Historiography of East, West Frameworks on Eastern European Women During Communist Era

Introduction

The history of women in Europe was an invisible story. Especially the history of women during the communist era is very scant. Particularly there is a major paucity of European feminists who may have documented the women’s social, political, and economic situation during the communist era. So whatever work that has been done on women during this time has mostly been dominated by western thoughts. Though there are extensive and promising works, being present in the post-communist era (e.g. Wolchik (1994)) but there exist definitive works on women’s history in the communist era in Eastern Europe. Here it must be made clear as to what I mean by Eastern Europe. By Eastern Europe, I mean, following Andrea Peto, the erstwhile Soviet bloc (Peto 2004, 173). This paper tries to trace the trend of historiography in women’s studies in East Europe in the communist era. The paper is first trying to ascertain the existing works and the viewpoints of the researchers on women’s history and then try to ascertain if there exists any difference between the Eastern European and Western European historian’s points of view. Then I will discuss the present situation of the field of study and the future direction of research that is required in the area. First, I discuss the contributions and developments in feminist research in Eastern European countries.

Women’s Studies in East Europe

According to Peto women’s history in the communist East Europe had been “crippled not only by institutional and disciplinary boundaries but also by national hegemonies and overarching frameworks of history writing” (Peto 2004, 174). This is indicative of the “crippled” situation women’s history is in today. While discussing women’s roles in the communist era of the Eastern Europe, Peto shows that in the post-communist there developed a feminist side of history, but before which history was grossly dominated by patriarchal views (Peto 2004, 174). Peto also identifies that unlike Eastern Europe, the change in the history’s outlook in North American and Western Europe occurred due to immense pressure from the political and feminist groups (174). Further, Peto states that the nature of feminist history writing was positivist in nature, implying that there was counter-argument presented in the history of women presented by academicians during the communist era (175).

Feminist historical accounts were subjugated by communist authoritarian government. An argument has been presented regarding feminist history in the communist era, that it had been subjugated by the authorities (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 83). They believe that the communist regime accused feminism of encouraging “hostility between women and men instead of fostering cooperation between them” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 83). That is why most historical account of feminism shows that women came to view any form of totalitarian regime be it Soviet Union or Nazi Germany with enmity and men were seen as their “humble partners” (Siklova 1997, 77).

Agnieszka Majcher studied feminism and its development in Poland in the last fifty years (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004). She also studies the current state in economic research of women in the Polish communist era. According to her study gender equality was enshrined in the country’s constitution, it was taken for granted at societal level, but women became “objects of political manipulation, and the rise of a genuine feminist discourse was severely restricted” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 85). According to her, this was mainly because researchers were unable to enter into dialogue with the institutions, mostly because there was lack of political will as well as lack of initiative by feminist groups:

Researchers and women’s activists were unable to enter into a dialogue with, or articulate criticism of, the state or other social institutions. For the most part researchers and women’s activists were unconcerned with the developments in feminist research that took place in the West, particularly from the 1970s onwards. This gap was the result of the repressive ideology of communism, the precarious situation of feminist scholars and activists, and a certain selectivity in accepting new ideas, a self-censorship that continues to this day. (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 85)

This neglect by political institutions was also indicated in the work of Anna Loutfi (2005), who studies the Civil Marriage Law in Hungary in the communist era. Her study shows that the privilege that has been provided to women during this era was actually an “illusion” of security and did not provide and legal stability (Loutfi 2005, 14). Historians of the era have shown that this law provided gender equality in a society that was essentially patriarchal in nature and high degree of gender inequality (Loutfi 2005, 15).

The reason for this lack of academics concern on feminism in the communist regime is due to the removal of sociology from universities as it was labeled by communists as a “bourgeois science”. The reason for paucity in the feminist studies as criticism in political and social life of people was considered to be a “taboo” in the communist regime. Thus, the feminist studies during the era are controversial. As argued by Majcher that “the number of publications on women’s issues during the communist period is impressive, even though the subject continued to have only marginal status in economic, sociological, or historical research and many of the publications were just brief articles published in various socio-cultural magazines.” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 86) Apart from these, she also identified a few limitations in the women’s studies in the communist era: (a) inappropriate definition of “gender” and a distinction between “gender” and “sex”, (b) lack of reflection on feminist theory, (c) lack of feminist realization which led to non-identifying of women’s group interest, and (d) the research approaches which were followed were the conventional approaches, which were considered politically acceptable and was rather narrow in framework (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 86). These problems were also identified by Peto (2004).

One distinct example of communist manipulation of women is found in the work of Basia Nowak (2005) who studies the participation of women in the communist agitations and incorporating women into the party. The reason is shown by Nowak is to prevent women from talking and control women’s “talkativeness” in the name of bringing forth and enlightens the politically backward womenfolk (Nowak 2005, 502). And during the Stalinist era, incorporating women in the socialist ideologies was important because it was believed that “women’s talkativeness had the potential to harm the state” (Nowak 2005, 509).

Women’s history unanimously hailed restrictive policies regarding women as advantageous to women, where policies actually supported restricting women’s role to the family institution and reduced their participation in the workforce. A decline in the participation of women at work was hailed to be advantageous by academicians like Zofia Dach (1976) and Krystyna Knychala (1978). The present state of women’s study in the communist era is dominated by studies of pay gap, barriers to women’s career, pattern of women’s employment and family, model of incorporation of married women in labor force etc. apart from the economic and social status of women, their status in academia was also restricted and feminist research outcome was few. Thus, this leads to a “statist feminist” as was coined by Hana Havelkova which was indicative of the half-hearted policy of women’s emancipation and using it towards gender equality (Havelkova 2000). One reason which Havelkova points out is the lack of any woman’s issue which may have brought about a movement against the governing institution. She also believes that there is an increasing disparity between the feminism in East and West, as there was no feminism in East. The dominant discourse of controlling East European feminism was in its conjugation with western feminism, but there is no chance of comparison because of the impossible task to unify the cultural difference (Riley 2000, 176). In the post-communist era, some scholars have identified the difference between the feminism in West and East (Nikolchina 2002).

A contradictory view is provided by Barbara Einhorn and Charlotte Sever (2003) who believe that in the post-communist era there has arisen a myth that East European countries have rejected Western feminism due to the fall of socialism. But the authors argue that this rejection is oversimplified as the women in the eastern European countries have merely rejected the Western concept of feminism:

“…these analyses provide a simplistic and thus inaccurate picture of the period of transformation, which fails to take into consideration national and cultural differences. More substantively, they deny the actual existence of much grassroots activity both before and after 1989…The two ‘myths of transition’ have arisen partly from contesting notions of the position and project of feminist identities reflected in the continuing and difficult East/West feminist dialogue.” (Einhorn and Sever 2003, 165)

This has been pointed out by Duhacek too who states that “How do we speak of feminism which is other than Western feminism, if not as a feminism which is the other to it, which would presuppose Western feminism as the parameter?” (Duhacek 2000, 129). This demonstrates the disparity in the history of women in Eastern Europe.

Methodological Issue

The above discussion shows that the history of women in the communist Europe was essentially an account of “numbers” with very little stress given on the women’s perspective of the account. The statistics showed that there was high rate of women’s participation in the workforce, there were proper facilities provided to the working wives and they could avail paid leave as and when required, but all these studies failed to provide an account of the systematic exclusion of women’s voice from the history which could demonstrate the social aspects of these numbers. As identified by Nikolchina (2002), there was government support for women in workforce continued but the attitude of emancipation of the communist regime prevailed. So far the approach of most historians is restricted to numbers wherein the social aspects of the women’s history get lost. Number of research are being generated to understand the position of women in the communist era but the researches fail to show any social aspect or humane side due to lack of any primary or secondary reference source. The documentation in the communist regime was essentially by numbers, which predict no problem in the status of women whereby western standards they were equally well off. But the history fails to show the feminist perspective of the story. The history fails to account for the reason for prevalence of traditional constructs of feminity and masculinity. The histories of the time fail to address these issues as they are the essential womanist’s voice to history. So as history even today is based on these numbers published in the communist era grossly misrepresent women’s history.

The future of feminist research in the woman’s history of East Europe during the communist era must be based on a work of an archaeologist and not that of a historian. Peto identifies ways in which this problem of historiography of women’s history can be changed. First the oral history tradition of women must be utilized which remains the only source of identifying the social history of women in Eastern Europe. Then Peto argues that there is no “true” form of history, so Preto states “an archeological excavation is not an innocent activity after all because it is aiming to answer questions of representations but not of constructions” (Peto 2004, 178) as the right methodology for conducting research into women’s history of Eastern Europe.

Conclusion

History of women in Eastern Europe is dominated by controversies and contradictions. They believe that Eastern European and Western feminism is unlike each other and so Peto believes to bridge this gap between the approaches a more unified form of feminism needs to be developed (Peto 2004). Further, on discussion of the methodology of historical approach, the approach must concentrate more on the social aspects of women’s lives than on numbers of the communist era.

Reference

Dach, Zofia. Praca zawodowa kobiet w Polsce w latach 1950 – 1972 i jej aspekty ekonomiczno-społeczne [Women’s Paid Work in 1950 – 1972 and Its Socioeconomic Aspects]. Warszawa: Ksia¸z˙ka i Wiedza, 1976.

Duhacek, Dasa. “Eastern Europe.” In A Companion to Feminist Philosophy, by Alison M. Jaggar and Iris Marion Young, 128–36. Blackwell, 2000.

Einhorn, Barbara, and Charlotte Sever. “Gender and Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 5(2), 2003: 163–190.

Havelka, Hana. “‘Abstract Citizenship? Women and Power in the Czech Republic.” In Gender and Citizenship in Transition, by Barbara Hobson, 118 – 38. London: Macmillan, 2000.

Knychała, Krystyna. Zatrudnienie kobiet w Polsce Ludowej w latach 1955 – 1974 [Women’s Employment in the Polish People’s Republic 1955 – 1974]. Warszawa: PWN, 1978.

Loutfi, Anna. “Poverty or Possibility? Eastern Europe and the Development of a Global Historiography for Women’s History.” Women’s History Revisited: Historiographical Reflections on Women and Gender in a Global Context. Budapest: International Federation for Research in Women’s History, 2005. 1-17.

Majcher, Agnieszka, Krisztina Majoros, and Andrea Peto. “Explorations: Feminist and Economic Inquiry in Central and Eastern Europe.” Feminist Economics 10(3), 2004: 81-118.

Nikolchina, Miglena. “The Seminar: Mode d’emploi. Impure Spaces in the Light of Late Totalitarianism.” Differences 15(1), 2002: 96 – 127.

Nowak, Basia A. “Constant Conversations: Agitators in the League of Women in Poland during the Stalinist Period.” Feminist Studies 31(3), 2005: 488-520.

Peto, Andrea. “Writing Women’s History in Eastern Europe: Towards a “Terra Cognita”?” Journal of Women’s History 16(4), 2004: 173-82.

Riley, Denise. The Words of Selves: Identification, Solidarity, Irony. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000.

Siklova, Jirina. “McDonalds, Terminators, Coca Cola Ads – and Femininsm?” In Ana’s Land: Sisterhood in Eastern Europe, by Tanya Renne, 76 – 81. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997.

Wolchik, Sharon L. “International trends in Central and Eastern Europe: Women in transition in the Czek and Slovak Republics: The First Three years.” Journal of Women’s History 5(3), 1994: 100-9.

Nazism in Germany and Communism in the Soviet Union

Introduction

To date, it is widespread knowledge, opinion, and the idea that Nazism and Communism are separate social phenomena. For instance, it is no secret that these political “doctrines” result from difficult socio-economic and political situations. In particular, it is essential to note that they were characterized by totalitarian thinking as one of the distinguishing features of the first half of the twentieth century and the times of faith in science and various rationalistic theories. However, despite such initial apparent similarities, there has always been an insurmountable gap between them within the framework of political, social, and ideological goals, which knowingly doomed both currents to fight each other to destruction. Hence, by their essence and nature, Nazism in Germany and Communism in the USSR are different and dissimilar in terms of ideology and governing systems, but at the same time have “totalitarian” aspects.

Nazism and Communism: Difference

First of all, the ideology of Nazism in Germany is a set of views and thoughts of Adolf Hitler about humanity from the racial struggle point of view. Such philosophy of the Third Reich was significantly associated with the propaganda of beliefs about the superiority of Aryans and Germans over other races.1 In addition, this worldview emphasized motherhood, especially supporting women who had to have children of “the right origin”.2 In general, however, this ideology focused on the racial idea, the concept of the blood community of the Germans, and their absolute biological superiority over other ethnicities, nations, and peoples of the Earth. The sacredness and religious character of Hitler’s theories and the desire to “purify” certain people were inherent in the Third Reich’s ideology.

In contrast, Communism in the Soviet Union was an equalizing redemptive ideology, in which there was such an “original sin” as the exploitation of humans by humans and paradise as a communist society. Furthermore, unlike the Germans, the Soviet people relying on this philosophy aimed to build a community without classes, in which all members jointly can own all means of production and goods. Accordingly, such a concept of public property excludes the economic exploitation of man by man. In addition, people’s race did not serve as an indicator of anything – everyone was deemed equal in the community. The Soviet Union inherited a vast territory from the Russian Empire, which had a long history of unifying different people under its rule. In fact, the country consisted of so many nations that an ideology of a superior race could prove to be utterly detrimental in the given circumstances.

Secondly, it is known that the foundation of the management system in Germany during the reign of Adolf Hitler was the principle of the Führer and dictatorships. In other words, the organization of the state system was built in the form of a pyramid – from the highest to the lowest. Moreover, German Nazism was mainly based on Lebensraum policies, aimed at forming, developing, and promoting the country’s leadership positions through searching and seizing new lands suitable for life.3 Hence, the German dictator directed the available forces, time, and other resources to the conquest of lands and the eradication of representatives of certain nations.

On the other hand, under Communism, power was transferred to the people, and the system of governance of the Soviet state was built on the principles of public self-government. Its peculiarity lies in the fact that the authorities that perform public managerial functions and their activities have lost their political character. This is due mainly to the disappearance of classes and national differences, and with the death of separate states, political relations, as well as connections between classes or nations, have vanished. Thus, despite Moscow being the center of decisions and operations, Soviet Union regions possessed substantial autonomy in terms of self-governance. Furthermore, instead of discriminating against specific nations, the Soviet Union displayed an utterly opposite approach to national policy. For instance, the Union’s republics invested a lot of time and resources to support their national language and identity.

The “Totalitarian” Aspects

The totalitarian aspects of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany include full control and direction of all aspects of citizens’ lives through coercion, intimidation, and suppression. Among the signs of the political regime, one can additionally highlight the official recognized ideology, the monopoly on the media and means of armed struggle, the system of terrorist police control, and a centralized economic management system. Both Soviet and Nazi leaders had special privileges, rights, and opportunities to invade the privacy of people, imposing on families a particular model of behavior aimed, according to the authorities, for the benefit of a state and society, thereby challenging the social roles formed in Europe and the United States.4 With strict regulation of official functions and subordination of officials within government departments, there was no order in interdepartmental relations, as well as a clear construction of the vertical of power. The factor of the leaders’ will and the subjective ties between them were consciously placed above the fixed rules and norms of development, adoption, and execution of decisions.

The slogan of social justice in the USSR was an abstract appeal, and more concrete were the calls for universal equality, which after some time turned into a dictatorship of social exclusivity based on the principle of working, poor origin. It is believed that Joseph Stalin could completely control the state with the “removal” of Leon Trotsky5. Consequently, Fascist Germany was anti-legal in nature; lawlessness and the possibility of arbitrariness concerning citizens were elevated to the rank of law. Therefore, the state machine has completely subjugated society and the individual. For decades, a total state regulation system of public and private life has prevailed in these countries. The destruction of people in this era turned into a routine and became something like the work of mechanical machines. For example, during the Second World War, the German Nazis sent millions of Jews, Slavs, and people of other nationalities to extermination camps and labor concentration camps.

Therefore, it is necessary to state that the difference between the two ideologies lies in the fact that Communism in the USSR recognized the equality of all people. At the same time, Nazism in Germany emphasized racial superiority and the restructuring of society with the priority of one nation. Nonetheless, unlike Communist regulations, the Third Reich supported the right to private property. Moreover, the system of government in the USSR was built on the principles of unity and equality. In fascist Germany, on the contrary, the tendency for hierarchy and Fuhrerism was developed. In particular, it should be added that despite such differences, the spirit of totalitarianism and the desire to subordinate the people’s heart, will, and mind to a particular model of behavior and perception of the surrounding world picture prevailed in the two countries.

The First World War of 1914-1918 was one of world history’s most significant turning events. This cataclysm, unprecedented in scale, led to the loss of millions of human lives, the fall of several powerful empires, the formation of new nation-states, and fundamental changes in the system of international relations. Moreover, it predetermined the entire subsequent course of events, including the Second World War. The First World War was one of the most crucial and decisive moments in European history, which devastated culture, politics, and society since 1789.

What The First World War Sweep Away and Usher In

Primarily, one should mention that Napoleon’s rule and French Revolution that broke out in 1789, in a sense, are the starting point in the development of large-scale and cardinal events that later developed into the First World War. This event demonstrated that unlimited royal power ceased to exist. Until 1871, there were several uprisings, restorations, coups, revolts, wars, and other upheavals. These were the periods of reactions, and adaptations, in which a new round of revolution and the unification of the German and Italian nations prevailed.

Thus, starting from 1871 and up to 1914, new types of political debates were formed, culminating in the war. During the last third of the XIX and the beginning of the XX century, empires were concerned with dividing the world, building zones of influence, and inventing identities that allowed justifying emerging demands. As is already known, the war lasted until 1918, and in 1919, the Versailles Peace Treaty was signed. The war resulted in the collapse of four empires – the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, German and Russian, and only the British Empire survived. The collapse of empires led to a nationalist transformation, and the “nation” became the dominant political structure in terms of reformulating the idea of belonging and political will.6 In general, the Treaty of Versailles determined the events of 1933 when the National Socialists came to power in Germany. Accordingly, in the future, this phenomenon will result in the Second World War, which lasted six years, starting in 1939 and ending in 1945.

In contrast to the pre-war time, nationalism became no longer dependent solely on the causes from inside the country – new ideas and ideologies acquired a transnational character. The traditional vision of causal relationships can be considered “tunneled” in this context.7 It may explain the local course of actions; however, it fails to grasp the long-distance diffusion, entanglement, and transfer of ideas. Hence, from the point of view of political concepts and phenomena, after the First World War, many different changes took place in Europe. The Great War brought pain, suffering, resentment, frustration, and economic turmoil to the world by inflicting terrible damage, taking millions of lives and four empires with it.8 There was a territorial division of states, the collapse of pre-war empires, and a radical change in borders. During the war, the boundaries of regions changed significantly, and the Russian Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Germany were most susceptible to these changes. Moreover, there would have been no fascism without the First World War. In the conditions of total warfare and its consequences, human consciousness softens and becomes ready to accept totalitarian ideologies.

Moreover, within the framework of cultural aspects, the war gave rise to an unprecedented number of new plots and posed or aggravated a certain number of philosophical and existential problems. For many ordinary soldiers, it was often unclear why they were waging war and what they were fighting for. On the other front line, the same workers or peasants were freezing and getting wet in the trenches. This phenomenon was even in the French and German units, whose peoples historically did not like each other, and the French dreamed of avenging the Franco-Prussian War. For instance, the 1920s saw a massive explosion of hedonism, the desire to live and prosper. After many years of hardships and restrictions, the population finally gave itself free rein in the desire to succeed, significantly since the industry was diversified and production facilities were optimized for civilian needs.

Appealing to social issues, it should be borne in mind that when men were taken to the front en masse, their places in production were occupied mainly by women and children, which turned the system of social relations in civilization. Women’s emancipation before the warfare was extremely superficial and, in many ways, rather intellectual, and after the war, the female half of the population was able to express themselves in a new light. The hardships of the battle created extreme tension in society, and revolutions took place in some countries, which had both social and political consequences additionally. For instance, the working class in the 1920s was able to win back significant rights compared to 1914, and somewhere this happened right during the revolutions, and somewhere the industrialists themselves conceded, observing the examples of neighboring countries.

In the future, after mass events and up to the present, the boom of atheism and female emancipation began to manifest, and the concept of human freedom in lifestyle, beliefs, relationships with the environment, art, and reaching permissiveness appeared. The image of the world (human civilization) as people see it today has been formed – unpredictable, dangerous, nervous, unstable. The focus of public life was directed, in addition to political figures, to celebrities and intellectuals.

In general, the First World War opened up the modernity in which people live today. It seems that contemporary Europe has accepted the modernity born of the Great War as a phenomenon. The further this world develops, the clearer it becomes what the EU is moving away from and towards: which technologies are emerging and which are dying off, what new content sovereignty is filled with in the era of integration and how completely universal human rights give birth to a variety of social practices and assert the rights of minorities.

Conclusion

Hence, summarizing the above mentioned, it should be noted that The First World War is one of the most grandiose and large-scale events predetermined in advance and determined further even more significant phenomena. Starting with the French Revolution in 1789 and ending in 2022, without any doubt, the war took away many human lives, swept away several great empires, and changed the style of government in many regions. Nevertheless, it has made new changes not only in politics but also in art, literature, cinema, and social life, empowering citizens, introducing new subjects into art, and inspiring people with new thoughts and dreams. Echoes of such a turning point can be noted in the modern world, giving residents freedom, equality, and independence, as well as an impetus to the development of many movements, including national ones.

Bibliography

Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648. New York: Pearson Education, 2013.

Miller, Robert J.St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 750-817.

Rybak, Jan. European Review of History: Revue Européenne D’histoire 26, no. 5 (2019): 783-806.

Seixas, Xosé Núñez. The First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe: Global Impact and Local Dynamics. Boston: Brill, 2020.

Footnotes

  1. Miller, Robert J., “Nazi Germany’s Race Laws, the United States, and American Indians,” St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 765.
  2. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 889.
  3. Miller, Robert J., “Nazi Germany’s Race Laws, the United States, and American Indians,” St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 762.
  4. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 889.
  5. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 872.
  6. Rybak, Jan. “Universal Freedom’ and the Balfour Declaration: Watershed Moments for Radical Jewish Politics,” European Review of History: Revue Européenne D’histoire 26, no. 5 (2019): 783.
  7. Seixas, Xosé Núñez. The First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe: Global Impact and Local Dynamics (Boston: Brill, 2020), 18.
  8. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 852.

Asian Studies: The Long March and Communist Cause

Introduction

Long march occurred between 1934 -35. It is one of the historical expeditions in present-day China. It was made up of more than 6000 miles that the communist army had to flee the city of Jiangxi, in southern China. Enclosed by the state army of Chiang Kai- Shek, more than 80,000 Red Army soldiers became a fugitive and moved northward. Fewer armies survived the walk which resulted in a new communist base at Yan’an.

The Essay discusses the long march. It points out how the long march improved the communism cause by resulting in Mao has a communist leader, influencing Japan’s dominion and strengthening communism military competence. However, the essay also discusses how the long march contributed to the weakness of communism cause such as territorial weakening and empowering the KMT troops. In conclusion, the Long March simplified the rise of Mao, strengthened communism military skill and helped streamline communism cause in China.

The Long March

Long March was credited in saving Mao Zedong and the Communist Party from an outside attack on Guomindag. The number of participants in the march is unknown because members used diverse routes to reach their destination1. The journey was characterized by endurance and conviction hence allowing more than 25,000 soldiers and other survivors to arrive at Songpan under the Mao leadership. Long March influenced the communists to move escape attack waged by Guomingdang which was ordered by Chiang Kai Shek, KMT leader2.

Chiang Kai Shek had a strained association with the communist. This prompted him to launch a big attack on them. The communist had occupied the Fujian and Jiangxi bases in Southeast China. Guomindag advisers comprised of Germans and among them was Hans von Seeckt, a German general. Communism had close working ties with Guomindag in the early 1920 -13.Long March was supreme in improving the communism cause in China. And it successfully led to more positive causes in enhancing the communism influence across the land.

The Rise of Mao

The Long March contributed to the rise of Mao as the leader of communism. Mao was among the pioneers of the communism party. He had a communism ideas and clear doctrine of uniting the poor and peasants of China into a terrifying vigor which contributed to toppling of the National Army and the Japanese invaders thereby helping to uphold the Chinese government4.

Mao pioneering ideas towards; communism, capacity in unifying people and military competence provided a concise leverage to guarantee peaceful and stable “Red China”. His intellectual planning and inventive policies are credited to communism success during the Long March5. His wider reaching reforms and unsullied ideas compelled him to receive aid in dubious places. For example, he helped sanction guerrilla army to be respectful to the peasant population.

The strategy helped to win support from the populous peasants. Besides, he dictated the affable measures and deeds among his troops towards Muslims in order to convince them to join his cause. Historically, people had viewed Chinese soldiers as brutal and oppressors, they didn’t respect the common person6.

He defied this myth and challenged the authenticity of Russian supported leadership mainly the “Returned students”. The “returned students” had propagated communism such as inaccurate policies adopted at Kiangsi in favor of Nationalist party. Overall, Mao had to assume political command which had two important effects.

First, the influence of Russia in communism dealings was shaken. This was because Mao had taken the communism leadership without Stalin approval; the progress of Communism was now sovereign of foreign intrusion7. Secondly, the new leadership of communism gave communism a new idea and aim. The aim stipulated that they should “Go north” to battle the Japanese.

The idea brought about patriotism and won many people to communism in solidarity support of their country. Mao and his supporters challenged the dignity that Mao displayed to the peasants through the actions of his army gave him respect and therefore it contributed to deliver communism cause8.

Transforming Military Retreat to Victory

The Long March influenced the actions of the Communist army on a positive note. It helped to transform the military leadership to victory. The Kuomintang had enclosed Jiangxi base which was communism territory in 18349. The CCP had to be forced out by the KMT troops. However the Zunyi conference helped Mao, a communist, to effectively command the red army. It helped the Red army to have a clear strategy and move forward to show communism cause in resulting stages.

Moreover, the Long March helped to strengthen the command of Mao. In 1945 the communism forces assembled for a meeting of politburo, which was a topmost meeting of the Communism Party10. The meeting granted on Mao the responsibilities of overall control of the Communist Party and the Red Army. His determined leadership provided an effective morale of building a good repute of indestructibility of communism army11. Besides, his leadership heightened support from the poor peasants therefore furthering communism cause.

Countering Japan Dominion

After the World War II, Japan had risen to power. Mao forged a coalition with divergent Chinese nationalists to free china from Japan control. The scheme was successful because it compelled Japan to withdraw12. The communist part later successfully defeated the Nationalist forces compelling them to exile in Taiwan. Japan was combating the allied and had seized Shandong province, which Germany had declared an interest.

The Japanese had put the warlord government in Beijing famously known as the “21 demands”. Once these demands were approved, China would be under a Japanese territory13. The Communism party rejected these demands but accepted Shandong province to continue being managed by Japan which was by now in its control. Besides, the Long March made communists to consolidate power which provided an important support to counter Japan during the 1937-45 war. This promoted the 1946-49 conquest of Chinas mainland during Chinas civil war. The communism had sound policy. They fixed “freed areas land Law” the law played an important role by stripping landowners control overland resources so redistributing it to the landless and peasants14. It aimed at increasing and preserving the faithfulness of the increasing extent of peasant populace. Introduction of new policies defined the communism cause and communism party in general and allowed it in progressing China towards a socialist path after the long March15.

Communism Military Prowess and Discipline

The Long March contributed to strengthening the military of the communism party influencing the communism cause. Communism Military brilliance led to communism defeating its opponents16. It provided a new phase of strategy to focus on national revolution. The red army was well organized with apt strategies. This helped them to counter the KMT troops17.

Mao, who was an antagonist, provided innovative plans and unique thoughts about the war in succeeding communism influence in China. The communist army had captured a village and “bribed” the Nationalist troops in giving up the town’s protective design18. Crowned with Kuomintang outfit, the red army battalions infiltrate Zunyi and arrested all protective arrangement at pierce point.

Communism success and authoritarian approach, the use of revolutionary services, made communist to remain relevant during the long march and promoted the defeat of the Nationalist Army. The communism party continued budding new ploy19. They increased on what they had fashioned making it superior and effectual as occasion continued.

Mao the communist leader was effective in guerrilla application and the nationalist forces requested him to reveal these skills into their forces when they were allied against the Japanese20. Besides, Communisms embraced Sun Tzu’s policy of aggressiveness when enemies could not retreat. Mao intelligently was patient until the communists troops outnumbered the Nationalist and rapidly arrested the distasteful after enough men had abandoned from the Nationalist battalion21. This influenced the communist party to have a formidable cause after the long march.

Streamlined and Effective Operations

Long March encompassed streamlined and effective operation by the communist part. This ensured that maximum operation prevailed in order provide effective and successful outcome. For example, the right strategies helped the communism by making them invisible and upholding their security in afterward stages of conflict amid nationalists forces22.

Communism used tactics such as tying a white towel in the neck for easier identification at night, breaking the single dossier of marching into many and approving the army in a zigzag to meet at earmarked places. These precautionary strategies held the Red army together and promoted confusion among the nationalists investigation during the long march23.

The military decision of avoiding the Vietnam conflict enabled the Communism to empower its red army24. It resulted in charming the civil strife therefore positioning the communism cause in command of future China. This invoked instantaneous success of communism in China’s mainland25.

International Recognition

The Long March provided a platform in which the communism recognition was strengthened in an international setting. Mao employed the use of misinformation to underline the outcome of long March to build a powerful platform for communism and fix his rule in China26. Besides, the Communist were to further their interests about their brave long march version to receive peasants and sympathizers support around the world.

Communist explanation of the long march receive overwhelming support of Chinese and international supporters such as an American Journalist known as Edgar Snow27. His interview with Mao, a communist Leader attracted international attention. This furthered communism cause in China.

Alignment of Peasants with the Communism

Long March was important for the communist party to control the future of china. It gave the communist party to build its reputation among the poor and peasants the survivors of the march28. Also, Mao directed the army to incorporate “eight points of awareness” which included politeness in speaking, not damaging crops and avoiding mistreatment of prisoners among other awareness. The policy promoted support and harmony which made communism to sway rural peasants29.

Besides, incorporating the eight point’s awareness and refusing to accept charity made communism a popular party. Unlike Communism party, Kuomintang party was intolerable to peasants because it treated peasants in bad manner30. Appealing policies and effective human treatment helped to promote the communism cause.

Social and Psychological Effects

The Long March brought about social effects to the communism party therefore controlling a new cause in the leadership of the party. The communism activists spread the doctrines of communisms along the routes. The doctrines aimed at promoting communism movement31. They actively recruited new members, held public rallies, redistributed clothes and wealth to the poor and motivated fortified peasant uprisings. Besides, psychologically, the march influenced the communist movement in various ways.

First, the triumphant conclusion of the march helped strengthen Mao faith that strong men and influential radical awareness has an opportunity of conquering material difficulty32. Secondly, the communism members who effectively ended the march felt encouraged and full of hope hence deepening their wisdom of about duty. They believed that they were the only one remaining to bring about revolution because others had died along the way.

Thirdly, the communism comradeship was developed at the top leadership of the CCP33. This was an essential reason which contributed to the success of communism in 1949. And lastly, important communist ethics such as tireless struggle, courage, unselfishness and gallant sacrifice emerged as during the march. The Long march brought about gallant stories towards innovative civilization to help spread of communism34.

However, the Long March contributed to the weakening of the communism cause for various reasons. Territorial weakening is one of the precincts of Long March. The Kiangsi territory which was a soviet base was part of communist party. They had held this territory for several years.

They lost it jointly with land reforms, industries which used to produce military warfare to KMT. The communism lost this territory of; the KMT had well organized and elaborate military plan, unpopular land and military plans staged by the communism and collapse of communism to form an alliance with rebel KMT soldiers35. The KMT further shattered the social structures which communist had fixed.

The communist had only to settle down in Northern Shensi and ponder the next rebuilding strategy of communism. Besides, the Chiang leadership introduced tutelage. The nationalists dictated property reforms and modernization of industries36.However, Chiangs efforts were frustrated because the Chinese people did not embrace reforms because large percent were peasants and illiterate. Besides the peasants, the urban dwellers who were mostly middle class embraced Western ethics. They amassed wealth and contributed dismally to the needs of the poor peasants.

Secondly, the Success of KMT troops was another drawback of long March to communism cause. Under the leadership of Chiang kai Shek, they managed to chase the communism and successfully showed command in Szechwan, a province in southwest china37. The territories of KMT were distended too.

Further, the threat poised by the communist had reached the end after the long march. Chiang Kai-shek was involved in restoring China as a new nation. Chiang had renounced that he will form a republican government, but Sun Yat-sen had convinced him that Chinese people demanded a transitional government to help them prepare to usher into a democratic country38.

And lastly the Long March eased the established of class within the communist party. The top leadership of the communism party was from different backgrounds. The revolutionary rivalry was weakened by class struggle and recognition in the party. The quality played a major role in swelling this weakness. Because of different social background influence and attitude, it was hard for communism to establish a common and comprehensive stand about their party objectives and mission which would improve their revolutionary grip39.

Social backgrounds contributed to members taking different directions about the revolutionary movement. During the Long March, Members felt shrink and tired even before the demanding struggle began. Some of the members began to reflect about leaving communism because of outside allurement therefore contradicting their revolutionary ranks40. Evolving class within the communist party contributed to the weakening of communism cause because they couldn’t consolidate support within the party leadership.

Conclusion

The Long March influenced the actions and raised communism cause in present-day China. The march is credited to political reawakening which lead to the rise of Mao as a leader of Communism party. The cause also prompted strengthening of communism military hence they would adequately be prepared incase of uncertain invasion. However, the cause also led to Japan dominance in Shandong province which caused friction with communism leadership. However, the March led to weakening of communism territories and strengthened the competence of KMT military in China.

Bibliography

Benton, Gregor. Mountain Fires: The Red Army’s Three-Year War in South China. California: University of California Press, 1992.

Kataoka, Tetsuya. Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front. California: University of California Press, 1974.

Lawrence, Alan. China under Communism. New York: Routledge, 1998.

Lansford, Tom. Communism. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2007.

Scobell, Andrew. China’s Use of Military Force beyond the Great Wall and the Long March. London: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

Snow, Edgar. Red Star over China. California: Grove Press, 1968.

Footnotes

  1. Kataoka Tetsuya, Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front (California: University of California Press, 1974), 68.
  2. Kataoka, 74.
  3. Kataoka,92.
  4. Lawrence Alan, China under Communism (New York: Routledge, 1998),87.
  5. Lawrence,105.
  6. Lawrence,112.
  7. Lawrence,118.
  8. Lawrence,134.
  9. Lawrence,144.
  10. Lawrence,156.
  11. Lawrence,160.
  12. Lansford Tom, Communism ( Singapore: Marshall Cavendish,2007),123.
  13. Lansford,134.
  14. Lansford,136.
  15. Lansford,148.
  16. Benton Gregor, Mountain Fires: The Red Army’s Three-Year War in South China (California: University of California Press,1992),87.
  17. Benton,93.
  18. Benton,102.
  19. Benton,123.
  20. Benton,126.
  21. Benton,129..
  22. Lansford,54
  23. Scobell Andrew, China’s Use of military force: Beyond the Great Wall and the Long March ( London: Cambridge University Press, 2007),136.
  24. Lansford,79.
  25. Lansford,80.
  26. Snow Edgar, Red Star over China (California: Grove Press,1968),77.
  27. Snow,102.
  28. Snow,112.
  29. Lansford,104.
  30. Lansford,113.
  31. Lansford,59.
  32. Lansford,65.
  33. Lansford,79.
  34. Lansford,98.
  35. Scobell,78.
  36. Scobell,89.
  37. Scobell,97.
  38. Scobell,108.
  39. Scobell,116.
  40. Scobell,135.

Destiny of the Post-Communist Countries

The period of the United Unions lasted for about a century. The impact of the Union on other countries which were its members cannot be overestimated. In the different periods, the Union comprised from four to sixteen countries. Its territory occupied one-sixth of the Earth’s surface. After the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, its countries-members had different destinies. Some of them followed the examples of western European countries, while others took an absolutely different political and economical direction.

So, what are the reasons for such a striking difference between the development of all post-soviet countries? Why did Russia choose one way, while the Czech Republic moved in another direction? It is obvious that there are significant differences between all post-soviet countries, and there are logical reasons for such disparity. In order to examine the reason for such difference we would need to deal with different aspects of different countries: history, culture, the role of the Soviet Union, etc.

To begin with, it should be mentioned that “by the end of the communist period, all of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe faced profound economic crisis” (White, Batt, Lewis, and Seroka 6). Frankly speaking, such an aftereffect of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union for countries which were its members is not a surprise. Imagine the system which controls all aspects of economics. One day this system breaks, and there is no other sufficient one that could place the previous system. In other words, Europe, as well as members of the Soviet Union were not ready for separation. Of course, some of them had more facilities for rapid development, while others were dependant on the government of the dissolute country. Still, the approach of politicians of different post-soviet counties predetermined their development in this or that direction.

Romania is a post-soviet country which development and further history were predetermined by the fact of its membership in the Soviet Union. The political and economic situation in the country was closely connected with the notion of nationalism. Nicolae Ceausescu was a leader of Romania whose government is considered to have the most negative impact on the country. “From the beginning of the Ceausescu era, the new leadership injected an element of nationalism into its domestic and foreign politics” (Cheng 146). This ear can be described as the period of Romania’s economic stagnation. The thing is that the economic situation was the worst among the Soviet Union countries. Moreover, Ceausescu managed to create the most politically centralized government. Such a political approach could not but cause the economy: Ceausescu pursued rapid industrialization of the country. As a result, the level of industrial growth in Romania was the highest compared with other eastern European countries. “Unlike other Eastern European states, Romania continued to push for further heavy industrialization beyond the limits that could reasonably be expected and beyond the area of meaningful return” (Cheng 148). Besides industrialization other spheres of the economy were in a dangerous position: agriculture was absolutely neglected by the government. In the aspect of cultural development, the regime of Ceausescu Romania became very close to the Stalin Soviet Union. The leader was regardless of the negative consequences of the policy of total control. After the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, the direction of the country’s development changed greatly. The Romanian Revolution of 1989 became a turning point in the history of the country. Since 1996 peaceful democratic-liberal opposition was settled. Due to successful reforms, the country enjoyed rapid development of economics which allowed the country to become a part of the EU.

Unlike Romania, Hungary was the country in which the Soviet regime was milder. In fact, Hungary was a post-soviet country that got its independence almost without any obstacle. The thing is that “the imposition of Leninism in Hungary after World War II was not marked by swift and violent regime transition” (Cheng 170). In fact, communist power was gradually imposed on the country. Still, the imposition was rather partial. One of the most signs that communistic power was the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 against Soviet-imposed policies. For example, other post-countries did not show such an anti-soviet attitude. Perhaps, the successful destiny of Hungary after the Dissolution of the Soviet Union is connected with the political approach of the Kadar regime: “the Kadar regime based its rule on a dual compromise with the Soviet Union and the Hungarian population” (Cheng 199). The thing is that government actions were rather flexible for the population and of partial load mode. Moreover, Kadar applied the Soviet Model according to the living standards, cultural aspects, and economy of Hungary. In other words, the Kadar regime government used a rather specific political line which was beneficial both for the Hungarian people and their relationship with Soviet Russia. That is why it is understandable that the Hungarian political situation was an effective basis for the development of a newly independent country: the level of dependence of Hungary on the Soviet Union was of minimum significance. So, Hungary easily recovered from the Soviet government.

Russia, perhaps, was one of the countries whose contemporary existence is still very close to the period of the Soviet Union. First of all, Russia was the center of the Soviet Union. The revolution and further development of the communistic regime took place on the territory of Russia. At last, Russia was the home and starting point for the United Union. Another factor that influenced Russia after the Dissolution of the Soviet Union was the relationship with other countries after World War II. From the beginning of Soviet Russia was isolated from America, Western Europe, etc. At the same time, Poland, Hungary and other members of the Soviet Union maintain relations with Europe at least in this or that way. Do not forget that geographical location plays a great role in the economical, political, and cultural aspects of the development of a country. As for Soviet Russia, it was isolated for Europe not only in the political aspect but also in geographical one. Moreover, the fact that Russia occupied quite a huge territory meant that the popularization of new, after-soviet reforms spread too slowly.

Replacement of the old ideology is always a time-taking process. If in Hungary, Poland, Romania, etc, people were ready to adopt a democratic way of life, Russian people lived under the government of the Soviet Union for a longer time, and its ideas rooted themselves deeply in the minds of Russian people. However, the acceptance of democratic principles cannot be completely fulfilled without several substantial factors. Firstly, people of the country should fully understand the guidelines of the government policy and not only know, but also be aware of their civil rights. It is a rather complicated task on a national scale for such a big country as Russia. The second thing is the economic factor. Before people will take an active part in countries political life, they should know, that there are some workplaces available, and that their children have some food and clothe, and that the education is affordable enough, etc. The economy of the Soviet Union was not centralized. Plants, factories, mines and other enterprises were scattered all over the territory of the USSR. It was a great, inflexible system, which could not be reconstructed in a short time.

At the same time, a lot of economic resources were spent on the opposition of the USA and the USSR. Some researchers consider that even nowadays this face-off silently goes on:

Foreigners who study Russia are considered dangerous and enemies of Russia, as are Russians who have contacts with foreigners. Fear of the West once again pervades the mindset of Russian leaders.17 strong-armed tactics reminiscent of the Soviet-era KGB are still practiced today. (Wegren Herspring 296)

Brain drain is another problem that influences the current situation in Russia (Kouznetsova). Many competent experts leave Russia and go abroad in order to find better workplaces and living conditions. Low wages, an imperfect education system, the absence of governmental support for various scientific projects, and other factors force Russian citizens to seek a better life abroad. The latest economic crises naturally struck Russia, as well as other countries. Though European countries were more prepared for the problem. Of course, it was a break in her recovery from the post-soviet crisis.

All in all, obstacles in the economical development of post-soviet countries were predetermined by cultural, historical, political and other factors.

Works Cited

Cheng, Chen. The Prospects for Liberal Nationalism in the Post-Leninist States. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Univ Pr (Trd), 2007. Print.

Kouznetsova, Tatyana. Brain Drain: Problem of Contract Migration in Russia. International scientific migrations. Web.

Wegren, Stephan K. et al. After Putin’s Russia: Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain, Fourth Edition. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009. Print.

White, Stephan et al. Developments in Central and East European Politics. Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2007. Print.

Communist Revolutions in China and North Korea

Introduction

Often connoting to proletarian struggle, a communist revolution was an active platform that brought about a paradigm shift from capitalism to socialism orientation in East Asia. Therefore, it is relevant to examine the events that were a catalyst for the communist revolution, which resulted in societal reconstruction and the remodeling of the ideological orientation. This reflective essay attempts to examine the historical significance of communist revolutions within East Asia, with reference to North Korea and China. In addition, the paper reassesses the outcomes as well as the content of these revolutions.

Historical Significance of Communist Revolutions in China and North Korea

North Korea and Chinese revolutions have inspired the desire for similar events in other societies that are considered backward. According to Ebrey and Walthall (2013), “Chinese revolution has shown the path for social construction, in its essence, throughout the world.”1 Moreover, the successes of the Mao Tsetung-led revolution have resulted in the global acceptance of his thoughts and ideologies on social reconstruction.

For instance, Mao’s ideologies motivated the Koreanization orientation characterized by progressive Marxist-Leninist principles. At the moment, it is difficult to mention communism while neglecting the consequences of the Chinese and North Korean communist revolutions. For instance, later revolutionary wars in Eastern Europe, Vietnam, and Cuba were inspired by the Marxist ideologies that were integrated into the communist revolutionary wars in East Asia.

Thus, Kim Sung and Mao’s ideologies applied during the revolutionary wars in East Asia have become part of communist political systems across the globe as solutions aimed at rectifying the imbalances of class struggle. For instance, Mao and Sung developed the spheres of “philosophy, political economy, scientific socialism, proletarian tactics, party organization, military science, and Herculean in efforts to create the new communist man.”2

At present, individuals and communities who subscribe to the thoughts of socialism often find solace in the ideas that propelled and ignited communist revolutions in East Asia. Furthermore, the successes and challenges of communist revolutions in North Korea and China have led to the emergence of empiricist and scientific formations that were created with the aim of explaining problems and solutions in the society from a socio-economic development precept.

Communist revolutions in East Asia were inspired by the need to counter revisionism. Therefore, without a desire for societal reconstruction from revisionism, it is possible to state that a communist revolution would not have brought a lot of positive results. In fact, if the desire to fight revisionism was not present, the reconstruction of Chinese and North Korean societies in the hands of socialists such as Mao and Sung would have lasted for less than a decade.

Thus, the East Asian struggle to erase revisionism and their success through communist revolutions have been transformed into a global movement for followers of socialist ideology and a communist approach to understanding societal struggles. For instance, the struggle against revisionism has resulted in the expansion of Marxist-Leninist principles to incorporate Khrushchev ideologies applied in Russia as a catalyst for a similar revolution.

Solid communist ideologies propagated by Mao of China and Sung of North Korea to install deep-rooted socialism are currently part of economic and social systems in China, Russia, and other communist societies across the globe. Moreover, the successes of East Asian communist revolutions created a global platform for reference when defining a socialist or communist society. For example, the survival of North Korea “long after the end of the Cold War must be attributed to these indigenous Korean elements of the North Korean revolution.”3

Socialist elements have made the globally unpopular North Korean current regime survive with a sizable legitimacy percentage and popularity support by those who believe in socialism in this country despite the negative sides of the regime. In any society, just as was the case in East Asia, a revolutionary idea must inspire confidence and recruit enough support to be further transformed into a reality. In addition, it must be clear and unsustainable even when organized in the form of a military or armed rebellion.

East Asian communist revolutions in China and North Korea were carried out using the two-stage model, which balances ideology and organization as a strategy for effective warfare for optimal gain. Across the globe, many military campaigns employ the two-stage strategy to this day in order to gain a strategic position advantage against the opponent. As a matter of fact, the experiences during East Asian revolutions and the resulting societal reconstruction have shown that revolutionary struggles in modern society cannot function without a strategy since an insurrection alone is inadequate when the development stage skips ideological orientation.4

Evidently, “armed revolutions that have diverted from this path end up either in compromise or liquidation, with the comprador bourgeoisie seizing the initiative.”5 Most failures in revolutionary struggles are attributed to the inability to follow the two-step theory or laxity in their implementation. Thus, the two-step theory proposes accurate enemy profiling and recruitments of as many allies as possible. In addition, failures could be caused by veering off the leadership structures that were applied by Mao, Sung, and other revolutionaries of East Asia.

Sung’s Koreanization and Mao’s Chinese societal reconstruction ideologies that guided East Asian revolutionary wars remain an inspiration to most political orientations and societal structure organizations across the globe. Moreover, most movements that are at the moment in the deep forests of Congo, Amazon, and East Europe corridors share similar inspirations that led to East Asian revolutions.6

Although the circumstances of the struggles are dissimilar, Koreanization and Mao’s theory form the primary ideological belief system that fuels the ideas behind such movements. Partly, the defeat of many armed insurgencies in Africa and the Middle East could be attributed to an inability to follow the suggestions of Mao and Sung. For instance, current revolutionary movements in Syria, Ukraine, Yemen, and Western Europe might not become a reality since modern warfare artillery has replaced the need for planning and ideological warfare.

Before the East Asian revolutions in North Korea and China, the Russian insurrection strategy was the most popular. However, this model was characterized by instability and difficulty in replication since its structural leadership module was decentralized. As a result, the insurrection model could not inspire a common ground for rationalizing warfare among insurgents. Fortunately, the protracted people warfare ideology of East Asian revolutions made many revolutionary movements abandon the insurrection strategy.7

This is because the East Asian model was accompanied by practical ideologies, centralized leadership, and ideological rationalization and radicalization of insurgents. Since then, revolutionary struggles have moved away from weapon-based resistance to guided ideological warfare that can be fought within the system and from outside. Reflectively, “since the victory of this path in the Chinese revolution, it has come to be accepted that the path of revolution in all backward countries of the world can only be that of protracted people’s war.”8

In the case of North Korea, Kim Sung’s ideology succeeded in Koreanizing the Manchurian guerrillas through a strategic, well-organized, and systematic peasant radicalization inspired by the belief in the potential good that would result from the struggle. In modern society, localization and protraction of warfare cannot be neglected for an armed or unarmed struggle to bear fruits.

Conclusion

East Asian revolutions in China and North Korea have successfully used ideology to frame the perception of most common citizens to reconstruct the society and introduce socialism. As a result, this struggle transformed revolutionary strategies to internalize the explicit and extensive application of a perception-based confrontation. Moreover, these struggles were transformed into the battleground for socialist and capitalist societal orientations. This approach was cemented by well-choreographed propaganda machinery. The doctrinarian approach to creating an overlapping consensus among proletarian units into a single struggle made East Asian revolutions a success.

The same principles have been applied in past regional confrontations such as the Cold War, Gulf War, and the current Middle East invasion by the Western bloc. Moreover, the successes of East Asian revolutions in China and North Korea have been used across the globe to benchmark the principles and components of a socialist socio-economic model. For instance, the Russian economic model is heavily angled on socialist principles. Chinese and North Korean revolutions have remained an inspiration to other revolutionary movements across the globe.

Bibliography

Ebrey, Patricia, and Anne Walthall. East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Volume II: From 1600. Alabama: Cengage Learning, 2013.

Kim, Donggil. “The Chinese Civil War and the Ethno-Genesis of the Korean Minority in Northeast China.” The Chinese Historical Review 21, no. 2 (2014): 121-142.

Kwon, Heonik. “The Korean War and Sino-North Korean Friendship.” The Asian Pacific Journal 11, no. 32 (2013): 45-67.

McAdams, James. Vanguard of the Revolution: The Global Idea of the Communist Party. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2017.

Seltman, Muriel. What’s Left? What’s Right?: A Political Journey via North Korea and the Chinese Cultural Revolution. New York: Troubador Publishing Ltd, 2014.

Sheng, Michael. “Mao’s Role in the Korean Conflict: A Revision.” Twentieth-Century China 39, no. 3 (2013): 269-290.

Smith, Steve. The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism. London: OUP Oxford, 2014.

National Archives. Web.

Footnotes

  1. Patricia Ebrey and Anne Walthall, East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Volume II: From 1600 (Alabama: Cengage Learning, 2013), 39-67.
  2. Steve Smith, The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism (London: OUP Oxford, 2014), 29-47.
  3. James McAdams, Vanguard of the Revolution: The Global Idea of the Communist Party (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2017), 68-99.
  4. “US Enters the Korean Conflict,” National Archives. Web.
  5. Muriel Seltman, What’s Left? What’s Right?: A Political Journey via North Korea and the Chinese Cultural Revolution (New York: Troubador Publishing Ltd, 2014), 34-58.
  6. Michael Sheng, “Mao’s Role in the Korean Conflict: A Revision,” Twentieth-Century China 39, no. 3 (2013): 277.
  7. Donggil Kim, “The Chinese Civil War and the Ethno-Genesis of the Korean Minority in Northeast China,” The Chinese Historical Review 21, no. 2 (2014): 133.
  8. Heonik Kwon, “The Korean War and Sino-North Korean Friendship,” The Asian Pacific Journal 11, no. 32 (2013): 58.

The Anti-Communist Movements’ Impact on the US

Introduction

During the 20th century, the United States experienced periods of hardship and success, both economic and political, including several wars. Numerous factors, including these periods of hardship and triumph, influenced the political landscape at home and in foreign policy. With the Cold War outbreak, many American politicians’ rhetoric became more radical; they believed they were saving democracy from the threat of world communism. For most of the twentieth century, international relations were influenced by anti-communism. American society was presented with a picture of a world divided into different camps–freedom and tyranny. Domestically it was divided by the Democrats, who largely aimed for federal control and support for the people, and in contrast, the generally republican approach of ‘rugged individualism. Anti-Communist consciousness was aware of an image of the USSR and China as countries determined to gain more power. At times conservatives in the U.S. government, especially Republicans, used fear of communism abroad to suppress and discredit popular movements such as trade unions, civil rights activists, those protesting against the Korean and Vietnam wars, and liberal counterculture movements at home. Anti-Communist movements have greatly influenced the political landscapes of the U.S.

Discussion

Since October 1917, when the Bolshevik revolution took place, anti-communism has been part of the political landscape, in which conservative forces fought against the left, both communist and non-communist. After 1945, especially at the beginning of the Cold War, anti-communism was spread by every possible means and source–newspapers, radio, television, films, articles, pamphlets, books, speeches, sermons, and official documents – in a campaign of propaganda and indoctrination (Rees, 2015). “Communism” received much criticism and condemnation, and fear.

The strength and forms of this propaganda varied according to place and time. After 1917, anti-communism occupied a prominent, or even central, location in the political life of the USA, whether Democrat or Republican Presidents were in power. Historians distinguish two main peaks of the so-called Red Scare in the United States. The first was in 1917-1920 and was associated with the fear of revolution in the United States. Political scientist Murray Burton Levin described the mood of American society at that time as “nationwide hysteria.” The panic mood was supported by conservative politicians and reporters following a series of bombs and strikes. Communism, socialism, and social democracy were intertwined in articles and speeches from Washington; this was spread by the media of the time. Many ordinary Americans saw socially responsible politics, which was trying to end poverty and increase equality, as having links to communism, and were, therefore, less supportive of it. They made it possible to brand any human rights activist or trade unionist as a “communist.” Thousands of social and political activists were arrested, but only 556 “unreliable” immigrants were deported. In several states, laws were adopted, formally aimed against “revolutionary propaganda,” but limited freedom of speech. In the early 1920s, the first wave of “red panic” subsided. In 1933, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, to support the American Economy, which had suffered from the Great Depression, agreed to establish diplomatic relations with Moscow and strengthen trade relations with the Soviet Union.

In the second wave, despite some warming of relations between the USSR and the U.S. in the 1930s, back in 1934, the U.S. House of Representatives created the so-called Commission to Investigate Anti-American Activities. Together with law enforcement agencies, it monitored politicians, scientists, and artists suspected of sympathizing with the Soviet Union and communism. While before the end of World War II and the Nuremberg Trials, the Commission of Inquiry into Anti-American Activities had to camouflage its anti-Soviet orientation somehow, soon after Winston Churchill’s Fulton speech and the beginning of the Cold War, the masks could be dropped. The Commission initiated massive investigations against dissenters, and President Harry Truman launched the Federal Employee Loyalty Verification Program, which investigated the adherence of government employees to the political course of official Washington.

The economy is another huge area of American politics. The New Deal of the 1930s, whose reforms helped stabilize the U.S. economy and its later versions, was the subject of much political debate, demanding national action and more federal control. The standard of living of most Americans had risen, their purchasing power had increased, and thus manufacturers could sell more goods. Reforms, however, met fierce resistance. Roosevelt failed to pass some laws because the Supreme Court ruled them unconstitutional. The next alternative factor that affected the country’s economy was individualism. It implied the separation of the citizen from the state, which means the refusal of aid. This movement implied the freedom of the individual citizen; each person is an individual with his views and beliefs. Rugged individualism affects modern America as well. Most Americans prefer to solve problems in society on their own, without government interference.

In the 40s and 50s of the 20th century, a movement called McCarthyism emerged. McCarthyism was a movement accompanied by a rise in anti-communist sentiment and political “repression” against “anti-Americanism. McCarthy reached the peak of his career by giving a fiery speech at a paid luncheon at the Republican Party Foundation. The first sprouts of McCarthyism appeared long before Senator McCarthy’s campaign: already in 1917-1920, the United States was gripped by the first “red hysteria,” and an irrational fear of the spread of communism was firmly entrenched in the minds of the American public. Most conservative American politicians, however, perceived any economic changes under Democrat Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal as socialist and even communist and used the thesis of “infiltration by communists and other subversive elements” beginning in the 1930s. As tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union rose after World War II and the outbreak of the Cold War, 1953-1954 was a period of rampant McCarthyism, aided in no small part by the passivity and connivance of the Republican government and President Hoover himself. As the McCarthyist campaign intensified, many Americans hoped that with a Republican president in the White House, the persecution would end, but it did not. McCarthyism cast a shadow over American democracy and complicated U.S. relations with allies. Liberals under Kennedy held values that, under McCarthy, could be described as communist.

After World War II, the Allies formed an international coalition led largely by the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. After the war, however, this alliance quickly split into two opposing camps. The Communist, led by the Soviet Union, and the democratic capitalist, led by the United States. The rivalry between these two sides became known as the Cold War. During this period, the U.S. government played a leading role in supporting global anti-communism as part of a policy of containment. There were numerous military conflicts between communists and anti-communists in different parts of the world. Among those where anti-communist forces received U.S. support was the Korean War of 1950-53, the Vietnam War of 1954-75, the Soviet-Afghan War, and Operation Condor; these wars cost American lives, diverted attention and funding from efforts to address poverty in the United States, and affected the popularity of presidents. President Truman, for example, lost public confidence after he supported the Korean War, and the subsequent distraction from domestic politics led to the election of Republicans in 1951. Kennedy stated, “I can’t give the Communists such a piece of territory and then get people to re-elect me” (Kotlowski & Johns, 2011, p. 358). The disastrous Vietnam War affected the tenure of four presidents.

Conclusion

Thus, the anti-communist movements of 1917-1980 undoubtedly affected the political landscapes of the United States. Political persecution of people suspected of sympathizing with Communist ideas peaked in the U.S. in the early 1950s, but the ground for persecution had been prepared for decades. Even after the official condemnation of McCarthyism, the pressure on dissenters did not disappear but took other forms.

Just as the New Deal changed expectations for federal participation in Social Security, the Cold War and anti-communism led to expectations that the United States should participate in world affairs as the only country capable of maintaining a balance of power with the USSR. It was a struggle between the United States and the Third World. It is worth noting that anti-communist movements have been identified as the main targets of American policy. The real problems of domestic politics were relegated to the background. Poverty and inequality flourished in those years. Racism was still present, though not as prevalent as in the 19th century. This factor was most significant because if attention had been paid to the country’s most important problems, its development would undoubtedly have accelerated.

References

Rees, R., Shuter, J., Beinart, W., Edward, T., & Rick, R. (2015). Paper 1 & 2 – searching for rights and freedoms in the 20th Century. Pearson Education.

Kotlowski, D. J., & Johns, A. L. (2011). Vietnam’s Second Front: Domestic Politics, the Republican Party, and the War. The Review of Politics, 73(2), 358.

Chinese’s Perspective of the Communist Party

Introduction

Culture refers to people’s way of life and it includes things such as beliefs, norms, values, attitudes, and cognitive mapping of people. Culture is dynamic and it is also adaptive and can at times be maladaptive. When a culture becomes maladaptive changes are needed and at times force may be used in order to effect these changes in society. Force is supplemented by certain philosophies and ideologies that are propagated by enlightened individuals in the society and this entirely narrows down to the culture. The Cultural Revolution that took place in China in the 1960s and the event that took place in Tiananmen Square has completely changed the political landscape in China and at the same time, the Chinese cultural fabric has been tainted by these two events.

It is worth noting that China is a communist country and both the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen massacre resulted from the philosophies embraced by the communist party leaders that are different from those of the citizens (Shi et al 2003). This essay will focus on these two historical events although one at a time and then toward the end I shall point out the far-reaching effect that is being experienced today. These two events were brought about by the policymaker, that is, the politicians and they have affected all the other subfields of the complex whole that makes up the society. The majority of the Chinese citizens did at one time join hands with the politician but the aftermath effects of these changes in the society made them question the morality of the politicians.

Discussion

Cultural Revolution

Chinese Cultural revolution emerged from political wrangles that took place inside the Chinese Communist Party. This revolution brought first-class social, political, and economic violence and economic violence to the party (Anita, 1985). The radiation effect took place and with no time China was in the blink of a civil war. The architect behind this revolution was the chairman of the party at the time one Mr. Mao Zedong in collaboration with other party members who shared his ideologies and philosophies. According to Korniberg (2004), this group wanted to kick out the liberal political elites from the party and in the process gain power by first controlling the party and this could only be achieved once the competitors had been kicked out. From this time onward petty party politics continued and the citizens were slowly involved in the party divisions.

Since a revolution calls for a complete overhaul of the social and political as well, as another societal institution organization china was not an exception. Changes in China started in the academic circle and it’s the students who were later known as the Red Guards who kick-started them (Anita, 1985). All the intellectuals in the academic fields who were believed to be for the western capitalist ideology were chased away from schools and colleges and those who were very unlucky were put in forced labor camps. This was seen as the most important step for laying down the foundation of actual socialism in China. From the student, the movement slowly gained momentum and the peasants, farmers, workers, and all those people who belonged to the proletariat class were involved. These groups of people continued to hold Revolutionary debates in order to enlighten their neighbors. At this moment there was a nationwide call for the abandonment of the old customs, habits, and ideas which were being embraced by the liberal politicians.

The destruction of these facets of culture took a center stage in this revolution. Religion suffered greatly because many religious buildings such as temples, churches, monasteries, and mosques were either closed down or destroyed completely (Xing, 2004). People could therefore not get a chance to communicate with their God. Destruction of the religious places meant that the survival of the society was at stake and people had to abandon the old traditional ways in favor of new ones otherwise the society had no future. Destruction of the property was also witnessed and later on destruction of life followed. Torture and maiming were the order of the day and this together with killings were carried out by the Red Guards. After these sad events, many people were traumatized and there was a sharp rise in cases of suicide in China.

The Red guards were later on given the power by Mr. Mao to replace the Peoples Liberation Army and this meant that the untrained could access weapons yet they were not trained on using them. In addition, Korniberg (2004) notes that the youth invaded various barracks and run away with weapons, and later on these weapons were used in killing fellow citizens especially the conservative ones who did not agree with Mao’s philosophies and ideologies. One important thing to note is the fact that the older people were not involved in this revolution and this means that it was easier for the politicians to take control of events because there was a break down in youths socialization life and thus it was easier for them to acquire a new way of life that was different from their fathers. On 16th August 1966, the revolution reached its climax when people gathered around Tiananmen Square where Mao addressed a crowd made up of millions of Chinese who were supporting him and gave them the urge to continue fighting for actual socialism and democracy in their country.

Tiananmen Square

Tiananmen Square is important in Chinese history for various reasons and the most common ones are that it is in this square that Mr. Mao addressed the Chinese after he has engendered the revolution in the country. Secondly, this square is also associated with a gross disregard of human rights that resulted in the killing of many Chinese and brought about the current debate on China’s human rights record (Gao et al 1996). On 4th June 1989 students among other human rights groups held a peaceful protest in this square in order to force the government into a dialogue that would have created room for addressing the corruption among the politicians and gave democracy to thrive among the Chinese. China is a communist country and for a student to talk of democracy was like adding salt to a wound.

What began as a very peaceful day turned out to be a nightmare for the majority of the citizens as demonstrators were harassed, beaten, and shot by the police and by the military. This is what today is known as the Tiananmen Massacre. The government resulted in using force because it realized the political sub-sector of the complex whole was under siege and since the mass supported the movement. Since the government was an authoritarian one giving people a chance to have control of the politics would have sent the politicians home and this was against their wish. In order to arrest demonstrations from getting out of hand, the government for the next few weeks continued to arrest demonstrators, intellectuals behind these massive demonstrations were locked up, and press coverage of the incidents and aftermaths of the massacre was quarantined (Shi et al, 2003). Foreign journalists were chased away from the country and the members of the party who joined hands with the demonstrators were kicked out of the part.

Effect

These two sad events which took place over a period of time represent a sad story of China politics and destroy the reputation of the Chinese Communist Party. Chinese themselves started to question the morality of this party since it was being used by a politician to acquire and retain power at the expense of the masses. The effects of these events are well understood when one looks at the impact these events had on the masses and they are still being felt today. To begin with, the Tiananmen massacre led to an emphasis on individualism among the Chinese as well as the value of the family (Korniberg, 2004). This is contrary to the party philosophies which call for collectiveness in society. In this sense, the CCP wants all Chinese in order to benefit the country at large and not for the benefit of an individual.

Chinese family was attacked during the famous Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen massacre this was a way of disintegrating the core family value but this did not take place, instead, the family unit became more important among the Chinese. Earlier on the traditions that established family among the Chinese were rooted in their religion which anchored on the Confucius teachings, Buddha teachings, and Taoism (Anita, 1985). All these were heavily destroyed during the Cultural Revolution as a way of eliminating the influence of religion on Chinese day-to-day life. The communist government embraced ideologies of class struggle and this is why demonstrators are brutally beaten while the traditional religions instilled virtues such as benevolence which are important in solving conflicts because people always restrain from confrontations.

Changes from the old ways brought disaster to most Chinese because they were not given enough opportunity to understand the new cultural values. In any process of culture change, people should be given a chance to learn and evaluate the new ways and if they find them to be useless they abandon them. This was not the case and those who failed to comply with the new government’s expectations force was the only option to make them comply. In this respect, a kind of cultural vacuum can be said to have taken place and it took a long time to fill. Massive involvement of the youth in the revolution, as well as the demonstrations, denied them a golden opportunity to learn their people’s way of life, especially how power was passed on to the next generation. In the Square massacre, they were the ones who suffered most and the majority ended in police custody.

These events also give the Chinese a chance to put the government in the limelight in relation to the people’s human rights (Shi et al, 2004). The communist party is well known for its abuse of human basic rights and this has strained its relationship with people making the party lose its popularity among the people. The government did fail to observe human rights when dealing with the people. For instance, during the revolution, my holly and religious places were destroyed denying people their freedom of religion. In the Tiananmen Square massacre peaceful demonstrators were harassed by the police yet they have a right to association and freedom of speech. To make the matter worse journalists both Chinese and foreigners were denied a chance to report the events that followed the massacre and this is one way of covering up the shameful act of the movement.

The economy and the education sector also suffered a lot and this has made the citizens pay heavy taxes in order to reconstruct these sectors of the society. The economy was affected mostly due to the government’s spending patterns which were not checked at all. For example, during the revolution, the government spent a lot and fits money transporting youth to the capital city Beijing and in the process railway network which is an integral part of the Chinese economy was neglected. Education felt the pinch because the youth abandoned classrooms in order to take the role of the Red Guards and the majority of the scholars were taken to labor camps especially those who openly criticized the communist government and favored democracy (Korniberg,2004). This made some parts of China record increased illiteracy and during the time of reconstruction, these regions suffered from a shortage of skilled manpower making development in these regions stagnate.

Finally, most people suffered psychologically because of the government’s inhumane acts while dealing with demonstrators in 1989 and during the Cultural Revolution period. To be specific during the revolution people were not given a chance to pray in their usual places of worship and this means that they suffered psychologically because they could not communicate with their creator. Those individuals who were against the government were beaten, maimed, and tortured by the youth, and others still were put in a forced labor camp. The immediate families of these people are still suffering from this effect. The government seemed to have perfected this art of arresting and locking up people in police cells especially during the Tiananmen demonstration and most people ended up in police cells. Many of those who were arrested in the aftermath of the massacre went missing and up to date, no one knows there were about.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the Chinese communist party was good for the country but it started to lose its credibility among the Chinese during the famous cultural revolution that was led by one of its leaders. People were forcibly displaced from there home and their entire life was disorganized for eve. This period of revolution made people realize that the party was not there to serve where needs rather it was a bridge that was used by the politicians to gain and retain power. This has been proved by the fact that the Chinese were the ones who severed most during this period. The government has also shown that it can treat people most in most inhumanely by brutally killing them in order to sustain itself in power. This fact has a one on one relationship with the Tiananmen Square massacre. Therefore the two events have really changed the way the Chinese look at and think of the Chinese Communist Party.

Reference

Anita, C. (1985): Children of Mao: Personality Development and political Activism in the Red Guard. University of Washington press.

Gao, G. and Yan, J. (1996): Turbulent decade: A history of Cultural revolution. University of Hawaii press.

Kornberg, J. F. and Faust, j. R. (2004): China in world politics: Policies, Processes, Prospects. Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Lu Xing (2004): Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The impact of Chinese thought, culture and communication. University of south California press.

Shambauga, D. L. (2007): China: An international Journal. Vol. 15, Number 1.

Shi, Z. and Shis, C. Y. (2003): Navigating Sovereignty: World Politics Lost in China. Palgrave Macmillan Publishers.

Successful Anti-Communist Foreign Policies

There were several successful anti-communist foreign policies implemented by the U.S. during the Cold War. From 1948 to 1951, the Marshall Plan provided roughly 13 billion dollars in financial assistance to war-torn Western Europe for the purchase of necessary commodities and economic rehabilitation projects (Tarnoff, 2018). By 1951, industrial production increased by 55% and agricultural production by 37%, which exceeded the expected goals of the Plan (Tarnoff, 2018). Communist strength declined by one-third from 1946 to 1951, and this has been directly linked to the success of the Marshall Plan (Tarnoff, 2018). The economic prosperity of free-market capitalism assured political stability, which obviated a communist uprising.

In 1948, the Soviets blocked all ground and water routes to West Berlin, so U.S. and U.K. forces used aircraft to deliver supplies in what has become known as the Berlin Airlift (Lange, 2018). Planes constantly flew into Berlin and delivered more than 2 million tons of food, fuel, and medicine (Lange, 2018). This allowed the U.S. to maintain a capitalist presence in Berlin and convinced Western Europe that the new enemy was the communist U.S.S.R.

It was a strategic and ideological win for anticommunism, which solidified the division between East and West. This political division was further formalized by establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, an event most associated with the U.S. policy of containment (“NATO”, 2019). If the U.S.S.R. attacked member states in Western Europe, the U.S. would be obliged to intervene (“NATO”, 2019). This military alliance prevented communist expansion into the West after the seizure of Czechoslovakia and formalized Western European countries as anti-communist U.S. allies.

The success of the Marshall Plan, Berlin Airlift, and NATO prove their necessity and how right the United States was to fear international communist subversion. The hardships faced by postwar Western Europe could have easily led to a communist uprising without U.S. aid; Berlin and then Germany could have been completely overtaken by the Soviets after the blockade. Without the NATO pact, the U.S.S.R. could have continued its expansion into the West following Czechoslovakia. Although the Soviet Union ultimately collapsed under its weight, it could have overtaken all of Europe before it did. The fact that Western Europe remained a capitalist democracy is a direct result of effective American foreign policy.

References

Lange, K. (2018). . U.S. Department of Defense. Web.

. (2019). History. Web.

Tarnoff, C. (2018). . Congressional Research Service. Web.

The U.S. Reforms Against the Spread of Communism

The devastation and challenges of World War II were tremendous. The U.S. faced severe and significant objectives that would define the future state of America and European countries. It was essential for the U.S. to oppose Communist expansion in Europe and Asia, so there were specific policies that addressed this aim, and evaluating their efficiency and success may provide valuable insights.

First, it is essential to discuss the policy of containment that was adopted by America and its allies. The purpose of this strategy was to prevent the spread of communism and respond to the Soviet Union’s moves to expand its influence in a number of countries by providing struggling nations with more funding (Corbett et al., 2014). It is possible to say that this policy was effective because the U.S. managed to protect several countries from being coerced into communism.

The second successful policy is the Marshall Plan aimed at several positive changes. The main idea behind this policy was to provide financial support to the struggling European nations, giving them $13 billion in economic aid (Corbett et al., 2014). The countries that received financial help were united and managed to undercut the political popularity of communism. The third relatively successful reform was the Vietnam conflict (“Domino theory,” 2018). In this war, South Vietnam and the U.S. acted against North Vietnam’s communist government (Corbett et al., 2014). Though the U.S. did not manage to protect South Vietnam from communist forces, its spread to the rest of Southeast Asia was blocked, and it is possible to consider this reform effective. Finally, one would state that the United States should not have feared international communist subversion during the Cold War era. The reason is that America’s strength allowed it to resist communist forces, and the fear could have undermined the nation’s confidence.

References

Corbett, P. S., Janssen, V., Lund, J. M., Pfannestiel, T., Waskiewicz, S., & Vickery, P. (2014). U.S. history. OpenStax.

. (2018). History. Web.

Communism and Its Worldwide Impact

Society has always been looking for ways to perfect itself and make life better for its citizens in every way, which includes the elimination of segregation, providing equal opportunity for everyone, and ensuring the absence of poverty. This has been seen by society as a perfect world, but for the majority of countries around the world, the dream of the “perfect society” has never come true. In essence, communism has appeared as an attempt to solve these societal problems. In other words, the idea put forth by communism was that everyone would get an opportunity for a good life, in a country where all people would be equal in monetary and ethical terms, on the condition that they would have the determination to help the country progress. Communism was intended to permit the poor to rise and reach an economic and societal standing equivalent to that of the middle class. The idea was to redistribute the wealth of the upper class among the poorer cohort of the population in order to achieve this equality, but it was also vital to communism that all manufacturing be governed by the state. It is proven historically that communism had an extensive long-term impact on worldwide society.

When it comes to a discussion of communism, the first country that comes to mind is the Soviet Union, because of the thorough way that country put into practice the idea of communism. Vladimir Lenin was the political leader of that time. He believed that the country was ready for revolution, and supported the idea that the party would have to enforce strict rules that everyone would have to follow (Kenney 8). Lenin’s influence had an impact on world politics, and his coming to power after the Great October Revolution in 1917 shook international society. First and foremost, his ideas of class morality and social justice found their reflection not only within the territory of the Soviet Union, but also among a number of distant countries. It is worth mentioning that even in America, collectivists organized a meeting in 1919 to establish a Communist party designed for the realities of the United States, but the idea of a communist America eventually flopped. Soviet-style communism offered the most efficient use of human resources which, consequently, led to a reduction in the crime rate across the country (Strayer 660).

One of the countries that basically followed the communist ideas of the Soviet Union was China. Despite the similarities that might be observed in the two countries, the actual situation in China differed a lot from that in the Soviet Union, mostly for the reason that the Chinese revolution dragged on for years, while Lenin’s revolution happened in a year (Strayer 660). The Communist Party in China confronted a much more hostile antagonist, and therefore, had a more noteworthy success than the defeat of a frail, short-term régime in imperial Russia. In fact, Chinese laborers did not rebel as impulsively against their landowners as Soviet laborers had. Mao Zedong is considered to be the main political figure linked to the phenomenon of communism in China. He managed to confiscate land from the major landowners, and eradicated private property (Takács 618). Chinese loyalty to business and the use of capitalist ideas helped China to move forward. With the passing of time, the economic reforms of the Party, and an openness to foreign capital, even increased the influence of the Communist Party in the country.

There are also historical examples of communism being contested or mildly criticized, but never implemented in the political system of a country. For example, in most of his speeches, Mahatma Gandhi, an Indian leader, called communism and its idea of an egalitarian society a model that was worth working toward, but at the same time, he firmly stated that nothing durable could be built on viciousness. Gandhi was not the only one who disapproved of the communist theory and approach. In the Congo, for instance, Joseph Mobutu was rewarded by overseas authorities for taking a robust anti-Leninist position. Consequently, most influential African individuals planned their internal and external policymaking in accordance with Western aggressiveness as a counter to collectivist or communist impacts.

As with any other pillar of history, communism has left its legacy. The most noticeable portion of the legacy lies in the difference in financial and organizational performance, if we compare the pre- to the post-Communist era. Underneath the exterior of a moderately tenacious post-communist inconsistency of public assurance in political parties lies a more compound combination of psychological and dogmatic changes, signifying a more positive image. Nevertheless, it seems that residents of previously communist countries are beginning to overcome their substantial shortfall of trust for the elected party. Another sign of communism’s legacy is the presence of unrealistic expectations, which can be explained by an idealized notion of the values and philosophies spread by the communists. The pipe dream of national equality has become a nightmare, and the morality itself of the communist ideal was an apparent utopia, against the backdrop of the people’s unwillingness to accept the new societal principles.

Works Cited

Kenney, Karen Latchana. What Is Communism? New York: Rosen Group, 2013. Print.

Strayer, Robert W. Ways of the World: A Brief Global History. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2009. Print.

Takács, Sarolta A. The Modern World. New York: Routledge, 2015. Print.