes overdue another airplane, which is the Airlines Flight 175, carryed around 60 innocents on the board further crashed towards the direction of the World Trade Center at the South Tower. Additional two disasters were concerning taking place in two different districts and two different airplanes. One plane crashes in the ground and another crash around in the Pentagon. On that Tuesday morning, September 11th, 2001, the subversive action took the existence and injured The American people. For that, a large number of victims are going to live through the trauma mentally and physically. The tragedy that occurred through the act of terror led to the passing of a law that is so significant that it changes the way peoples in American run things to make sure a tragedy like 9/11 will never happen ever again, which is the USA Patriot Act. After the law was passed, it allowed the government to find ways to catch terrorists, it gave officials to access personal records and private information, and pretty much the feds search everything from voice mails to social media.

The role of the government based on privacy can be diminishing, considering the fact that finding information can be incongruous. “The value of information is demand-driven. In other words, the value of information depends on how many people have used it or how many “hits” it has received from the cyber world” (Haque, 2015). Information is very valuable and to anyone that can easily access it can concern individuals for its tremendous use of the internet causes mishap to anyone. In Peter Singer in his essay “Visible Man: Ethics in a World without Secrets”, presents his argument for the conservation of the persons’ privacy rights while also arguing for governments to become more transparent, creating an overall controversial component as he states “the standards of what we want to keep private and what we want to make public are constantly evolving” (Singer, 354). The amount of effort the people do to collect information goes against the beliefs of what living in a democratic nation stood for. Even though there are reasons for invading private information, it has its drawbacks as “if someone is misinformed and carries that information (without validation), they bear the burden of carrying false information, hence that knowledge has no value” (Haque, 2015). The result of misinformation can be very dangerous because that can ruin people’s reputation with the faults of that individuals’ invalid reasoning behind invading someone’s privacy.

The government interference with privacy through monitoring information of people makes it inquisitive to people’s rights and if democracy is pervaded. “Several recent trends and government initiatives which aim to enhance the capability for surveillance and detecting potential criminals or terrorists also feed growing apprehensions that the future may not bode well for the right to privacy” (Lass-Mikko & Sutrop, 2012). The Government involvement through secretly checking information gives the purpose of the countless tragedies that occurred in America. Turning away from the issue of privacy demonstrates what really is respected if the values of privacy that are embedded in the United States of America is not the priority since “if violation of privacy is seen in an ordinary way as only the violation of individual rights, then what we see in reality is that by limiting people’s autonomy we also damage the functioning of democracy, which is required for the full self-realization of persons” (Lass-Mikko & Sutrop, 2012).

Without the right of privacy, the whole idea of prosperity is driven to pandemonium.“A society without privacy protection would be suffocating, and it might not be a place in which most would want to live” ( Stalla-Bourdillon, 2014). If we were to live in a nation without the right of privacy the people will create continuous protests for the main value of privacy is to simply have people have the freedom to be allowed to do things that they want to do without the government to spy on them. America can not function in society if that were to happen. “When protecting individual rights, we as a society decide to hold back in order to receive the benefits of creating the kinds of free zones for individuals to flourish” (Stalla-Bourdillon, 2014). Securing the people’s rights will not only change the public opinion of the government but to only let the people know that the corruption of the government has nothing to hide from the people if it is even possible to maintain that accountability.

I can say that there are people that are going to disagree with my main points that ties to my thesis of that government should not interfere with the privacy of the people. People with their views on information that involves going through people information would have some reasons. There are people who are affected by the topic of privacy based on their experiences for example like 9/11. Events like that can make a person a very strong opinion about it. Some can say that government interference can make lives for people the better since finding information that can be threatful towards everyone. Since the events that occurred in America that cause the lives of people really took a toll of how information is being used at today. Some say that would be a good argument to state since people have their opinions of the government’s involvement. Also, some can say that if there is a potential threat that can harm others it is reasonable for the government to interfere even the right to privacy is the main factor for the argument within the people to have a say on the topic.

In today’s society, the word “privacy” has become omnipresent. When talking about whether government surveillance and data collection pose a threat to privacy, the most common retort against privacy advocates by people who are in favor of databases, video surveillance, spyware, data motoring and other modern surveillance measures that make sure everyone is safe. Events that threaten the public gives the government an excuse to look at private information. Democracy is all about living your life without anyone trying to invade it. In the future, I can say the greater the conflict through countless threats, the more challenging it gets to feel like the government is not watching you.

Analysis of Presidential Election Campaign: Republican Ronald Reagan and Democrat Jimmy Carter

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the presidential election campaign of 1980. Each of the two candidates, Republican Ronald Reagan and Democrat Jimmy Carter, will be examined in this report. Each candidate will be examined in terms of their political background and experience prior to the campaign. In addition, both candidates will be observed concerning the major issues relevant to the 1980 campaign. Lastly, the results of the 1980 presidential election will be addressed in terms of the effect that this particular election had on American Politics and what both short term and long term effects impacted American citizens.

A one time actor to then a governor of California, Ronald Reagan faced a multitude of adversities following up to the 1980 presidential campaign. After moving to California in 1937, Reagan became President twice of the Screen Actors Guild, a labor union for actors, which he worked to root out Communist influence (6). In the 1950s, he moved into television and was a motivational speaker at General Electric factories (1). In 1964, Reagan began to circulate through the political parties after his speech, ‘A Time for Choosing’, which supported Barry Goldwater’s presidential campaign, earning him national awareness as a new conservative spokesman. By building a network of supporters, Reagan was elected governor of California in 1966. As governor, Reagan raised taxes, changed the state budget deficit to a surplus, and responded accordingly to protest movements in 1969 (6). After years of acquiring political support and building his name, Reagan ran twice unsuccessfully for the Republican presidential nomination in 1968 and 1976. Yet, four years later, Reagan decided to run again for office.

Reagan kept his message for the 1980 campaign straightforward: he promoted the idea that lower taxes and decreased federal expenditures would help strengthen the domestic economy. According to Reagan’s, high taxes were inflationary and inhibited Americans from saving, investing, and producing. By evaluating the government’s effects on the American people he composed the idea to reduce the federal government entirely. Throughout the 1980 campaign, Reagan argued that the federal government’s blown up size prevented prosperity and was a problematic situation that needed to be addressed (2).

Additionally, Reagan emphasized two other policy proposals during his campaign. He offered solutions to the nation’s energy problems, by declaring that the United States must work to produce more domestic energy sources. The essence of his energy plan focused on increasing the productivity of America’s energy sources through deregulation. In foreign affairs, Reagan promised an increase in pay and benefits for the armed services and a strengthening of the military. Reagan claimed that his proposals would strengthen the military’s numbers by making reenlistment an unrefusable option for those already serving.

Reagan’s 1980 campaign advertised several policy positions that went from different spectrums of diversity relating to America’s greatest oppositions during the time period. For example, Reagan criticized the United States’ relationship with the Soviet Union. He believed that in order to defeat communism, the United States should build relationships with its allies to secure international posture. He also stressed his commitment to end discrimination against women, calling for an association with state governments to repeal discriminatory regulation (3). Lastly, Reagan ran on a “moral leadership” platform which promised to renew a “spiritual revival” in the country. However, controversial topics such as school prayer and abortion was rarely mentioned in the 1980 campaign (5). Instead, Reagan’s 1980 rhetoric consisted more of a feel good approach that advocated a moral hindsight of American life. Yet as the 1980 presidential campaign took root, the Republican nominees began to surplus. A figure of power and determination, also from the Republican party, challenged Reagan during the primaries and eventually became Reagan’s greatest opposition.

Candidate Bush, a former representative and Central Intelligence Agency director, began to push as the primary elections went on and posed a threat to Reagan. Bush had won over the moderate Republicans who worried that Reagan’s conservatism might isolate the broader electorate. As Bush began to rack up number of supporters in the states, the contest between the two began to tensen. Bush would use adhomienian attacks on Reagan to persuade voters to have a negative perception on Reagan; claiming that his ideas to lower taxes would be “voodoo economics” (5).

In a debate in Nashua, N.H., hostility between Bush and Reagan flared up in public. A debate between the two was set up by the Nashua Telegraph, yet it was considered to violate Federal Election Commission rules since the debate originally circulated around Reagan and Bush only. Inevitably, the debate didn’t help Americans decipher who would be a better face of the country as both the manners were distasteful ending with Reagan fleeing the stage. Bush eventually abandoned his campaign for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination in May 1980 and threw his support behind Reagan. However, even though Reagan passed one obstacle, there were more determined nominees in his future.

Jimmy Carter, part of the Democrate party, had a role in politics much longer than Reagan did, making him a credible nominee for presidency. Carter graduated from the United States Naval Academy in 1946 and later joined the United States Navy. Carter became an activist within the Democratic party from 1963 to 1967 where he served in the Georgia State Senate. In 1970 he was elected as Governor of Georgia staying till 1975. One year later Carter won the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination, narrowly defeating Republican President Gerald Ford. Carter is credited with significantly moving his faith closer to the American mainstream; him advertising his Christian faith as a qualification on the campaign was new at the time and is seen as a significant event in the rise of the Christian movement in America.

During Carter’s term as President, significant changes were made that strengthened Americas stability as a strong nation. Two new cabinet level departments, the Department of Energy and the Department of Education, were established (7). He also established a national energy policy that included conservation, price control, and new technology (7). In foreign affairs, Carter pursued the Camp David Accords, the Panama Canal Treaties, the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, and the return of the Panama Canal Zone. On the economic overlook, he confronted constant stagflation, a combination of high inflation, high unemployment and slow growth. The end of his presidential administration was marked by the 1979–1981 Iran hostage crisis, the 1979 energy crisis, the Three Mile Island nuclear accident, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (4). In response to the Soviet invasion, Carter escalated the Cold War when he ended detente, pressed a grain embargo against the Soviets, and created the Carter Doctrine.

By the time the 1980 campaign had begun, the country was increasingly dissatisfied with the motives of the government and more importantly with Carter. As the months rolled by, the nation was devastated by high inflation and unemployment, gasoline shortages, and the hostage crisis in Iran (1). Carter seemed weak and insufficecient in office not taking great enough steps to help the American people.

Reagan proved to be the best choice for the job having new ideas and a right moral compass. Many people thought that he was too extreme, but the electorate decided to give the former movie star a chance to rebuild the American status. Reagan defeated Carter in a landslide, winning 44 million votes to Carter’s 35.5 million votes (1)

Dealing expertly with Congress, Reagan obtained legislation to invigorate economic growth, curb inflation, increase employment, and strengthen national defense. He initiated cutting taxes and government investment, refusing to diverge from his plan even when the strengthening of defense forces led to a large deficit. During his two terms he increased defense spending by 35 percent, but looked to improve relations with the Soviet Union. In meetings with former Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, he negotiated a treaty that would eliminate intermediate-range nuclear missiles (5). Reagan also declared war against international terrorism, and it was marked by sending American bombers against Libya after evidence came out that Libya was involved in an attack on American soldiers in West Berlin. Reagan also helped maintain the flow of oil during the Iran- Iraq war by ordering naval escorts in the Persian Gulf. After creating the Reagan Doctrine, he gave support to anti-Communist revolts in Central America, Asia, and Africa (6). By the end of his administration, the nation was enjoying its longest recorded period of prosperity without depression (6).

In conclusion, Reagan left a monumental political legacy. Reagan carried Republicans into control of the Senate when he won the presidency in 1980. After he was reelected in 1984, it became clear that Democrats would be unlikely to return to the White House (5). Although Democrats controlled the House throughout the Reagan presidency, the Republicans won control for the first time in 40 years in 1994 under the banner of Newt Gingrich’s ‘Contract With America,’ an assortment of unfinished Reagan proposals. Today there are more avowed Reagan Republicans in Congress than there ever were during Reagan’s lifetime. To show the true impact of Reagan’s legacy and impact on American politics, the 2008 contest for the Republican presidential nomination showed that all the candidates proclaimed that they would follow in Reagan’s footsteps.

Pros and Cons of European Union

‘A federated Europe is essential to the security and peace of the free world.’ Jean Monnet, a French political economist and a founding member of the European Union reiterated in his quote, the need for European countries to set aside their differences and envision a unified Europe. The world wars had wounded Europe and it was time for it to heal. The only way Europe would rebuild itself would be through integration of European countries into a superstate. Essentially it envisioned a union of states and partly but not entirely a fully federated or supranational state.

Europe’s integration began with the formation of the steel and coal community in 1951, the original countries being Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. The aim was to promote strong economic ties as well as establish trade development. The community then expanded dramatically in the successive years thus broadening its geographical scope. Currently, the union is made up of 28 member states and boasts of significant political and economic achievements. It is by far, the most successful institution and worth mentioning as an example of a strong regional intergovernmental organization. A majority of these achievements revolve around Europe’s economic growth, political stability, and regional security. Europe’s economic growth in light of Europe’s integration is tied to The Treaty of Rome of 1957 which saw Europe experience the beginning of a huge economic shift. In this treaty, a common market among member states was created making it possible for manufacturing industries to sell their products and services to neighbouring countries across Europe. Manufacturing industries could easily sell their goods to markets outside their countries. In 1968, the treaty of Rome was revisited and updated with an aim to further the already existing economic boost that was being felt across Europe. The treaty was updated to eliminate the heavy customs and tariffs that were being placed on goods. Policies of trade were outlined in articles 110-116 of the Treaty of Rome and policies of agriculture were standardized across every member state, through the common agricultural policy in articles 38-47 of the Treaty of Rome.

The common agricultural policy (CAP) was an area in which competence was shared between the European Union (EU) and EU countries. Goods were now being shipped easily and traders had no conflicting trade policies coming from their neighbours. The European Union common market began to apply itself not only to the manufacturing industries but every other industry after the Maastricht Treaty of 1st November 1993. Profit margins of many member states began to shoot up and the economy of Europe was on a rise. It has continued to maintain its momentum and despite the new economic challenges that began to arise, Europe is still standing as the world’s largest free-trade bloc.

Europe not only focused on economic growth but also actively sought to have political integration for the member states. Although a lot of controversy concerning Europe’s new political direction would arise, Europe still pursued a unified political structure. A European convention was held and it set out the blueprint of Europe’s political future in what was the European constitution. This was however rejected by France and The Netherlands who claimed that part of the content contained therein threatened their national sovereignty. What followed was the Treaty of Lisbon, also known as the Reform Treaty which was signed in 2007 and came into effect in 2009 . The aim of the treaty was to create a stronger European Union which was going to have the capacity to meet and address global challenges. Europe also wanted to strengthen its institutions so as to be able to serve Europe in a better way. The Treaty of Lisbon streamlined Europe’s decision-making process by introducing a unified approach to policy-making. This treaty provided for a structure under which there was a European Commission, consisting of twenty-eight commissioners who are nominated by EU member governments and who make up the EU’s central administrative unit. Secondly, it included the Council of ministers who set the policies and proposed new legislation. A European court of justice, as well as a European parliament, were also formed. The European Parliament has played a key role right from the start in unifying the politics of Europe and it has gained confidence over the years to have a strong footing in the contribution of the policies that are made in Europe. The people of Europe vote for legislation on a majority basis, due to the introduction of a system of qualified majority voting which allows democracy.

The adoption of the European charter of fundamental rights further protected the freedom of Europe and its political rights. It provided for common rights among members of the European Union giving more rights to European citizens. Any legislation made by the European government has to comply with the charter of fundamental rights and in this manner, the people of Europe are protected under the charter. ​The charter strengthens the protection of fundamental rights by making those rights more visible and more explicit for citizens. Europe, therefore, has achieved a strong political unit and with that is able to formulate policies that are well thought through having undergone intense scrutiny. It is little wonder that Europe’s policies are highly effective most of the time.

The regional security of Europe was directly tied to the economic and political or social policies of Europe. Once strong economic policies and political institutions were established, it followed that security policies must also be put in place. This was done so that the geographical regions in Europe are assured of security within and outside their regions. The much commitment that was centred towards Europe’s economic and political advancements was also put towards developing its regional security. The aim was to not only create new institutions or to agree on new political declarations, however necessary and useful both often prove: it was rather to ensure sufficient adjustment of the mandate and functions of the European security institutions to the new requirements. The need for regional security policies in Europe was key in continuing a thriving Europe and therefore it worked to develop strong regional security measures.

When The Treaty of Lisbon came into effect in 2009, it strengthened the European Union’s foreign and security policy by providing certain posts geared towards security measures. It created the post of the European Union High representative for foreign affairs and security policy. It also created the post of the European External Action Service which served as the European Union diplomatic corps. The European foreign and security sought to strengthen Europe’s international security and preserve peace. Europe not only focused on internal security but also focused on the security of neighbouring domains. This was evident when it got involved as a middleman in resolving the conflict between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. It contributed to a ceasefire in what was considered as the world’s trouble spots at the time. Another significant aspect of the European Union in light of the foreign and security policy was the European Neighbourhood Policy( ENP) which was put in place to govern Europe’s relations with its Eastern and southern neighbours. Europe undoubtedly secured the impressive clout of security which would not have been achieved if the countries worked as individual entities as opposed to a unified European entity.

By 2015, the European Union had created a connected digital single market and multiple new job opportunities were created. This, in turn, reduced the percentage of unemployed people in Europe. The Living standards of Europeans were improving dramatically. The European Union made contributions to environmental conservation. It played a key role in trying to curb climate change by creating a resilient energy union with a forward-looking climate change policy. These are only but a few of the many achievements the European Union has made since it was established.

All these achievements portraying the European Union as a successful institution did not, however, fail to bring a number of serious challenges along. The European Union has had its fair share of challenges that have led to a number of crises in Europe. It has managed to curb some of these challenges but others keep cropping up and continue to challenge Europe’s decision to Integrate. Some of these challenges have become so intense as to question the sincerity and credibility of the European Union. These challenges have also threatened the continued membership of some of the union’s member countries. The competence and strength of the European Union have been put to test by many of these challenges and Europe has had to face these challenges because the option of disintegrating is not something Europe wants to explore.

The issue of sovereignty has been the bone of contention for many member states. Many of the members have had to deal with the discussion on the extents of pooled sovereignty which was taking center stage. Many member countries appreciate Europe’s integration but contend with it on the extent to which it interferes with their sovereignty. With the gradual rise of nationalism, some of these countries have contended with the union over fears that it threatens the sovereignty of governments. The European Union legal and political hurdles can be traced back to as early as 1992 when the integration began experiencing resistance from some countries. For instance, the Danes rejected the Maastricht Treaty in the year 1992. They rebelled on account of their claims that this Treaty could endanger their sovereignty as a self-governing country. In 2001, The Irish people rejected the Nice treaty and finally in 2005 the French government and the Dutch government strongly reject the European Union constitution. All these actions were as a result of contention on the issue of sovereignty among sovereign countries within the Union.

Britain is the most recent example of countries that expressed outright resistance to the European Union. Britain recently held a referendum on its membership in the European Union and the larger majority of the people voted to leave the European Union. This is what was dubbed, Brexit which meant Britain exiting from the European Union. The United Kingdom announced that it will be exiting from the Union by 29 March this year. The government of Britain is currently trying to secure a deal with the European Union, in order to establish what its new relationship with the European Union will look like. Britain clearly expressed her desire to leave the European Union over what her citizens view as the roadmap to freedom. Whether or not Britain made a wise move or considered all the possible effects of her decision, what stands out is that it wanted to leave the European Union and it saw to it that they do that. Resistance within the European Union consequently hinders the union from forming deeper political ties and further unifying Europe as a global power.

Another major challenge that faces the European Union is the economic crisis that arose with the expansion of Europe. A number of member countries were troubled with serious debt and financial crises that took a heavy toll on the union. A good number of countries within the European Union have experienced a rising government debt, placing the burden upon the Entire Union. Crisis-hit countries such as Greece, Italy, Ireland, Spain and Portugal, caused the European Union to bear the responsibility of bailing them out of the crisis, therefore, stabilizing their economies. This was done in the spirit of inclusion for all states including the lesser developed European states. However, doing this caused greater economic challenges and was met with resistance from members of better economy countries like Germany and France.

A major discussion was focused on what caused the Eurozone crisis. The crisis began around the time when the global crisis arose and many economists attribute it to a lot of borrowing from foreign countries by governments. In the case of the EZ crisis, the imbalances were extremely unoriginal. They were the standard culprits that have been responsible for economic crises since time immemorial – namely, too much public and private debt borrowed from abroad. Too much, that is to say, in relation to the productive investment financed through borrowing. In addition to that, other claims on what could have caused the crisis were also presented. For instance, Germany attributed the crisis to overly extravagant governments such as those of Greece and Italy. In the eyes of Germany, this crisis was all about profligacy. Greece set the tone when it lied about its circumstances and lived beyond its means. Many economists, however, view this economic challenge as a complex challenge that would require a very long process to ultimately resolve and Europe would have to stand up to the challenge. This is because the situation clearly threatened Europe’s integration. Many Europeans were unhappy with the EU because of the crisis. Efforts that were being put in place in trying to resolve the challenge included imposing tax plans in a bid to resolve the problem. In Northern Europe for example, the idea was to have a plan which would raise funds through taxes for the countries where the crisis had hit hard but in doing so, a lot of resistance stemmed up from Northern Europe opposing this new plan. Another example is with the great revolt that happened in Greece when its government struck a deal with the European Union that would bail Greece out of its debt in exchange for austerity measures. This led to violent protests in Greece for the first time in a long period of time.

Europe still faces a migration of refugees crisis that has caused Europeans a great tumult over the past few years. Europe loosened its borders when it integrated into the European Union and people could freely move from country to country, within the member states. This meant that there were no strict border control measures and this saw a sudden large number of people migrating into and within Europe. The Schengen agreement of 1985 was responsible for the free movement of the member states because it provided that border checks be largely abolished. It was followed by the Schengen convention which brought with it the complete abolition of border controls and proposed that there be a common visa policy for the member states. It was first put into place as a step toward Europe integration and it did serve its purpose of bringing the people of Europe together, as well as contributing economically in the tourism industry.

However, it became a problem when Europe realized that a large number of people were seeking refuge in Europe and it was failing in managing these numbers. Refugees were fleeing Northern Africa into Europe because of the Arab wars. Illegal immigrants were already flooding Europe and Europeans began to fear for their security. This especially because they become susceptible to more terrorist attacks. Members that were skeptical about the sudden number of refugees flooding Europe began expressing their discomfort. This was evident when several anti-refugee protests began to emerge across Europe. Nationalistic individuals and member states began to call for the revision of the Schengen plan in a bid to start imposing border controls, ultimately controlling the flow of refugees and illegal immigrants in Europe. There were also Syrian refugees who were escaping war into Europe and were not going to receive a warm welcome from anti-muslim Europeans who were not so open to the Muslim refugees. This is also evident in their fear for the prospect of Turkey becoming a European Union member state. Populous Muslim Turkey does not seem welcome in the Union despite her constant attempts to join the European Union. Nationalistic feelings mounted constant pressure on the European Union to act accordingly.

The European Union has had to deal with the refugee migration crisis while employing humanistic measures at the same time, something that has proven a serious challenge, especially with the pressure arising from the anti-refugee groups in countries like Germany. In addition to that, Europe has also faced several terror attacks and the members attribute this to its loosely held border control measures and inability to curb illegal immigrants. Europe has had constrained relationships with its largest neighbor to the East.

Historically, they have had problems due to Russia’s authoritarian way of governance. The west has also always differed from Russia’s communist beliefs and has always portrayed itself as anti-communist. However today they recognize each other as individual states and cooperate on special areas of interest despite their differences.

The above challenges remind us of the European Union as a Regional Intergovernmental organization that is not exempt from overwhelming challenges just like all the other organizations. No single Regional Intergovernmental Organization is void of challenges. However, the amount of effort being put in place to curb or reduce these challenges is what makes the difference and with no doubt, the European Union still sets a remarkable effort for in doing that.

Many countries still want to join the Union because of its capacity to drive or influence change among its member states. Apart from Turkey, there are other countries that are keen on joining the union and are currently under review. According to BBC news, Turkey and Croatia began accession talks in 2005. This resulted in Croatia being formally accepted in 2013, but Turkey is still under review and could complete negotiations in about 10 years. Albania also wants to join the membership and it applied for full membership in 2009. The EU suggests that Albania does more to tackle issues of corruption, human trafficking, and organized crime before joining the union. Albania has been confirmed as a candidate but it may take a while before satisfying the European Union membership criteria. Iceland applied for full membership in 2009 and the EU has opened accession talks with Iceland since 2010. Kosovo is another country that has expressed its interest in joining the EU. Although some countries do not acknowledge Kosovo’s independence, there is a possibility that it may become a member of the European Union. Many Europeans are still split on Kosovo as a breakaway territory but this has not deterred its ambition to join the union. Macedonia applied for full membership in 2004 and was confirmed as a candidate in 2005. The main challenge that has slowed down the process of Macedonia joining the EU is the dispute with Greece over Macedonia’s name. Lastly, Serbia has also expressed interest in joining the European Union. Serbia applied for full membership in 2009 and was confirmed as a candidate in 2012. Both Kosovo and Serbia decided not to block each other in their quest to join the EU despite their bitter relationship with each other.

The European Union will continue to thrive and is unlikely to disintegrate any time soon. The foundation laid by the Union is strong and will stand in the face of the most difficult of challenges. Europe must only be more resilient and decisive in solving its problems while maintaining its decision to have great integration. It must carefully review its history and stick to the vision of its formation while expanding geographically. As for Britain, only time will tell whether its decision to leave such a strong economic and political union is a good move. This, however, is less likely to largely affect the Union given that more countries are likely to join the union. This integration remains by far, Europe’s greatest asset.

Social Class in Pride and Prejudice

Authors many times reflect the current time period that they are in and reflect their society in their novels. Jane Austen was no exception as “she did a fair amount of reading, of both the serious and the popular literature of the day” as stated by pemberley.com. Jane Austen criticizes and portrays the societal norms at the time as well as to show the problems in her society. The social classes at the time were a big aspect of society.

The social environment of her life was formed with classes dividing up was embedded in family and the money they had. Jane Austen is very critical in the presumptions and prejudices of England, especially higher class people. They would determine their life choices and their daily operations according to the class that they were associated with. She creates a break between a person’s goodness and what they own such as their social rank and possessions. She also brings up the role and status of women at the time. She taught that women didn’t need to depend on men. These ideas are similar to Mary Wollstonecraft who wanted women to leave the house and get jobs that men do. Although there are many topics that are covered in the novel, Jane Austen focuses mainly on social classes in the novel and criticizes the ideas of class structures during her time.

One of the most prominent examples of the societal conservation and superiority is Mr. Collins and his dealings with the other characters. He wants to marry to get the estate for himself as well as get married to one of the Bennet daughters. He is not doing it for love rather he is doing it because clergymen like himself have to set an example with marriages due to their stance in society. He also thinks it will give him some false happiness and finally, he is doing it to please Lady Catherine. Marriage is a common job for Mr. Collins and he believes that with his social status as well as his wealth, he should get a wife easy peasy. However, when Elizabeth actually rejects him, he states, “my situation in life, my connections with the family of de Bourgh, and my relationship to your own, are circumstances highly in my favour; and you should take it into further consideration, that in spite of your manifold attractions, it is by no means certain that another offer of marriage may ever be made you. ” He literally says that Elizabeth is making a mistake by rejecting him due to the fact that he has a high social status as well as his connection to other high social status people. In reality, Elizabeth is saying no because she knows that Mr. Collins wouldn’t provide her with happiness. Mr. Collin’s idea of class superiority is very much reflective of the higher class at the time of the novel and shows that a person with his position has influence in society.

Darcy would be another example of showing the effects that come with his social status and his connections to the other characters in the book. He is seen as socially awkward and can’t engage in small talk. Yet, he still knows his place and class position is greater than most people. This is shown in his thinking that due to his class position, he doesn’t need to dance at the ball in the beginning of the novel. Darcy tells Mr. Bingley, “She is tolerable; but not handsome enough to tempt me; and I am in no humour at present to give consequence to young ladies who are slighted by other men” Darcy knows that he is better than the people in the room and doesn’t see the need to talk to the other women in the room. This is also shown in Darcy’s first proposal to Elizabeth in which he says that even though she is beneath him and marrying her would reduce his status, he was willing to put that aside because he loves her. The social position of Darcy influences the relationship between Elizabeth and Darcy and shows the effects of status and wealth on a person at the time.Men were socially seen for being the beacon for women and saviour of women and that women essentially had no choice but to marry for security because without a man, they basically had no value and no assurance that they would live to see a new day. They had to marry for a man’s fortune but not for love.

This idea is expressed in the piece, Advice to the Newly Married Lady in which Samuel K. Jennings talks about what women should do who have been married and how they should act relating to what men think. It was believed that men were clearly superior to women and their wives. The wives needed to yield to them and that they must submit completely to their husband’s needs and put their own aside. They couldn’t question where they were in life and stating “your husband your own companion”. Women could only be successful and accomplished through a good marriage. Women were limited in their freedom to choose the husbands they wanted and the love they wanted which led to little considerations for their feelings and their opinions. This is also portrayed in the painting The Settlement by William Hogarth shows the dealing between a higher class individual as well as a rich merchant. It shows that marriage is basically like a business deal and that the woman gets almost no choice in their life. The couple sitting in the chairs show that they are ignoring each other.

The most prominent detail in the painting is the two dogs chained together to try to get together to show the connection to the couple’s loveless marriage. This whole idea of women needing to marry for security is present throughout the novel. Elizabeth’s first love was Wickham and she sees him as the best man she has met. The thing with Wickham is that he has no class status nor does he have a lot of money, which makes him an unsuitable husband. This leads to a reason as to why she might want to marry Darcy, he has what Wickham lacks. It is also Elizabeth’s social position as a woman that affects the relationship between Darcy and her as well as how people saw the women. Another example of the social status concerning women is Lydia and her running away. Her act of running away shows the impact on the other characters as well as how it affects them. Elizabeth hearing more details about the news from Darcy makes her feel shameful of her family and that Lydia is a source of the family’s weakness. Mr. Collins, more focused on how this is affecting the family’s status claims that Lydia’s death would have been a better alternative to her running away and that she should be disowned by the family. This mash of differentiating opinions and hate of Lydia is showing how important status is and the rules of the societal norms at this time.

Lastly, women were seen as inferior to men and couldn’t do things that men could. This sentiment is stated by Ms. Bingley when he proclaims, ‘A woman must have a thorough knowledge of music, singing, drawing, dancing, and the modern languages, to deserve the word; and besides all this, she must possess a certain something in her air and manner of walking, the tone of her voice, her address and expressions, or the word will be but half-deserved.’ She claims that to be a woman, you must be able to know how to play music and draw, be able to sing, and have a graceful walk. This was the settings that were needed to have a woman be a woman and it shows the societal standards of the women at the time.

The Life of Jack London as Reflected in His Works

Jack London was a prolific writer; over the period from 1899 until his death in 1916, he wrote 50 books and over 1,000 articles. Though he was made most famous by his stories of the Klondike, he wrote on subjects ranging from boxing to romance, from survival in the Arctic to labour strife in Australia. He led a harsh, erratic life; born illegitimate, raised as a poor ‘work beast’, constantly questing after every adventure and all the knowledge the world might offer, he died young as a result. The fact that his gift for writing was ever realized came to be used as an example of ‘The American Dream’; London rose out of the lower depths of American society, out of the social and economic abyss where art, thought and rebellion are all but unknown, where the primal struggle for survival absorbed the energy, ambition and creativity that produced art and speculative thought in the more favoured classes.

London’s rough view of the world changed dramatically as he studied the works of Karl Marx, Charles Darwin, Rudyard Kipling, Herbert Spencer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Karl Jung, and uncounted others; by carefully sorting through his works, it is possible to trace his emotional and literary development through the characters in his stories and the way they react with their environment.

Sorting through London’s stories and articles to find the philosophical roots is a daunting task, but the vitality and variety of his narratives ensures that the search is never boring; Howard Lachtman describes London as ‘…a born teller of tales who wrote as he lived – in a hurry. The writer, like the man, was a creature of force and eloquence, pulsing with enthusiasm or indignation.’

Jack London dropped out of school at the age of fourteen, and worked at a series of low-paying sweatshop jobs until he was sixteen, when his adventures began. London’s exploits during the years 1892 and 1893 are part of the London legend: oyster pirate, fisheries patrolman, seal hunter in the North Pacific, rail-riding hobo, and hard-drinking dockhand. In 1894, during America’s worst depression until that time, he traveled across the United States and Canada on the rails; the impact of that journey, ‘during which he saw the pains and disorders of American society in one of its most disturbing crises, cannot be underestimated. [He saw] for the first time that society was badly put together’. In April 1896, he joined the Socialist Labour Party, and very soon became a regular speaker for them.

By the spring of 1897, London had decided that society would not drag him down and force him to spend his life slaving as a ‘work beast’; he would become a writer. He later said of that period: ‘never was there a creative fever such as mine from which the patient escaped fatal results.’ He wrote fifteen hours a day, composing everything from ‘ponderous essays and … short stories… to elephantine epics in Spenserian stanzas’.

In July 1897, only twelve days after the Excelsior landed with the first word from the gold-laden Klondike, he and his brother-in-law joined the mad exodus to ‘the frozen North’; he was about to find his literary niche.

Jack London had a talent for rapid, intimate perception of his physical surroundings. The scenes in his stories of the Klondike were developed from what he saw and heard during his one winter at Split-Up Island, at the mouth of the Stewart River. His story plots came from rumours, bar-room tales, newspaper clippings, story plots purchased from other writers, and self-admitted ‘modification’ of other writers’ works, including those of Rudyard Kipling and Joseph Conrad. In London’s stories, the Klondike became ‘not only a real country, but a territory of the mind’, in which his characters lived or died because of what they had inside them; in this, London was ‘a saga writer to a nation of emotional frontiersmen, who had reached the Pacific Ocean, only to find unemployment as acute there as further east’.

It is often said that London’s characters lack depth (ie Powers,1975), but that seems an unfair criticism. While it is true that much of his ‘hack-work’ suffers from superficial character development, his best work reaches deeply into his characters’ hearts, sometimes in the form of anthropomorphism, as with Buck, the dog-hero in The Call of the Wild. The allegoric use of Buck to represent the struggle of all working-class people to maintain their dignity is often commented on.

Although Jack London was famous as an action-writer, he was a master at describing the physical sensations of slow death. His descriptions in The White Silence are vivid enough to put a shiver down the spine of anyone who has traveled through the Northern wilderness in the depths of winter: Nature has many tricks wherewith she convinces man of his finity – the ceaseless flow of the tides, the fury of the storm, the shock of the earthquake, the long roll of heaven’s artillery – but the most tremendous, the most stupefying of all, is the passive phase of the White Silence. All movement ceases, the sky clears, the heavens are as brass; the slightest whisper seems sacrilege, and man becomes timid, affrighted at the sound of his own voice. Sole speck of life journeying across the ghostly wastes of a dead world, he trembles at his audacity, realizes that his is a maggot’s life, nothing more.

Death is a common theme in London’s work; Arthur Calder-Marshall states that London ‘was always very much in love with death,’ and his descriptions make it obvious that he spent a great deal of time thinking about the subtleties and progressions of various ways of dying. He had some degree of first-hand knowledge of the matter from an early age, having barely survived drowning after attempting suicide by swimming to exhaustion in San Francisco Bay while drunk at the age of sixteen. Most of the action in To Build A Fire concerns itself with the slow process of freezing to death at 75 degrees below zero. Interestingly, London never gives his protagonist in that story a name, and Walker suggests that that anonymity may have been intended to personalize for all readers the starkness of the struggle with nature.’ In The Call of the Wild, the death-cry of the rabbit that Spitz kills is reverently described as ‘the cry of Life plunging down from Life’s apex in the grip of Death.’

London particularly enjoyed killing off incompetents such as Percy Cuthfert in In a Far Country, who ‘mistook … an abnormal development of sentimentality … for the true spirit of romance and adventure.’ Franklin Walker suggests that the basic plot of the story was borrowed from Joseph Conrad’s An Outpost of Progress, with Northern twists. The idea for the story actually came from an incident during London’s Klondike winter, during which he used his partner’s axe to cut ice; the ensuing argument forced Jack to move out into a neighbouring cabin. In the In a Far Country version, two men, complete opposites in breeding and personality, are trapped in a remote cabin for the winter, and end up killing each other, succumbing to ‘The Fear of the North’: This fear was the joint child of the Great Cold and the Great Silence, and was born in the darkness of December, when the sun dipped below the horizon for good. …allowed his soul to become saturated with the Fear. He dwelt upon the unseen and the unknown till the burden of eternity appeared to be crushing him. …This was the Universe, dead and cold and dark, and he its only citizen. …the Fear of the North laid icy fingers on his heart.’

Jack London has often been classed as a racist, but he was a man of complex reasoning, with many contradictions, and atypical outbursts during his frequent sicknesses; to classify him as a racist is much too simplistic a label. As a child, his mother taught him to believe that he was better than the Chinese, the Italians, the Irish, and the other immigrants who were taking away jobs from Americans of good Anglo-Saxon breeding. In his youth, he clearly believed in the inferiority of non-whites, and particularly of those people who were of mixed blood. He definitely did not believe, however, that all Anglo-Saxons were inherently noble creatures; he often portrayed whites as heartless aggressors both against the ‘weaker races’, and against the weaker members of their own race. To emphasize that point, Andrew Sinclair (1977: 89) describes London’s pessimistic viewpoint on Anglo-Saxon civilization following seven weeks researching in the slums of East London for The People of the Abyss at the height of his socialist period, in the summer of 1902: To him, the London Abyss was another Social Pit. The inefficient were weeded out and flung downwards. The efficient emigrated, taking the best qualities of the stock with them. The British race was enfeebling itself into two classes, a master race and a ghetto race. A short and stunted race was being created – a breed strikingly different than their rulers. …If this was the best that civilization could do, then savagery was preferable. ‘Far better to be a people of the wilderness and desert, of the cave and squatting-place, than to be a people of the machine and the Abyss’.

Returning from England, London stated that if he were God for one hour, he would ‘blot out all London and its 6,000,000 people, as Sodom and Gomorrah were blotted out’.

One of the philosophers read by London was Friedrich Nietzsche, and London was often ctriticized, by early critics for the most part, for promoting Nietzsche’s ‘superman’ ideal. This seems to arise as a result of attaching ‘cultural baggage’ to a poor translation of Nietzsche’s Ubermensch; ‘overman’ was the term he used to describe a person who has ‘organized the chaos of his passions, given style to his character, and become creative’; in short, a person who has developed ‘a unique supernatural dignity’. London seemed to ignore those criticisms, for no clarification of the philosophy was published.

In stories such as those in Tales of the Fish Patrol, published in 1905, racist attitudes against Greeks and Chinese are particularly blatant. However, much of London’s work was written strictly to pay the bills, and he wrote exactly what he though the public of the day wanted. Those racist attitudes were the norm of the day: Anglo-Saxon superiority was a basic assumption not just of the popular audience – some of the most sophisticated thinkers in America identified American cultural traits with the racial characteristics of Anglo-Saxons.

As London absorbed the Social Darwinist theories of Herbert Spencer, and modified them from his own experiences, stories such as The League of Old Men (1902), Negore the Coward (1907), and On the Makaloa Mat (1919) stand out in showing a much different racial and social philosophy forming in London’s mind.

The League of Old Men is one of the four pieces ‘which are essential to the London vision of the North-west,’ according to Calder-Marshall, and London often said that it was his personal favourite. In it, London gives a sensitive description of the white man’s destruction of the lives of the original people of the Yukon as related by Imber, an Elder of the fictional Whitefish tribe. A technique which London uses often in his stories appears here; when speaking to whites, the natives use broken English, but between themselves, flowery Victorian English is used to portray their dignity. Imber’s tribe has been virtually wiped out by diseases brought in, and by the young people of the tribe being lured away by the wonders of the whites’ world; even their wolf-dogs have been ruined by breeding with the whites’ dogs: …the white men come as the breath of death; all their ways lead to death, their nostrils are filled with it; and yet they do not die. Theirs, the whiskey and tobacco and short-haired dogs; theirs the many sicknesses, the smallpox and measles, the coughing and mouth-bleeding; theirs the white skin, and softness to the frost and storm. …And yet they grow fat on their many ills, and prosper, and lay a heavy hand over all the world and tread mightily upon its peoples.

Imber and the other old men of the League have killed many white people in an attempt to stem the tide of cheechakos. Now all the other Elders have died or been killed, and, sitting by the busy main street of Dawson, Imber realizes that he has failed. He turns himself in to the police, to face the white man’s justice; during the trial, a member of the Whitefish tribe who has been educated at a church-run school interprets for Imber. The result of the trial is ‘a forgone conclusion. It has been the custom of the land-robbing and sea-robbing Anglo-Saxon to give the law to conquered peoples, and ofttimes this law is harsh.’

During 1904 and 1905, Jack London’s work took on an extremely pessimistic, morbid note, particularly in The Game, All Gold Canyon, and The Minions of Midas. At the time, London was going through what he termed ‘the long sickness,’ his personal reassessment centred around the impending end of a very unhappy marriage. The ‘sickness’ was compounded by a difficult relationship with poet George Sterling that included a strong physical attraction, and the start of London’s physical collapse during a trip to Korea to cover the Russo-Japanese War in 1904.

The Game introduced a new minor genre to the American literary scene – the boxing story (Sinclair, 1977). In this tale, two ‘working-class aristocrats,’ Joe, a very successful boxer, and his fiancee Genevieve, are due to be married as soon as he wins one more fight. She attends the fight in disguise, and sees Joe die in the ring. London was very vain about the beauty of the Anglo-Saxon male’s body, even taking pictures of George Sterling on the beach in the nude; his description of Joe, with his ‘deep smooth chest’ and ‘muscles under their satin sheaths – crypts of energy wherein lurked the chemistry of destruction’ has been said by some critics to be a sign of at least latent homosexuality.

In The Mexican, which Sinclair called London’s ‘masterpiece of the genre,’ a poor Mexican boy wins a fight against the cheating gringo hero in order to buy guns for the Mexican revolution. Although he hates fighting the ‘hated game of the hated gringo,’ his only focus is to avenge the murders of his parents by the federales during a strike, and he has a natural talent for the game. The money is easy, and ‘not first among the sons of men had he been to find himself successful at a despised vocation.’ This sympathy for the Mexican youth and the justification for the Revolution is in stark contrast to London’s seven articles on the actual Revolution in 1914, when he was sent to Vera Cruz as correspondent for Colliers magazine: His racism grew rampant. He explained that the confusion of the Mexican revolution was due to the childish and predatory games of the ‘breeds,’ the one-fifth of the mestizo population which was neither Spanish or Indian. ‘Like the Eurasians, they possess all the vices of their various commingled bloods and none of the virtues’.

London was drinking heavily while in Mexico,and caught amoebic dysenetry, complicated by pluerisy, nearly dying while in a Vera Cruz hospital.

In June 1905, the Londons bought the first piece of what would, by 1914, be a 1,439-acre ranch in the Valley of the Moon. The ranch became the anchor of his life, and his passion. He became noted for his prize stock, state-of-the-art barns, soil reclamation projects and water conservation measures. As always, Jack London did nothing half-way; ‘he was always excessive, if not ecstatic, about what he believed at the moment’. On August 23, 1913, the fabulous home, ‘Wolf House,’ that was being built on the ranch, mysteriously burned; arson was suspected, but recent studies indicate that spontaneous combustion caused the fire.

London’s new-found awareness of the fragile beauty of nature is shown in All Gold Canyon; in this story, the destructive power and callousness of men searching for gold is portrayed. The story begins with a lengthy description of the beauty of a tiny pocket canyon in the Sierras, off the main desert valley; in this pocket, ‘the air was sharp and thin. It was as starlight transmuted into atmosphere, shot through and warmed by sunshine, and flower-drenched with sweetness.’ An old prospector appears, shattering the peace, and soon the slow progress of his digging for gold ‘was like that of a slug, befouling beauty with a monstrous trail.’ The obligatory gunfight with a thief follows his discovery of a deposit of pure gold; the thief is killed and dumped in the pit, while the old prospector goes on his way, loaded down with gold.

The Minions of Midas possibly best portrays London’s sense of frustration and cultural isolation, never quite accepted by ‘proper’ society, and indeed never really sure if he wanted to be accepted. In this futuristic story, the capitalist class is made to pay for their oppression of the working class. The Minions of Midas, ‘the nightmare stereotype of the proletariat’, kill innocent people without mercy or guilt in their successful blackmail campaign to take over industry and control the means of production. The ‘M of M’ call themselves ‘the successful failures of the age,’ and state that they ‘turn upon the society which has created them.’ Some businessmen initially refuse to be blackmailed, even as the assassinations progress, professing to beleve that ‘it was manifestly just that a few should be martyred for the ultimate welfare of the many’. Their guilt, however, eventually drives even those men to suicide.

Surely the most surreal of London’s stories is The Red One; it presents a mixture of science, philosophy, and anthropology, written with a strong sense of irony, and tinged with a strange vein of black humour. Barrett, a scientist in search of a certain jungle butterfly on Guadalcanal, gets attacked by cannibals, but survives because a particularly ugly woman of the tribe lays claim to him. In the heart of the island, the Red One, a huge metallic sphere, possibly some kind of message from outer space, is worshipped as a god. Hundreds of men, women and children are regularly sacrificed to the Red One. Barrett develops malaria and black-water fever, and just before he dies, offers to let the shaman have his head for drying if he can see the Red One, and hear the incredible noise it makes when struck with a log set up for that purpose. Just as the tomahawk is about to sever his head, ‘…it seemed that he gazed upon the serene face of the Medusa, Truth.’ Yet what the truth was, the story does not tell – only that, in the total dichotomy between the hallucinatory message from the stars and the utter savagery of men, the boundaries of Jack’s split personality lay. At last, he had the courage and awareness to decalre himself, as he prepared for his own death.

The stories contained in the collection On the Makaloa Mat, which London wrote in the last few months of his life, as he was slowly dying of uremia, are generally considered to be some of his most mature short stories: London’s recognition of his dependence on Charmian and Eliza and Joan [his wife, sister, and daughter], his laying to rest of his father’s rejection of him, his Jungian discovery that his nightmares might be the good myths of his unconscious, all helped Jack write some of his better short stories… He no longer identified himself with the young Anglo-Saxon heroes braving the frozen wastes and bullying the lesser breeds….

During London’s last trip to Hawaii, in 1915, he came to love the Hawaiian people, and this comes across clearly in the short story ‘On the Makaloa Mat.’ In this, his fullest development of a female character and one of the most romantically moving of is tales, two aged sisters, descended from the Hawaiian royal family, are sitting on the lawn of one of their many estates. Bella, the younger of the two, tells her sister about a two-week affair she had almost fifty years previously with the heir to the throne; at the time she was married to a haole (white man) who was determined to get very rich by investing in land, and by denying himself and Bella every pleasure: ‘… that house of his, of ours, at Nahala, was gray. All the color of it was gray and cool and chill while I was bright with all colors of sun and earth and blood and birth. It was very cold, gray cold, with that cold gray husband of mine at Nahala. …You know he was gray, Martha. Gray like those portraits of Emerson we used to see at school. His skin was gray. Sun and weather and all hours in the saddle could never tan it. And he was as gray inside as out.’

Bella had married George because her uncle had told her that George would be ‘the ruler of Hawaii. It is written it the books. It is ever so where the haole conflicts with the easier races.’ Too late, she realized her mistake; when the charming, flambouyant Prince came along, she was swept away by excitement and by love: ‘I was like a survivor from the open boat falling down on the sand and lapping the fresh, bubbling springs at the roots of the palms.’ Two weeks later, the Prince left, ripping up the lei that Bella made for him, and mouthing the word ‘Pau’ [‘finish’]; she went back to George, who died two years later, leaving her very wealthy. As Bella was telling her story, her new car arrived: ‘But oh, all the Pierce-Arrows and all the incomes in the world compared with a lover – the one lover, the one mate, to be married to, to toil beside and suffer and joy beside, the one male man lover husband -‘ Her voice trailed off…’

London’s love of the Hawaiians was returned in kind; upon his death, a statement from the Royal Family said, ‘By the point of his pen his genius conquered all prejudice and gave out to the world at large true facts concerning the Hawaiian people…’

Through Jack London, millions of people around the world have experienced the outer edges of the world, the innermost core of the working-class world, and the complex struggles to survive in either place. Literary critic Alfred Kazin once said that ‘the greatest story London ever told was the story he lived.’ On November 22, 1916, that life came to an end.

Jack London was an extremely complex man, and biographers use widely-varying terms to describe him. Although the London name is now a marketing tool for everything from shopping malls to tour companies, controversy still surrounds even his suitability as a commercial tool. In Whitehorse in 1996, the two main access routes into the city from the Alaska Highway were named to honour Robert Service and Jack London. But the ‘racist’ label was successfully attached to London, however – the signs were removed, and the road is again just called ‘Two-Mile Hill.’ In June 2020, a petition was started to get the bust of Jack London removed from Whitehorse, using the same claims of racism and white superiority.

Social Media And Self-Esteem: The Effects Of Time Spent Online Among Young Adult Women

Abstract

An abstract is a single paragraph, without indentation, that summarizes the key points of the manuscript in 150 to 250 words. For simpler papers in Paul Rose’s classes, a somewhat shorter abstract is fine. The purpose of the abstract is to provide the reader with a brief overview of the paper. When in doubt about a rule, check the sixth edition APA style manual rather than relying on this template. (Although I prefer only one space after a period, two spaces after a period are suggested by the sixth-edition APA manual at the top of page 88.) This document has a history that compels me to give credit where it’s due. Many years ago I downloaded a fifth-edition template from an unspecified author’s web site at Northcentral University. I modified the template extensively and repeatedly for my own purposes and in the early years I shared my highly-modified templates only with my own students. By now, I have edited this document so many times in so many ways that the current template bears virtually no similarity to the old Northcentral document. I want to be clear, however, that I am in debt to an unknown author who spared me the inconvenience of having to create my own templates from scratch.

This is where the body of your paper begins. Note that the title of your paper appears at the top of your introduction even though other sections begin with headings like “Method”, “Results” and so on. The rest of the text in this template provides hints about properly generating the parts of your APA-formatted paper. Notice that there is no extra spacing between the paragraphs or sections.

The major components of your paper (abstract, body, references, etc.) each begin on a new page. These components begin with centered headings at the top of the first page. (You can see how major components of text get divided in this freely available sample document: http://www.apastyle.org/manual/related/sample-experiment-paper-1.pdf ). Some papers have multiple studies in them so the body could have multiple sections and subsections within it.

Sections can have subsections with headings. For example, a Method section might have Participants, Materials, and Procedure subsections if there are enough details to explain to warrant such headings. The sixth edition of the APA manual, unlike earlier editions, tells you to bold some headings. Below are examples.

Introduction

Participants in this study included 100 women from the ages of 18 to 35 years of age. Participants were recruited online through Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and e-mail via a post describing the survey and a link to the survey. The use of differing online platforms to recruit participants was used in order to get a large sample size of the demographic being studied. All participants were volunteers.

Materials

The participants took part in a survey that was created through Qualtrics. The survey was accessed via the internet through the use of cellphones, computers or tablets. Before the survey began, participants were given a brief, informing participants of the purpose of the survey and asking for consent to use the information for research purposes, in which they chose “Yes” to continue if they desired to be a part of the study.

The survey consisted of two parts. The first part of the survey contained 10 questions regarding the demographics and social media use habits of each individual taking the survey (see Appendix A). The first two questions asked participants to verify their age group and educational level. The following eight questions gathered information on how often one uses social media, for what reason they use social media and which types of social media platforms they engage in.

The second portion of the survey used the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) to determine each participants level of self-esteem (see Appendix B). This scale is 10 question 4-point Likert scale. Answers range from strongly agree to strongly disagree. In order to score this scale a certain number of points has been assigned to each item. The highest number of points possible is 30. A score lower than 15 indicates a lower self-esteem.

Design and Procedure

This study was a non-experimental correlational study, looking for a link between time spent online and levels of self-esteem among women, ages 18 to 35. A link to the survey was posted on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and through e-mail with a description of the demographics we were targeting as well as a brief description stating that those interested could take a quick survey for research by clicking on the link provided. Those who chose to click on the link were taken to a page describing the purpose of the survey and given the choice to continue on from there or not. Those who continued on then completed a 20-item survey that consisted of two parts. The first 10 questions they answered were measuring the amount of time they spent on social media. The second part contained 10 questions that were measuring their self-esteem. Once the survey was complete participants were shown a prompt thanking them for their time.

Results

Check your assigned reading materials for rules about citations (which occur within the text of the paper) and references (which are listed in their own separate section at the end of the paper). Remember that you can find a lot of answers to formatting questions with a careful search. When you’re looking at information online, check the source, and consider whether the information might refer to an older edition of APA format. When in doubt, follow the latest edition of the APA manual.

References

  1. Ajournalarticle, R. H., Spud, P. T., & Psychologist, R. M. (2016). Title of journal article goes here. Journal of Research in Personality, 22, 236-252. doi:10.1016/0032-026X.56.6.895*
  2. B’Onlinesourcesareconfusing, S. O. (2010). Search for answers at apastyle.org and include issue numbers after volume numbers when there is no DOI. Journal of Articles Without Digital Object Identifiers, 127 (3), 816-826.
  3. Cmagazinearticle, B. E. (2009, July). Note the last names on this page: Each source type has to be formatted in a different way. [Special issue]. Prose Magazine, 126 (5), 96-134.
  4. Dbookreference, S. M., Orman, T. P., & Carey, R. (1967). Google scholar’s “cite” feature is usually accurate and time-saving. New York, NY: Pearson.
  5. O’encyclopedia, S. E. (1993). Words. In The new encyclopedia Britannica (vol. 38, pp. 745-758). Chicago, IL: Penguin.
  6. Pchapter, P. R., & Inaneditedvolume, J. C. (2001). Scientific research papers provide evidence of frustration with giant style manuals. In P. Z. Wildlifeconservation, R. Dawkins, & J. H. Dennett (Eds.), Research papers are hard work but boy are they good for you (pp. 123-256). New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
  7. Qosenberg, Morris. (1994, September 11). This is how you cite an online news article that has an author. The Washington Post. Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com/dir/subdir/2014/05/11/a-d9-11e3_story.html

The Martian Chronicles’: Review of a Book

I’ve never been much of one for science fiction, but our facilitator said she’d have me read a science fiction book by the time she was through with me and she succeeded. Well, I listened to it, but I think that counts still. Or, I hope it does.

The Martian Chronicles is a collection of short stories that Bradbury wrote focusing on the human colonization of Mars. The book starts off with the four successive exploratory missions of human spacemen to Mars to see if the planet is fit to inhabit. Subsequent stories talk about human adjustment to life on the new planet from how they change it to be more like Earth, the relationship with those back on Earth, and interactions with the native Martians. In the end, another World War starts on Earth and everyone goes home, leaving a stranded few on Mars for the forseeable future as rocket technology is wiped out on Earth.

I ended up liking this book a lot more than I thought I would from the description. To me, Martians and aliens had a very 1970s feel and wasn’t something I was interested in. It goes to show how cutting edge Bradbury’s book is because it was published in 1950. (For the record, I’ve typed 1920 when trying to put a year every time. Can you tell what my favorite decade is?) This says to me that Bradbury inspired all the Twilight Zone reruns I watched as a child. Kudos to him.

I liked that the main character was the setting, Mars. It was the one thing that strung the stories together because characters changed in each one with only a few repeated. The long list of characters didn’t bother me because I approached the piece as a collection and not as a novel. This kind of answers a question I posted before about the difference between the two: It’s all about reader’s expectations for a level of consistency. I just finished another short story collection where the characters were consistent, but the setting and time were not. That didn’t bother me because I expected the setting to change.

There are a ton of popular cultures references in the stories that help make them relatable despite the futuristic setting. My favorite was the story “Usher II” which described a house built in the style of the House of Usher from Poe’s story “The Fall of the House of Usher.” There were tons of Poe references in the story and I’m a fan of his work so I was laughing the whole time.

One of the themes that rang oh-so-true today was conservation of the Earth. The people of Earth were coming to Mars to get away from nuclear war and the over-population there. 60 years after it’s publication, humans are still looking for ways to avoid these problems. If, like Bradbury suggests, the atmosphere on Mars was breathable for humans, I think it’s likely we would start to colonize the planet. The ending idea is that humans hold the power to destroy our own civilization and that our advancements in technology also have the ability to cripple our technology and send it backwards in development. Wow. Bradbury was very far ahead of his time.

When he was writing this, the world was going through/recovering from World War II and the threat of nuclear annihiliation. I think Bradbury’s ending depicts the fears that people at the time had of a nuclear war. These fears continued through the Cold War era and I think are still relatable today with the threat of nuclear weapons in Iran and North Korea.

I love when authors are able to drive home a political point without hitting you over the head with it. Bradbury does a wonderful job. Many people write with a political agenda, but the most affective pieces are ones where the reader finds out slowly.