Category: Communism

Political ideologies chart

Personal Opinion

All the above forms of government have their advantages and disadvantages; they seem to address legitimate issues however what is in the books may be of high quality if it can be implemented and adopted the way it is made. Communism and totalitarianism can have elements of dictatorship; they have very little recognition of human rights and maintain a system that empowers the government at the expense of the citizens. The government takes the central role of activities in the countries that adopt this system. The underlying ideology is the distribution of wealth. They aim to have an equal distribution of wealth and don’t recognize individual wealth accumulation. From this angle, it is a good approach aimed at ensuring that the national cake is shared among the entire population. There are no classes and the government is seen to choose the direction that the masses will go. Sometimes, and it has happened most often, the actors in the government make some decisions for their own interest. They may look at the interest of a few at the expense of the masses. Production is seen not geared for a profit and thus the adopted methods of production are in most cases not the most efficient. The inefficiency limits the economic level in the country; in the era of limited resources these systems are not good for a country, more so in the developing and less developed countries. They are meant to encourage a vicious cycle of poverty. Socialist system seems to be a blend of totalitarianism, communism, and capitalism. There is the control of the wealth that private person can have at any one time, and a state owned properties for the general good of the larger population. With it there is improvement of production methods employed as the government try to compete with the private sector. This though does not guarantee that the most effective ways are adopted. Many are the times that there is conflict between the private and public interests. This system, in my opinion should be used at the initial stages of a development; where the governments should dictate the distribution of resources. However, as the economy deepens the citizens should be left alone to dictate who owns what. Prices of basic needs are controlled by the government; however the market is left to dictate the prices of other products. As much as this is a good policy for the good of the larger population, it hinders the development of the agriculture sector of the economy that is the backbone of most economies especially in the developing countries. The capitalism system of governance to my view is the better decision although it is not perfect; it does not limit the citizens to the amount of wealth that they can accumulate and gives them a level playing ground for wealth creation. Business in all sectors of the economy is enhanced. There are some vices that are seen to be associated with the system; the system encourages selfishness that results in corruption, secondly the distribution of wealth is not uniform and the economy can favor small group. Class (that is measured by how much one has) influences major decisions in these countries. It is common to get a large part of the population poor and resources centered with a small group (Reisman, 1996).

Comparison of the Above Model and the United States Model (Federal Form of Government)

Federal system of government which means that power is exercised on more than one level that is the central / national government also called the state government and the local government. The local government experiences jurisdiction in its area, however it shares power with the central government in some aspects. Some powers are not shared, for example all have power to collect taxes. The system has a four year term elected president. It also has a 100 member congress, whose members are elected on six year term. However, it is made in such a way that every two years one third of the congress term expires and an election is conducted. There is also a 435 member state, elected 2year term. In all the elections above the minimum age is 18 years to be elected exempt from the president. The president in the United States has power vested in him among other those in second article of the constitution and the congress Act (Brian and Geralyn, 2002). The citizens are free to earn and accumulate wealth, this is in contrast with the communists, socialists, and totalitarianism. This is a capitalist form of government but at certain points that a decision has to be made for the good of the larger population can be made by the local government or the central government depending on the interested party. Civil societies are recognized by the state and work independently; they can organize for national strikes and demonstrations to force the government to do something or oppose decisions made by the government. Human rights are highly respected and protected by the constitution; this is in contrast to other forms of governance where the exercise of one’s rights is limited by the government (Josephson, 1972).

Reference List

1. Adami, S. (2006). ‘Communism’, in Encyclopedia of Italian Literary Studies, ed. Gaetana Marrone – P.Puppa. New York: Routledge.
2. Brian L. and Geralyn, M. (2002). Political Culture and Voting Systems in the United States: An Examination of the 2000 Presidential Election. Westport: CT. Publication.
3. Dana, R. V. (2000). The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
4. Daniels, R. (1994). A Documentary History of Communism and the World: From Revolution to Collapse. London: University Press of New England.
5. Forman, J. (1972). Communism from Marx’s Manifesto to 20th century Reality. New York: Watts.
6. Guy, A. (1978). Beyond Monopoly Capitalism and Monopoly Socialism. Cambridge MA: Schenkman.
7. Josephson, M. (1972). The Money Lords; the great finance capitalists, 1925-1950. New York: Weybright and Talley.
8. Laqueur, W. (1987). The Fate of the Revolution: Interpretations of Soviet history from 1917 to the Present. New York: Scribner.
9. Makoto, I. (1995). Political Economy of Socialism. London: Macmillan.
10. Reisman, G. (1996). Capitalism: A Treatise on Economics. Ottawa, Illinois: Jameson Books.

Summary of the Book

The book under consideration Journey into the Whirlwind was written by Eugenia Ginzburg in 1967. The book is a true story of a woman who had to endure a lot of sorrows and horrible tortures during her imprisonment. She was and remained a faithful Communist even though she saw the different side of the Russian Communist society.

In her late twenties, she was ready “to die for the Party – not once but three times” if she had been told to do so (Ginzburg 3). The author expresses her opinion on the most important issues in the book. She tells the story and reveals her viewpoints on such things as life, death, friendship, compassion.

The book is written in first person singular narrative, which makes it very personal. The story starts with a phone call that awakens the woman. She as well as other members of the Party is informed about Kirov’s death. Soon after, many members of the Party are accused of anti-revolutionary activities. The main character, Eugenia, is also accused of being involved in such actions as she was an old friend of Professor Elvov who had been arrested earlier.

Eugenia is sent to prison where she is tortured psychologically as she is not allowed to sleep or she is not given any food. She is sent to another prison where she learns a lot about different people and their stories. Finally, she hears her sentence, which is penal servitude. She accepts the sentence with certain joy, “Penal servitude – what a bliss!” (Ginzburg 175). She is sent to Siberia where she completes different jobs.

She is often at the death’s doors, but she manages to stay alive “to spite them” as she is “consumed by the desire to survive the tragedy” (Ginzburg 175). She even has to fall trees in inhumane conditions, but she does not give up. Eventually, she is assisted and she starts working in a hospital. In 1955, she is released and she expresses her desire to let people of Soviet Union as well as the entire world know about her experiences.

The Will to Survive

The will to survive can be regarded as one of the most important issues revealed in the novel. The author expresses her own opinion on this matter. She claims that she was determined to live through all the tortures just “to spite them” (Ginzburg 175). The main character of the book witnessed ordeals of many people.

She also saw really optimistic inmates. Thus, one of her first fellow victims was the girl called Lyama, who could fall asleep “with a happy smile on her face” (Ginzburg 59). This young woman became a close friend who taught Eugenia to survive, who comforted the wretched woman and guided her.

In my opinion, the will to survive is one of the most important features every human has. This is something related to hope. People live until they can hope. If human beings had not had the will to survive, we would have ceased to exist long time ago.

Eugenia’s story is another example of the power of the desire to live. She manages to pull through and be alive in spite of all odds. This desire helps her reunite with her family. She also has the opportunity to tell her story to millions, which is very important. The desire to live made it possible for people to find out about the different side of the Soviet Union.

The Communist Party

One of central topics of the novel is also loyalty. The woman argues that she has never stopped believing in the rightfulness of the decisions made by the party. In spite of her lasting imprisonment and all ordeals she had to endure, she remains loyal to the party. She says, “I had not the shadow of a doubt of the rightness of the Party line” (Ginzburg 3). She has believed in the ideas perpetuated and never doubted that the country was a great place to live in.

As for me, I would never continue believing in the country where people are put behind the bars without any meaningful reason. I would never believe in the country where people are tortured and made to confess in something they did not do. For me, it is clear that such a country is corrupted and the ideology of this country is erroneous. I am surprised at Eugenia’s being so faithful to the country where all those horrible things happened.

Conclusion

To sum up, the book in question reveals a story of a woman who had to endure a great ordeal for sins she had not committed. This is also a story of the country where thousands and even millions of people had to suffer for no reason. The novel contains memories of the woman who had the strength to survive and let millions know about the wrongdoings of Stalin’s regime.

It is possible to note that there are two major ideas revealed in the book. These are Eugenia’s attitude towards life and her loyalty to the Party. The woman had a strong desire to survive and this will helped her endure all her ordeals. Surprisingly, in spite of all horrible experiences, the woman remained faithful to the party. It is difficult to understand this loyalty but one can’t help admiring the brave woman who never changed her ideals no matter what.

Works Cited

Ginzburg, Eugenia. Journey into the Whirlwind. New York: Mariner Books, 2002. Print.

Introduction

To begin with, it is necessary to mention that socialism and communism as a political epoch have left an essential step in the literary sphere of the planet. Thus, different writers described the horrors and happiness of the people who lived in the Soviet Union and the states of the Socialistic camp. Lots of novels and stories were written under the influence of socialism and authoritarian regimes in different countries.

Still, independently of the regime itself, writers chose to write about ordinary people, about their lives, their sorrows and happiness, their love, and despair. This paper is aimed to analyze the influence of the communistic regimes on the two novels written on the matters of communism and the role of a human in the system: “The Unbearable Lightness of Being” by Milan Kundera and “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich,” by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.

Kundera’s Political Theme

First of all, it is necessary to mention that the political theme in the novel is represented as the background of the main theme and the main occasions of the plot. The chronological sequence of the plot describes the year 1968 in the wake of the Prague Spring. The three characters of the novel, which are regarded to be the most perceptive of the political issues, confess different political views. However, the only feature which unites them in this perspective is their acceptance of the political ideas of Kundera. They suppose that all the diehard political or ideological parties are fundamentally the same. Sabina is an artist and accepts the world through the prism of her artistic realization of the world structure.

She regards the Communists, Fascists, and the extremist parties as to the embodiment of the sentimental kitsch, the origin of the worst ever art and propaganda, which only washes the brains of the people. As for Tomas and his views, it should be stated that he clearly realizes that two antagonistic camps – the Czech regime and the dissident movement – pursue him. He understands that both just wish to misinterpret his words, as he is one of the celebrities in the city.

Tereza, in her turn, was initially attracted by the dissident movements for their glamour thoughts and considerations. However, later she realizes that any political movement is absolutely anti-individualistic, and her privacy and individuality, which she strives for, will be essentially depressed. Kundera describes that none of them will participate in the marches voluntarily by the end of the novel. Thus, they may be regarded as apolitical, independently of their views and preferences.

However, all of them suppose that they have strong political beliefs and views. Eckstein (2000, 58), in her research, states the following: “Tomas’s Oedipus article says ignorance of the law is no excuse and damns the Communist regime because it uses ignorance to explain away its wrongdoing. Sabina requires freedom to pursue experimental painting and finds that freedom in the West, away from the Communists in Prague.”

From this point of view, it should be stated that the military intervention of the Soviet Union in Prague is regarded as something horrifying in the novel. The tanks and the soldiers are regarded as the rapists of the attractive beauty of the city, and all the intellectuals are subjected to exile and permanent political silence. Thus, the cultural world in which Tomas and Sabina lived was destroyed, and the political views of their own, their friends, and the surrounding people had no significance anymore. (Píchová, 2002, 36)

As for the influence of the communistic regime on the novel, it should be stated that the influence itself can not be regarded as essential. The fact is that it was written in the atmosphere of socialism. Thus, it was difficult not to touch upon these issues. Communism and the attitude towards it just shaped the author’s perception of the surrounding world, which he transmitted to his protagonists.

One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich

The novel by Alexander Solzhenitsyn was subjected to the essential impact of the communistic regime and views. The author was subjected to the persecution of the communistic regime in the Soviet Union, knew a lot about the inverse side of the authoritarian government, and knew what stood behind the visible happiness and order in the post-war Soviet Union. (Mahoney, 2001, 225)

As for the plot of the novel, it should be stated that the center of the plot is the issues of survival among the inmates of the authoritative oppression and camp survival. It should be stated that the main aim of the author was to describe the cruelty of the humans within the authoritative regime, and these humans were the prison officials. Ivan Denisovich Shukhov is one of the inmates in the Gulag camp. All the events of the novel are represented through the prism of Ivan Denisovich’s thoughts, feelings, visions, etc. He is the victim of authoritarian cruelty, which was directed against the enemies of the people. It is unknown whether his accusation was righteous or faked.

Still, he managed not to lose his humanity and stay human among cruelty and anger. This symbolizes the general struggle of the people for freedom, peace, and happiness all over the world. This is symbolized by means of survival, which is the most crucial factor for the prisoners.

The attempt to dehumanize the prisoners of the gulag symbolizes the general perception of the world by the Soviet Union and the allover global structure: “those who are not with us are against us.” It was absolutely insignificant what the aims and goals of the people were – they were obliged to support the communistic party. Shukhov does not deal with the attempt to dehumanize him or take away his human feelings. Thus, he claims that it is necessary to maintain one’s own humanity by developing and supporting the system of beliefs. Thus, Wood (1999, 178), in his research, states the following: “At mealtime, no matter how hungry he is, he insists on removing his cap before eating.

This practice, a holdover from his upbringing, gives Shukhov a sense that he is behaving in a civilized manner. No matter how ravenous he becomes, he never stoops to Fetyukov’s scrounging and begging for scraps. He scorns Fetyukov’s behavior, which he believes is subhuman.” Thus, he aims to save his humanity in every situation, even in spite of the fact that he is often treated as an animal in a flock. However, he seriously resists this attitude towards him from the side of the Soviet regime and the camp. He insists on his own dignity and declares the silent war for his own dignity and humanity against the system that imprisoned him.

Originally it is regarded as the largest compromise against the cruelty of the Soviet Union against those who did not support the communistic views. The fact is that it was a real discovery for the western intellectuals, who even did not suppose that the political prisons incarcerated so many inmates. The novel was rather revolutionary in the Soviet Union also. The Socialistic regime had essentially affected the view of the world of the author. Still, he expressed surprising courage demonstrating the dedication to preserving the memories of those millions of victims who perished in the camps. (Solzhenitsyn, 1999, 95)

As for the issues of impact, it should be stated that the author of this novel had an opportunity to study the Soviet regime from the inside. For the largest part of his life, he lived in the Soviet Union, and the regime, with its propaganda, cruelties, imprisonments, repressions, left e deep step in his mind.

Conclusion

Finally, it is necessary to mention that both novels were subjected to the Communistic impact. However, “The Unbearable Lightness of Being” from the outside and “One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich” from the inside. Originally, it is necessary to mention that the regime was mainly regarded as anti-humane and antagonistic to humane values. Socialism as the epoch in world history just could not pass unmentioned. Thus, lots of writers and artists left their own representations and visions of this system. The analyzed novels just describe the lives of ordinary people in the background of the socialistic system.

References

Eckstein, Barbara J. The Language of Fiction in a World of Pain: Reading Politics as Paradox. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000.

Mahoney, Daniel J. “The One True Progress Solzhenitsyn’s Alternative to Modern Liberalism.” Perspectives on Political Science 27.4 (2001): 220-227.

Píchová, Hana. The Art of Memory in Exile: Vladimir Nabokov & Milan Kundera. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2002.

Solzhenitsyn, Alexander. “The Righteous Brothers (And Sisters) of Contemporary Russian Literature.” World Literature Today 67.1 (1999): 91-99.

Wood, Michael. Children of Silence: On Contemporary Fiction. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

In the years that followed the Second World War, there was a call from communists to take control of various countries. Notably, East Europe was a region where the call by communists was more pronounced. Various countries in Eastern Europe decided to follow the communist calls and established communist governments. It should be noted that this had various impacts on these countries. Communists were proponents of cooperation among members of the society to ensure that they produced what the society as a whole needed. It was the philosophy of communism that the welfare of the society should come first before any individual is considered. Furthermore, communists believed that it is the moral duty of every member of the society to care for others and this will make people work hard. As a result, it was pointless to make people compete in the hope that they will increase their productivity.

On the same note, communism required people to contribute to society according to their ability while each person was to be allocated resources according to his or her need. Similarly, communism demands that in addition to the wages that employees receive, the profits made should be distributed among members of the workforce. Moreover, it is the idea of communists that the markets have various imperfections and thus cannot perfectly meet the requirements. Consequently, the government intervened to guide the market. On the same note, communist leaders advocated for equal opportunities for all people. Also, workers were expected to have a say at their places of work. These ideas reduced the living standards of people living in Eastern Europe compared to the rest of the continent.

On the same note, the communist governments enhanced the education systems of their countries. There was a common need to invest in the education sector and nobody was against this idea. Moreover, many leaders were dictators and they commanded what they wanted to be done. The implemented education structures were thus strong and they have stood the taste of time. Another impact that communism had on Eastern Europe was the disregard of human rights. Many dictators are known to rule by the fist. Consequently, basic human rights were violated in various instances and this was the order of the day. Up to date, some of these countries are struggling to implement the human rights convention.

Arguably, people were not free to talk their mind as it regards political issues. What the government said was taken to be superior. Those who dared to go against the government were sent to prison. As a result, many people avoided talking ill of the government even when they were sure that policies taken by the government were disastrous. There was also ethnic tension that was castigated by the outright favor of some ethnic groups. In some countries, various ethnic communities were banned from talking their mother tongue. This was done in the name of fostering national unity. These groups do not relate well to date.

Communism did not go without resistance though people had welcomed it in the beginning. There were a lot of inequalities not only in terms of income, but also in the living standards. As a result, various groups of people started advocating for reforms in the way resources were distributed as well as the mode of governance that was used. The working class people united in solidarity to push for what they thought belonged to them. Notably, the solidarity was successful in their quest. Among the factors that made the solidarity successful were the worsening economic conditions in the soviet economies.

Though the communist countries witnessed flourishing economic performance in the initial years up to around late 1970s, things changed to the worse. Poverty levels started going up while business was doing badly. Similarly, the proportion of debt as a percentage of the total production was increasing. Consequently, people became disdainful of the communist leaders and were ready to do anything that would extricate them from the harsh conditions. Therefore, when the call of solidarity was made, there were a lot of people ready and willing to be part of the movement. On the same note, communism had lost popularity among people, especially the Poles, who saw it as a way by which Russia was colonizing them. They saw it as a foreign mode of governance that was imposed on them which they should do everything to resist. To them, solidarity was a way of fighting against the evils in society.

In addition, the Polish government had oppressed the church very much. According to the communist government, the church was a way through which the western capitalists wanted to eliminate communism. However, people were strongly attached to the church and the government failed to recognize this. Therefore, when people realized that the church was also involved in the solidarity fight, they decided to fully engage themselves. People were of the idea that the church was a way of advocating for national unity.

Moreover, people had lost trust in the communist government. Most of the promises that the communist government made were not fulfilled. However, solidarity provided an alternative by addressing the specific issues that needed urgent remedy. Additionally, solidarity presented itself to people as being honest, a virtue that people were looking for. Moreover, the action of the Polish government to kill demonstrators who were complaining about price increase gave solidarity an upper hand. That depicted clearly the cruelty of the communist government. On the same note, the solidarity had workers and was able to paralyze production and other functions through striking. They controlled the means of production.

It should be noted that though solidarity was able to significantly weaken the communism government, it was not their aim. Solidarity was never formed to replace the government even though it eventually ended having a majority in parliament. The main aim of solidarity was to change some aspects of government which was undermining the ordinary people. Solidarity’s aim was to improve the way government addressed various issues that affected common citizens in the country. It was formed to act as a voice of people through which workers could present their grievances to the government. People were tired of what they saw as oppression and needed a way of correcting the government. Arguably, solidarity was meant to be a trade union that would check the government and correct it whenever possible.

When communism fell, solidarity was compelled to take a political role. It is crucial to note that this precipitated the fall of the organization, given that it was never prepared for politics. Their political involvement led to internal disagreements, and some leaders resigned. As a result, the popularity of the organization fell. Similarly, the thirsty for power among the leaders of solidarity after the fall of communism made them to fight against each other. As a result, they destroyed one another, and consequently, solidarity’s popularity failed.

Arguably, though people wanted to eliminate communists from an authority, the joy did not last long. Instead, a host of other problems followed. To begin with, capitalism brought with it the struggle of each person to survive. As a result, a wide income gap among citizens of these countries has been generated. There are those who are extremely rich, while others are languishing in poverty. Those who took power after the fall of communism were out to enrich themselves at the expense of the ordinary citizens.

On the same note, the move by various countries to radically replace the communistic structures with capitalistic ones was not immediately successful. Instead of witnessing the benefits that had been witnessed in other capitalistic countries, the reverse was the case. Poverty levels increased among the citizens compared to the preceding years. On the same note, unemployment rates went high due to lack of money to implement various policies. Consequently, living standards declined in the years that followed the fall of communism.

As a matter of fact, the rest of Europe has not been willing to accept the countries from East Europe as part of their group. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the countries from East Europe is lower than those of countries west of the continent. Moreover, East Europe countries encountered significant barriers when they wanted to join various global organizations. They were required to provide assurances that communistic tendencies had been eliminated.

There have also been tensions among various ethnic groups in some countries. Those ethnic groups which felt they were oppressed during the communism years of rule want to be given priority in various issues. They tend to look at the ethnic groups that were favored as enemies of democracy. There are also high crime rates mostly perpetrated by organized gangs. This is an inevitable result of disparity in income.

Notably, the newly elected leaders and politicians after the fall communism gave a lot of promises to the citizens. They were sure that communists were misusing public resources and that is why they were unable to deliver. Unfortunately, these leaders were also unable to deliver. As a result, people lost hope in the new governments. This led to resistance from people against the leaders. Moreover, massive corruption came into being after the exit of communist leaders. People soon lacked confidence in their governments.

Another problem that faced the East European countries after the fall of communism is the rise of the right-wing politicians. These were radical politicians who criticized every move of the government. Protests then became inevitable with the governments finding it difficult to satisfy the needs of people. The result was a lot of distrust of the authorities as well as anything to do with them.

The emergence of communism seemed to bring relieve to the people of Eastern Europe who had suffered greatly during the Second World War. However, people quickly discovered that communism had its downturns which were, probably, more than the advantages. Consequently, they struggled to replace communism with capitalism. The transition was not so smooth either. Nevertheless, it should be known that in the quest for good governance some risks have to be taken.

Events of the 20th century as a cause of a heightened sense of Chinese national identity

The suggestion (by Peter Zarrow), in regards to how the post-revolutionary Chinese used to perceive the notion of ‘nationhood’, appears thoroughly legitimate (361). The reason for this is that the revolutionary events established a number of the objective conditions for the Chinese to grow less tribally minded. After all, the very paradigm of a Republican governorship presupposes the citizens’ willingness to prioritize the interests of the larger community (to which they happened to belong), over their tribally localized agenda. In the aftermath of the Revolution of 1911, the Chinese realized themselves citizens, in the Western sense of this word. That is, while retaining their cultural traditions, the Chinese had found themselves in the position of being able to think beyond the cognitive limitations, posed by what account for the values of a traditional living in China.

In this respect, the effects of the mentioned Revolution were concerned with the process of Chinese citizens becoming increasingly ‘Westernized’. As Brooks noted: “Chinese politicians and urban intellectuals gradually conceived that it was necessary to recreate China using a portion of the lexicon of the Western nations” (163).

The validity of this statement can be illustrated, in regards to the passage of a number of different egalitarianism-promoting laws (such as the marriage law of 1931), which took place in China during the course of the historical period in question (The Northern Expedition 25). At the same time, while becoming ever more open-minded, it was only natural for the Chinese to grow both: increasingly aware of the fact that they should be loyal to China, on one hand, and less concerned with trying to live up to the provisions of the regionally localized sub-cultures, on the other. This once again illustrates the legitimacy of the earlier mentioned Zarrow’s idea.

Explanation of success of Chinese Communist Revolution

I cannot possibly subscribe to Hinton’s idea that the Chinese Communist Revolution of 1949 had a profound effect on the workings of the Chinese people’s consciousness (xii). In fact – it was specifically due to these people’s endowment with the so-called ‘holistic’ mentality, which causes its affiliates to experience the acute sensation of a communal solidarity, that the Communist Revolution was made possible, in the first place. As Westad pointed out: “Some scholars now underline the charismatic character of Mao Zedong’s political style as an important element in the party’s successes” (5). Yet, it is specifically in the solidarist societies (such as the Chinese one) where charismatic leaders emanate a particularly strong appeal to the masses.

The thesis’s validity can be further illustrated, in regards to the fact that, contrary to what it is being commonly assumed, the Chinese Communists never tried to undermine the traditional ways of living in China. For example, according to the Marriage Law of the People’s Republic of China, passed in 1950: “Parents have the duty to rear and to educate their children; the children have the duty to look alter and to assist their parents” (363).

As it can be well seen, there is nothing ‘revolutionary’ about this particular provision – it is being thoroughly consistent with the long-lived custom about how parents and children are supposed to relate to each other in China. This also explains why in China, the people’s adherence to the ideals of Communism coexisted perfectly well with their strongly defined nationalist sentiment (Bearing Witness 327) – something that continues to be the case even today. Thus, I have no other option but to reinstate once again that Hinton’s idea does not seem to stand much of a ground.

Works Cited

“Bearing Witness.” The Search for Modern China. Eds. Pei-Kai Cheng, Michael Lestz and Jonathan Spence. New York: W.W. Norton, 1991. 325-329. Print.

“The Marriage Law of the People’s Republic of China.” The Search for Modern China. Eds. Pei-Kai Cheng, Michael Lestz and Jonathan Spence. New York: W.W. Norton, 1991. 361-366. Print.

Brook, Timothy. “Collaborationist Movement in Occupied Wartime China.” Nation Work: Asian Elites and National Identities. Eds. Timothy Brook and Andre Schmid. Lansing: University of Michigan Press, 2000. 159-190. Print.

The Northern Expedition 2014. Web.

Westad, Odd Arne. Decisive Encounters. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003. Web.

Zarrow, Peter. China in War and Revolution, 1895–1949. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print.

The author of “Memories of the Red Decade: HUAC Investigations in Maryland” is Vernon L. Pedersen, who currently works at the University of Great Falls in Montana. Pedersen is an American author. He is a graduate of Indiana State University’s History Department, where he received Bachelor of Science degree in 1985 and Master of Arts degree in 1987. Pedersen also acquired Doctor of Philosophy degree in 1993 in Georgetown University’s History Department. His dissertation was focused on the Communist Party in Maryland. Pedersen’s main professional interest is the development and inner processes of Communism all around the world and in the USA namely.

Pedersen’s article called “Memories of the Red Decade: HUAC Investigations in Maryland” was written in 2004. It elaborates on the American Labor in the times of the Cold War. The article is focused on the Communist influences in the United States, the country’s anti-communist moods and movements. The author offers a new perspective on the meaning of Communist parties that existed in the United States during the Cold War and the supporters of Communism. The piece might have been influenced by the wave of non-traditional revelations that occurred after 2001 and contradicted the common ideas of the Western world.

The intended audience of the article includes historians and scholars interested in this subject, ideological sympathizers of the author, and the students of History Departments willing to study the inside of Communist moods and movements in the United States during the Cold War deeper and in more detail. The language of the article assumes that the reader would be familiar with the basic terms frequently used in it such as McCarthyism, pluralism, anticommunism, or Palmer raids. The piece might be rather complex for an average reader, who does not have specialized education.

Pedersen depicts the development of Communism in the United States exploring the perspectives and career paths of its various protesters and supporters. The author presents the history of Communism in the USA decades before the beginning of the Cold War and follows it through the first and second World Wars in relevance to a number of other events and phenomena. The writer does not address opposing writers; instead, he subjectively explains the history of Communism in the United States.

One of the main theses discussed by Pedersen is that “although the opposition of Communism was often unjustifiably extreme, most of the individual and organizations targeted by anticommunists were, in fact, tied to the Communist Party USA”.¹ The author explores the series of investigations and arrest cases involving Communists and their actions that led to suspicions. Pedersen also states that “an air of amusement over the Bureau’s obsessive behavior, and sympathy for the accused reds, clearly comes through the sober journalistic prose”.² This statement emphasizes that the obsession did not affect everyone in the country, and there were the individuals able to judge critically.

Pedersen uses a mixture of primary and secondary sources for his article, but since this piece is mostly a research, the author relies mainly on the primary sources such as documentation from various court hearings, interviews, speeches and confessions of the participators and witnesses of both sides, biographies of some leaders. The secondary sources used by Pedersen are the researches and interpretations of the events of Cold War done by other scholars.

The argument presented by Pedersen is rather durable, yet it is not too lengthy. The author carefully follows the history of Communism in the United States and its influences. Pedersen presents the points of view and wrongdoings of both communists and their opposition, trying to stay bias free. In my opinion, the article is an excellent demonstration of the anticommunist obsession and political rivalry during the Cold War. Pedersen succeeds to prove both rational and unreasonable actions of anticommunists and the bases for the obsession.

Bibliography

Pedersen, Vernon L. “Memories of the Red Decade: HUAC Investigations in Maryland.” In American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Postwar Political Culture, edited by Robert W. Cherny, William Issel and Kieran Walsh, 177-189. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2004.

Footnotes

1. Vernon L. Pedersen, “Memories of the Red Decade: HUAC Investigations in Maryland”, in American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Postwar Political Culture, ed. Robert W. Cherny et al. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 177.
2. Pedersen, “Memories of the Red Decade,” 183.

Introduction

The ideas that have been brought out by the communist manifesto are a good overview of the world’s history. The concepts such as environmental change, industrialization and state building, have been brought out clearly in the concept of communism. Also, the concept of social divisions like gender, class and race are brought out clearly according to history of the Japanese who have used the system of governance. The themes are well connected to area of the course since the manifesto of the communists relates with trade, empire, industrialization, technology, urbanization and religion.

According to my own opinion, the communists manifesto has more of the disadvantages than the advantages. Abolishing private property will mean taking away something that an individual has worked for so many years to achieve, while the idea of equal labour would minimize the rate at which some individuals depend on others, the concept may not be very fruitful in an environment that is full of the aged. The manifesto is a good privilege when it comes to the sector of education, employment and health due to the fact that each individual is considered in every sector. Therefore, this paper will relate these themes to key issues and communist’s manifesto by Karl Marx (Marx & Engels 2009).

Ideas and concepts in the novel

According to Sanshiro, the Japanese society was profoundly influenced by globalization in the nineteenth century. Globalization was mainly influenced by the developments that came as a result of interaction with the external forces; Japan’s interaction with the west’s powerful. Modernization came as a result of the nineteenth century interactions. The industrialization process in this country was contributed by many individuals and groups due to the communist’s way of governance in the country.

The government, communities and businesses and individuals contributed to the developments which further lead to globalization. Hence the communist manifesto of state control of markets was a very good strategy to globalization in Japan. Therefore, the foreign pressure from the powerful nations influenced the development in Japan. The Japanese, according to Sanshiro, used the pressure to reach where they are today.

More to this, society has made the elements that existed previously to co-exist with the world’s current needs, therefore, the continued growth of its society. Globalization, according to Sanshiro, has led to economic stability, political stability and industrialization. When compared to the nineteenth century, the market of the industrial products of Japan has increasingly become popular globally. This is attributed to the fact that their embracing of the western culture has made them become more successful (Embry & Barry 57).

The Japanese were exceptionally clever that they decided to keep some ideas in the process of their development they did not totally abandon their culture by embracing the western culture totally, but they kept some of their traditions. Therefore, some of their traditions remain to date and are used in the regions that they tend to think that they may coexist with the ideas that are of foreign nature. The key areas that they held onto were areas that they thought were important and played a big role in their national identity and their social continuity.

Any change taking place in this country had to pass through the government for a nod hence the effectiveness of communist manifesto. Agriculturally, Japan was not doing well due to the influence from the temperate climate; their technology was also poor which has improved to date. Their technology has even to some extent overtaken some western countries. Their agriculture has improved much owing to the increased labour sector, of which they have still invented ways of curbing the agricultural issues. Their development was parallel in a way that they were independent and used their own ideas. They adopted what could work with their culture, and neglected what was interfering with their needs. For this reason, Japan has become revolutionized and has even overtaken some powerful state (Embry & Barry 57).

The social division in the novel has touched on key issues such as gender, race and class. The issue of class division came out clearly from the development the classes in the Japanese society. The classes include: the upper class who were mainly wealthy and possessed great powers in politics, the middle class these included mainly those who could do white collar jobs, while the low class had individuals with no basic security. Historically, gender issues mattered so much that women had their own role to play while men also had their own roles too.

The women’s roles were to feed the family and ensure all in the house was clean. Racial segregation also was a dominant key factor to be considered. The Asian was treated differently with the westerners, while the westerners were mainly given the best treatment as they were very powerful in the nineteenth century. The Japanese can also be seen to give so much respect to the Europeans before they became industrialized. Although the ideas brought by Sanshiro are historical, using them as the primary source also has some challenges. This is because she never existed in the nineteenth century which would have given more evidence into the insights that she brings out in her book, therefore, some of the key concepts have not been brought out well (Embry & Barry 57).

Works Cited

Embry, Charles R, & Barry Cooper. Philosophy, Literature, and Politics: Essays Honoring Ellis Sandoz. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005. Print.

Marx, Karl, & Friedrich Engels. Manifesto of the Communist Party. New York: Cosimo Classics, 2009. Print.

Introduction

The history of women in Europe was an invisible story. Especially the history of women during the communist era is very scant. Particularly there is a major paucity of European feminists who may have documented the women’s social, political, and economic situation during the communist era. So whatever work that has been done on women during this time has mostly been dominated by western thoughts. Though there are extensive and promising works, being present in the post-communist era (e.g. Wolchik (1994)) but there exist definitive works on women’s history in the communist era in Eastern Europe. Here it must be made clear as to what I mean by Eastern Europe. By Eastern Europe, I mean, following Andrea Peto, the erstwhile Soviet bloc (Peto 2004, 173). This paper tries to trace the trend of historiography in women’s studies in East Europe in the communist era. The paper is first trying to ascertain the existing works and the viewpoints of the researchers on women’s history and then try to ascertain if there exists any difference between the Eastern European and Western European historian’s points of view. Then I will discuss the present situation of the field of study and the future direction of research that is required in the area. First, I discuss the contributions and developments in feminist research in Eastern European countries.

Women’s Studies in East Europe

According to Peto women’s history in the communist East Europe had been “crippled not only by institutional and disciplinary boundaries but also by national hegemonies and overarching frameworks of history writing” (Peto 2004, 174). This is indicative of the “crippled” situation women’s history is in today. While discussing women’s roles in the communist era of the Eastern Europe, Peto shows that in the post-communist there developed a feminist side of history, but before which history was grossly dominated by patriarchal views (Peto 2004, 174). Peto also identifies that unlike Eastern Europe, the change in the history’s outlook in North American and Western Europe occurred due to immense pressure from the political and feminist groups (174). Further, Peto states that the nature of feminist history writing was positivist in nature, implying that there was counter-argument presented in the history of women presented by academicians during the communist era (175).

Feminist historical accounts were subjugated by communist authoritarian government. An argument has been presented regarding feminist history in the communist era, that it had been subjugated by the authorities (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 83). They believe that the communist regime accused feminism of encouraging “hostility between women and men instead of fostering cooperation between them” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 83). That is why most historical account of feminism shows that women came to view any form of totalitarian regime be it Soviet Union or Nazi Germany with enmity and men were seen as their “humble partners” (Siklova 1997, 77).

Agnieszka Majcher studied feminism and its development in Poland in the last fifty years (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004). She also studies the current state in economic research of women in the Polish communist era. According to her study gender equality was enshrined in the country’s constitution, it was taken for granted at societal level, but women became “objects of political manipulation, and the rise of a genuine feminist discourse was severely restricted” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 85). According to her, this was mainly because researchers were unable to enter into dialogue with the institutions, mostly because there was lack of political will as well as lack of initiative by feminist groups:

Researchers and women’s activists were unable to enter into a dialogue with, or articulate criticism of, the state or other social institutions. For the most part researchers and women’s activists were unconcerned with the developments in feminist research that took place in the West, particularly from the 1970s onwards. This gap was the result of the repressive ideology of communism, the precarious situation of feminist scholars and activists, and a certain selectivity in accepting new ideas, a self-censorship that continues to this day. (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 85)

This neglect by political institutions was also indicated in the work of Anna Loutfi (2005), who studies the Civil Marriage Law in Hungary in the communist era. Her study shows that the privilege that has been provided to women during this era was actually an “illusion” of security and did not provide and legal stability (Loutfi 2005, 14). Historians of the era have shown that this law provided gender equality in a society that was essentially patriarchal in nature and high degree of gender inequality (Loutfi 2005, 15).

The reason for this lack of academics concern on feminism in the communist regime is due to the removal of sociology from universities as it was labeled by communists as a “bourgeois science”. The reason for paucity in the feminist studies as criticism in political and social life of people was considered to be a “taboo” in the communist regime. Thus, the feminist studies during the era are controversial. As argued by Majcher that “the number of publications on women’s issues during the communist period is impressive, even though the subject continued to have only marginal status in economic, sociological, or historical research and many of the publications were just brief articles published in various socio-cultural magazines.” (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 86) Apart from these, she also identified a few limitations in the women’s studies in the communist era: (a) inappropriate definition of “gender” and a distinction between “gender” and “sex”, (b) lack of reflection on feminist theory, (c) lack of feminist realization which led to non-identifying of women’s group interest, and (d) the research approaches which were followed were the conventional approaches, which were considered politically acceptable and was rather narrow in framework (Majcher, Majoros and Peto 2004, 86). These problems were also identified by Peto (2004).

One distinct example of communist manipulation of women is found in the work of Basia Nowak (2005) who studies the participation of women in the communist agitations and incorporating women into the party. The reason is shown by Nowak is to prevent women from talking and control women’s “talkativeness” in the name of bringing forth and enlightens the politically backward womenfolk (Nowak 2005, 502). And during the Stalinist era, incorporating women in the socialist ideologies was important because it was believed that “women’s talkativeness had the potential to harm the state” (Nowak 2005, 509).

Women’s history unanimously hailed restrictive policies regarding women as advantageous to women, where policies actually supported restricting women’s role to the family institution and reduced their participation in the workforce. A decline in the participation of women at work was hailed to be advantageous by academicians like Zofia Dach (1976) and Krystyna Knychala (1978). The present state of women’s study in the communist era is dominated by studies of pay gap, barriers to women’s career, pattern of women’s employment and family, model of incorporation of married women in labor force etc. apart from the economic and social status of women, their status in academia was also restricted and feminist research outcome was few. Thus, this leads to a “statist feminist” as was coined by Hana Havelkova which was indicative of the half-hearted policy of women’s emancipation and using it towards gender equality (Havelkova 2000). One reason which Havelkova points out is the lack of any woman’s issue which may have brought about a movement against the governing institution. She also believes that there is an increasing disparity between the feminism in East and West, as there was no feminism in East. The dominant discourse of controlling East European feminism was in its conjugation with western feminism, but there is no chance of comparison because of the impossible task to unify the cultural difference (Riley 2000, 176). In the post-communist era, some scholars have identified the difference between the feminism in West and East (Nikolchina 2002).

A contradictory view is provided by Barbara Einhorn and Charlotte Sever (2003) who believe that in the post-communist era there has arisen a myth that East European countries have rejected Western feminism due to the fall of socialism. But the authors argue that this rejection is oversimplified as the women in the eastern European countries have merely rejected the Western concept of feminism:

“…these analyses provide a simplistic and thus inaccurate picture of the period of transformation, which fails to take into consideration national and cultural differences. More substantively, they deny the actual existence of much grassroots activity both before and after 1989…The two ‘myths of transition’ have arisen partly from contesting notions of the position and project of feminist identities reflected in the continuing and difficult East/West feminist dialogue.” (Einhorn and Sever 2003, 165)

This has been pointed out by Duhacek too who states that “How do we speak of feminism which is other than Western feminism, if not as a feminism which is the other to it, which would presuppose Western feminism as the parameter?” (Duhacek 2000, 129). This demonstrates the disparity in the history of women in Eastern Europe.

Methodological Issue

The above discussion shows that the history of women in the communist Europe was essentially an account of “numbers” with very little stress given on the women’s perspective of the account. The statistics showed that there was high rate of women’s participation in the workforce, there were proper facilities provided to the working wives and they could avail paid leave as and when required, but all these studies failed to provide an account of the systematic exclusion of women’s voice from the history which could demonstrate the social aspects of these numbers. As identified by Nikolchina (2002), there was government support for women in workforce continued but the attitude of emancipation of the communist regime prevailed. So far the approach of most historians is restricted to numbers wherein the social aspects of the women’s history get lost. Number of research are being generated to understand the position of women in the communist era but the researches fail to show any social aspect or humane side due to lack of any primary or secondary reference source. The documentation in the communist regime was essentially by numbers, which predict no problem in the status of women whereby western standards they were equally well off. But the history fails to show the feminist perspective of the story. The history fails to account for the reason for prevalence of traditional constructs of feminity and masculinity. The histories of the time fail to address these issues as they are the essential womanist’s voice to history. So as history even today is based on these numbers published in the communist era grossly misrepresent women’s history.

The future of feminist research in the woman’s history of East Europe during the communist era must be based on a work of an archaeologist and not that of a historian. Peto identifies ways in which this problem of historiography of women’s history can be changed. First the oral history tradition of women must be utilized which remains the only source of identifying the social history of women in Eastern Europe. Then Peto argues that there is no “true” form of history, so Preto states “an archeological excavation is not an innocent activity after all because it is aiming to answer questions of representations but not of constructions” (Peto 2004, 178) as the right methodology for conducting research into women’s history of Eastern Europe.

Conclusion

History of women in Eastern Europe is dominated by controversies and contradictions. They believe that Eastern European and Western feminism is unlike each other and so Peto believes to bridge this gap between the approaches a more unified form of feminism needs to be developed (Peto 2004). Further, on discussion of the methodology of historical approach, the approach must concentrate more on the social aspects of women’s lives than on numbers of the communist era.

Reference

Dach, Zofia. Praca zawodowa kobiet w Polsce w latach 1950 – 1972 i jej aspekty ekonomiczno-społeczne [Women’s Paid Work in 1950 – 1972 and Its Socioeconomic Aspects]. Warszawa: Ksia¸z˙ka i Wiedza, 1976.

Duhacek, Dasa. “Eastern Europe.” In A Companion to Feminist Philosophy, by Alison M. Jaggar and Iris Marion Young, 128–36. Blackwell, 2000.

Einhorn, Barbara, and Charlotte Sever. “Gender and Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 5(2), 2003: 163–190.

Havelka, Hana. “‘Abstract Citizenship? Women and Power in the Czech Republic.” In Gender and Citizenship in Transition, by Barbara Hobson, 118 – 38. London: Macmillan, 2000.

Knychała, Krystyna. Zatrudnienie kobiet w Polsce Ludowej w latach 1955 – 1974 [Women’s Employment in the Polish People’s Republic 1955 – 1974]. Warszawa: PWN, 1978.

Loutfi, Anna. “Poverty or Possibility? Eastern Europe and the Development of a Global Historiography for Women’s History.” Women’s History Revisited: Historiographical Reflections on Women and Gender in a Global Context. Budapest: International Federation for Research in Women’s History, 2005. 1-17.

Majcher, Agnieszka, Krisztina Majoros, and Andrea Peto. “Explorations: Feminist and Economic Inquiry in Central and Eastern Europe.” Feminist Economics 10(3), 2004: 81-118.

Nikolchina, Miglena. “The Seminar: Mode d’emploi. Impure Spaces in the Light of Late Totalitarianism.” Differences 15(1), 2002: 96 – 127.

Nowak, Basia A. “Constant Conversations: Agitators in the League of Women in Poland during the Stalinist Period.” Feminist Studies 31(3), 2005: 488-520.

Peto, Andrea. “Writing Women’s History in Eastern Europe: Towards a “Terra Cognita”?” Journal of Women’s History 16(4), 2004: 173-82.

Riley, Denise. The Words of Selves: Identification, Solidarity, Irony. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000.

Siklova, Jirina. “McDonalds, Terminators, Coca Cola Ads – and Femininsm?” In Ana’s Land: Sisterhood in Eastern Europe, by Tanya Renne, 76 – 81. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997.

Wolchik, Sharon L. “International trends in Central and Eastern Europe: Women in transition in the Czek and Slovak Republics: The First Three years.” Journal of Women’s History 5(3), 1994: 100-9.

Introduction

To date, it is widespread knowledge, opinion, and the idea that Nazism and Communism are separate social phenomena. For instance, it is no secret that these political “doctrines” result from difficult socio-economic and political situations. In particular, it is essential to note that they were characterized by totalitarian thinking as one of the distinguishing features of the first half of the twentieth century and the times of faith in science and various rationalistic theories. However, despite such initial apparent similarities, there has always been an insurmountable gap between them within the framework of political, social, and ideological goals, which knowingly doomed both currents to fight each other to destruction. Hence, by their essence and nature, Nazism in Germany and Communism in the USSR are different and dissimilar in terms of ideology and governing systems, but at the same time have “totalitarian” aspects.

Nazism and Communism: Difference

First of all, the ideology of Nazism in Germany is a set of views and thoughts of Adolf Hitler about humanity from the racial struggle point of view. Such philosophy of the Third Reich was significantly associated with the propaganda of beliefs about the superiority of Aryans and Germans over other races.¹ In addition, this worldview emphasized motherhood, especially supporting women who had to have children of “the right origin”.² In general, however, this ideology focused on the racial idea, the concept of the blood community of the Germans, and their absolute biological superiority over other ethnicities, nations, and peoples of the Earth. The sacredness and religious character of Hitler’s theories and the desire to “purify” certain people were inherent in the Third Reich’s ideology.

In contrast, Communism in the Soviet Union was an equalizing redemptive ideology, in which there was such an “original sin” as the exploitation of humans by humans and paradise as a communist society. Furthermore, unlike the Germans, the Soviet people relying on this philosophy aimed to build a community without classes, in which all members jointly can own all means of production and goods. Accordingly, such a concept of public property excludes the economic exploitation of man by man. In addition, people’s race did not serve as an indicator of anything – everyone was deemed equal in the community. The Soviet Union inherited a vast territory from the Russian Empire, which had a long history of unifying different people under its rule. In fact, the country consisted of so many nations that an ideology of a superior race could prove to be utterly detrimental in the given circumstances.

Secondly, it is known that the foundation of the management system in Germany during the reign of Adolf Hitler was the principle of the Führer and dictatorships. In other words, the organization of the state system was built in the form of a pyramid – from the highest to the lowest. Moreover, German Nazism was mainly based on Lebensraum policies, aimed at forming, developing, and promoting the country’s leadership positions through searching and seizing new lands suitable for life.³ Hence, the German dictator directed the available forces, time, and other resources to the conquest of lands and the eradication of representatives of certain nations.

On the other hand, under Communism, power was transferred to the people, and the system of governance of the Soviet state was built on the principles of public self-government. Its peculiarity lies in the fact that the authorities that perform public managerial functions and their activities have lost their political character. This is due mainly to the disappearance of classes and national differences, and with the death of separate states, political relations, as well as connections between classes or nations, have vanished. Thus, despite Moscow being the center of decisions and operations, Soviet Union regions possessed substantial autonomy in terms of self-governance. Furthermore, instead of discriminating against specific nations, the Soviet Union displayed an utterly opposite approach to national policy. For instance, the Union’s republics invested a lot of time and resources to support their national language and identity.

The “Totalitarian” Aspects

The totalitarian aspects of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany include full control and direction of all aspects of citizens’ lives through coercion, intimidation, and suppression. Among the signs of the political regime, one can additionally highlight the official recognized ideology, the monopoly on the media and means of armed struggle, the system of terrorist police control, and a centralized economic management system. Both Soviet and Nazi leaders had special privileges, rights, and opportunities to invade the privacy of people, imposing on families a particular model of behavior aimed, according to the authorities, for the benefit of a state and society, thereby challenging the social roles formed in Europe and the United States.⁴ With strict regulation of official functions and subordination of officials within government departments, there was no order in interdepartmental relations, as well as a clear construction of the vertical of power. The factor of the leaders’ will and the subjective ties between them were consciously placed above the fixed rules and norms of development, adoption, and execution of decisions.

The slogan of social justice in the USSR was an abstract appeal, and more concrete were the calls for universal equality, which after some time turned into a dictatorship of social exclusivity based on the principle of working, poor origin. It is believed that Joseph Stalin could completely control the state with the “removal” of Leon Trotsky⁵. Consequently, Fascist Germany was anti-legal in nature; lawlessness and the possibility of arbitrariness concerning citizens were elevated to the rank of law. Therefore, the state machine has completely subjugated society and the individual. For decades, a total state regulation system of public and private life has prevailed in these countries. The destruction of people in this era turned into a routine and became something like the work of mechanical machines. For example, during the Second World War, the German Nazis sent millions of Jews, Slavs, and people of other nationalities to extermination camps and labor concentration camps.

Therefore, it is necessary to state that the difference between the two ideologies lies in the fact that Communism in the USSR recognized the equality of all people. At the same time, Nazism in Germany emphasized racial superiority and the restructuring of society with the priority of one nation. Nonetheless, unlike Communist regulations, the Third Reich supported the right to private property. Moreover, the system of government in the USSR was built on the principles of unity and equality. In fascist Germany, on the contrary, the tendency for hierarchy and Fuhrerism was developed. In particular, it should be added that despite such differences, the spirit of totalitarianism and the desire to subordinate the people’s heart, will, and mind to a particular model of behavior and perception of the surrounding world picture prevailed in the two countries.

The First World War of 1914-1918 was one of world history’s most significant turning events. This cataclysm, unprecedented in scale, led to the loss of millions of human lives, the fall of several powerful empires, the formation of new nation-states, and fundamental changes in the system of international relations. Moreover, it predetermined the entire subsequent course of events, including the Second World War. The First World War was one of the most crucial and decisive moments in European history, which devastated culture, politics, and society since 1789.

What The First World War Sweep Away and Usher In

Primarily, one should mention that Napoleon’s rule and French Revolution that broke out in 1789, in a sense, are the starting point in the development of large-scale and cardinal events that later developed into the First World War. This event demonstrated that unlimited royal power ceased to exist. Until 1871, there were several uprisings, restorations, coups, revolts, wars, and other upheavals. These were the periods of reactions, and adaptations, in which a new round of revolution and the unification of the German and Italian nations prevailed.

Thus, starting from 1871 and up to 1914, new types of political debates were formed, culminating in the war. During the last third of the XIX and the beginning of the XX century, empires were concerned with dividing the world, building zones of influence, and inventing identities that allowed justifying emerging demands. As is already known, the war lasted until 1918, and in 1919, the Versailles Peace Treaty was signed. The war resulted in the collapse of four empires – the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, German and Russian, and only the British Empire survived. The collapse of empires led to a nationalist transformation, and the “nation” became the dominant political structure in terms of reformulating the idea of belonging and political will.⁶ In general, the Treaty of Versailles determined the events of 1933 when the National Socialists came to power in Germany. Accordingly, in the future, this phenomenon will result in the Second World War, which lasted six years, starting in 1939 and ending in 1945.

In contrast to the pre-war time, nationalism became no longer dependent solely on the causes from inside the country – new ideas and ideologies acquired a transnational character. The traditional vision of causal relationships can be considered “tunneled” in this context.⁷ It may explain the local course of actions; however, it fails to grasp the long-distance diffusion, entanglement, and transfer of ideas. Hence, from the point of view of political concepts and phenomena, after the First World War, many different changes took place in Europe. The Great War brought pain, suffering, resentment, frustration, and economic turmoil to the world by inflicting terrible damage, taking millions of lives and four empires with it.⁸ There was a territorial division of states, the collapse of pre-war empires, and a radical change in borders. During the war, the boundaries of regions changed significantly, and the Russian Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Germany were most susceptible to these changes. Moreover, there would have been no fascism without the First World War. In the conditions of total warfare and its consequences, human consciousness softens and becomes ready to accept totalitarian ideologies.

Moreover, within the framework of cultural aspects, the war gave rise to an unprecedented number of new plots and posed or aggravated a certain number of philosophical and existential problems. For many ordinary soldiers, it was often unclear why they were waging war and what they were fighting for. On the other front line, the same workers or peasants were freezing and getting wet in the trenches. This phenomenon was even in the French and German units, whose peoples historically did not like each other, and the French dreamed of avenging the Franco-Prussian War. For instance, the 1920s saw a massive explosion of hedonism, the desire to live and prosper. After many years of hardships and restrictions, the population finally gave itself free rein in the desire to succeed, significantly since the industry was diversified and production facilities were optimized for civilian needs.

Appealing to social issues, it should be borne in mind that when men were taken to the front en masse, their places in production were occupied mainly by women and children, which turned the system of social relations in civilization. Women’s emancipation before the warfare was extremely superficial and, in many ways, rather intellectual, and after the war, the female half of the population was able to express themselves in a new light. The hardships of the battle created extreme tension in society, and revolutions took place in some countries, which had both social and political consequences additionally. For instance, the working class in the 1920s was able to win back significant rights compared to 1914, and somewhere this happened right during the revolutions, and somewhere the industrialists themselves conceded, observing the examples of neighboring countries.

In the future, after mass events and up to the present, the boom of atheism and female emancipation began to manifest, and the concept of human freedom in lifestyle, beliefs, relationships with the environment, art, and reaching permissiveness appeared. The image of the world (human civilization) as people see it today has been formed – unpredictable, dangerous, nervous, unstable. The focus of public life was directed, in addition to political figures, to celebrities and intellectuals.

In general, the First World War opened up the modernity in which people live today. It seems that contemporary Europe has accepted the modernity born of the Great War as a phenomenon. The further this world develops, the clearer it becomes what the EU is moving away from and towards: which technologies are emerging and which are dying off, what new content sovereignty is filled with in the era of integration and how completely universal human rights give birth to a variety of social practices and assert the rights of minorities.

Conclusion

Hence, summarizing the above mentioned, it should be noted that The First World War is one of the most grandiose and large-scale events predetermined in advance and determined further even more significant phenomena. Starting with the French Revolution in 1789 and ending in 2022, without any doubt, the war took away many human lives, swept away several great empires, and changed the style of government in many regions. Nevertheless, it has made new changes not only in politics but also in art, literature, cinema, and social life, empowering citizens, introducing new subjects into art, and inspiring people with new thoughts and dreams. Echoes of such a turning point can be noted in the modern world, giving residents freedom, equality, and independence, as well as an impetus to the development of many movements, including national ones.

Bibliography

Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648. New York: Pearson Education, 2013.

Miller, Robert J. “Nazi Germany’s Race Laws, the United States, and American Indians.”St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 750-817.

Rybak, Jan. “Universal Freedom’ and the Balfour Declaration: Watershed Moments for Radical Jewish Politics.”European Review of History: Revue Européenne D’histoire 26, no. 5 (2019): 783-806.

Seixas, Xosé Núñez. The First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe: Global Impact and Local Dynamics. Boston: Brill, 2020.

Footnotes

1. Miller, Robert J., “Nazi Germany’s Race Laws, the United States, and American Indians,” St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 765.
2. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 889.
3. Miller, Robert J., “Nazi Germany’s Race Laws, the United States, and American Indians,” St. John’s Law Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 762.
4. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 889.
5. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 872.
6. Rybak, Jan. “Universal Freedom’ and the Balfour Declaration: Watershed Moments for Radical Jewish Politics,” European Review of History: Revue Européenne D’histoire 26, no. 5 (2019): 783.
7. Seixas, Xosé Núñez. The First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe: Global Impact and Local Dynamics (Boston: Brill, 2020), 18.
8. Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, Frank M. Turner, and Alison Frank. The Western Heritage: Volume 2: Since 1648 (New York: Pearson Education, 2013), 852.

Introduction

Long march occurred between 1934 -35. It is one of the historical expeditions in present-day China. It was made up of more than 6000 miles that the communist army had to flee the city of Jiangxi, in southern China. Enclosed by the state army of Chiang Kai- Shek, more than 80,000 Red Army soldiers became a fugitive and moved northward. Fewer armies survived the walk which resulted in a new communist base at Yan’an.

The Essay discusses the long march. It points out how the long march improved the communism cause by resulting in Mao has a communist leader, influencing Japan’s dominion and strengthening communism military competence. However, the essay also discusses how the long march contributed to the weakness of communism cause such as territorial weakening and empowering the KMT troops. In conclusion, the Long March simplified the rise of Mao, strengthened communism military skill and helped streamline communism cause in China.

The Long March

Long March was credited in saving Mao Zedong and the Communist Party from an outside attack on Guomindag. The number of participants in the march is unknown because members used diverse routes to reach their destination¹. The journey was characterized by endurance and conviction hence allowing more than 25,000 soldiers and other survivors to arrive at Songpan under the Mao leadership. Long March influenced the communists to move escape attack waged by Guomingdang which was ordered by Chiang Kai Shek, KMT leader².

Chiang Kai Shek had a strained association with the communist. This prompted him to launch a big attack on them. The communist had occupied the Fujian and Jiangxi bases in Southeast China. Guomindag advisers comprised of Germans and among them was Hans von Seeckt, a German general. Communism had close working ties with Guomindag in the early 1920 -1³.Long March was supreme in improving the communism cause in China. And it successfully led to more positive causes in enhancing the communism influence across the land.

The Rise of Mao

The Long March contributed to the rise of Mao as the leader of communism. Mao was among the pioneers of the communism party. He had a communism ideas and clear doctrine of uniting the poor and peasants of China into a terrifying vigor which contributed to toppling of the National Army and the Japanese invaders thereby helping to uphold the Chinese government⁴.

Mao pioneering ideas towards; communism, capacity in unifying people and military competence provided a concise leverage to guarantee peaceful and stable “Red China”. His intellectual planning and inventive policies are credited to communism success during the Long March⁵. His wider reaching reforms and unsullied ideas compelled him to receive aid in dubious places. For example, he helped sanction guerrilla army to be respectful to the peasant population.

The strategy helped to win support from the populous peasants. Besides, he dictated the affable measures and deeds among his troops towards Muslims in order to convince them to join his cause. Historically, people had viewed Chinese soldiers as brutal and oppressors, they didn’t respect the common person⁶.

He defied this myth and challenged the authenticity of Russian supported leadership mainly the “Returned students”. The “returned students” had propagated communism such as inaccurate policies adopted at Kiangsi in favor of Nationalist party. Overall, Mao had to assume political command which had two important effects.

First, the influence of Russia in communism dealings was shaken. This was because Mao had taken the communism leadership without Stalin approval; the progress of Communism was now sovereign of foreign intrusion⁷. Secondly, the new leadership of communism gave communism a new idea and aim. The aim stipulated that they should “Go north” to battle the Japanese.

The idea brought about patriotism and won many people to communism in solidarity support of their country. Mao and his supporters challenged the dignity that Mao displayed to the peasants through the actions of his army gave him respect and therefore it contributed to deliver communism cause⁸.

Transforming Military Retreat to Victory

The Long March influenced the actions of the Communist army on a positive note. It helped to transform the military leadership to victory. The Kuomintang had enclosed Jiangxi base which was communism territory in 1834⁹. The CCP had to be forced out by the KMT troops. However the Zunyi conference helped Mao, a communist, to effectively command the red army. It helped the Red army to have a clear strategy and move forward to show communism cause in resulting stages.

Moreover, the Long March helped to strengthen the command of Mao. In 1945 the communism forces assembled for a meeting of politburo, which was a topmost meeting of the Communism Party¹⁰. The meeting granted on Mao the responsibilities of overall control of the Communist Party and the Red Army. His determined leadership provided an effective morale of building a good repute of indestructibility of communism army¹¹. Besides, his leadership heightened support from the poor peasants therefore furthering communism cause.

Countering Japan Dominion

After the World War II, Japan had risen to power. Mao forged a coalition with divergent Chinese nationalists to free china from Japan control. The scheme was successful because it compelled Japan to withdraw¹². The communist part later successfully defeated the Nationalist forces compelling them to exile in Taiwan. Japan was combating the allied and had seized Shandong province, which Germany had declared an interest.

The Japanese had put the warlord government in Beijing famously known as the “21 demands”. Once these demands were approved, China would be under a Japanese territory¹³. The Communism party rejected these demands but accepted Shandong province to continue being managed by Japan which was by now in its control. Besides, the Long March made communists to consolidate power which provided an important support to counter Japan during the 1937-45 war. This promoted the 1946-49 conquest of Chinas mainland during Chinas civil war. The communism had sound policy. They fixed “freed areas land Law” the law played an important role by stripping landowners control overland resources so redistributing it to the landless and peasants¹⁴. It aimed at increasing and preserving the faithfulness of the increasing extent of peasant populace. Introduction of new policies defined the communism cause and communism party in general and allowed it in progressing China towards a socialist path after the long March¹⁵.

Communism Military Prowess and Discipline

The Long March contributed to strengthening the military of the communism party influencing the communism cause. Communism Military brilliance led to communism defeating its opponents¹⁶. It provided a new phase of strategy to focus on national revolution. The red army was well organized with apt strategies. This helped them to counter the KMT troops¹⁷.

Mao, who was an antagonist, provided innovative plans and unique thoughts about the war in succeeding communism influence in China. The communist army had captured a village and “bribed” the Nationalist troops in giving up the town’s protective design¹⁸. Crowned with Kuomintang outfit, the red army battalions infiltrate Zunyi and arrested all protective arrangement at pierce point.

Communism success and authoritarian approach, the use of revolutionary services, made communist to remain relevant during the long march and promoted the defeat of the Nationalist Army. The communism party continued budding new ploy¹⁹. They increased on what they had fashioned making it superior and effectual as occasion continued.

Mao the communist leader was effective in guerrilla application and the nationalist forces requested him to reveal these skills into their forces when they were allied against the Japanese²⁰. Besides, Communisms embraced Sun Tzu’s policy of aggressiveness when enemies could not retreat. Mao intelligently was patient until the communists troops outnumbered the Nationalist and rapidly arrested the distasteful after enough men had abandoned from the Nationalist battalion²¹. This influenced the communist party to have a formidable cause after the long march.

Streamlined and Effective Operations

Long March encompassed streamlined and effective operation by the communist part. This ensured that maximum operation prevailed in order provide effective and successful outcome. For example, the right strategies helped the communism by making them invisible and upholding their security in afterward stages of conflict amid nationalists forces²².

Communism used tactics such as tying a white towel in the neck for easier identification at night, breaking the single dossier of marching into many and approving the army in a zigzag to meet at earmarked places. These precautionary strategies held the Red army together and promoted confusion among the nationalists investigation during the long march²³.

The military decision of avoiding the Vietnam conflict enabled the Communism to empower its red army²⁴. It resulted in charming the civil strife therefore positioning the communism cause in command of future China. This invoked instantaneous success of communism in China’s mainland²⁵.

International Recognition

The Long March provided a platform in which the communism recognition was strengthened in an international setting. Mao employed the use of misinformation to underline the outcome of long March to build a powerful platform for communism and fix his rule in China²⁶. Besides, the Communist were to further their interests about their brave long march version to receive peasants and sympathizers support around the world.

Communist explanation of the long march receive overwhelming support of Chinese and international supporters such as an American Journalist known as Edgar Snow²⁷. His interview with Mao, a communist Leader attracted international attention. This furthered communism cause in China.

Alignment of Peasants with the Communism

Long March was important for the communist party to control the future of china. It gave the communist party to build its reputation among the poor and peasants the survivors of the march²⁸. Also, Mao directed the army to incorporate “eight points of awareness” which included politeness in speaking, not damaging crops and avoiding mistreatment of prisoners among other awareness. The policy promoted support and harmony which made communism to sway rural peasants²⁹.

Besides, incorporating the eight point’s awareness and refusing to accept charity made communism a popular party. Unlike Communism party, Kuomintang party was intolerable to peasants because it treated peasants in bad manner³⁰. Appealing policies and effective human treatment helped to promote the communism cause.

Social and Psychological Effects

The Long March brought about social effects to the communism party therefore controlling a new cause in the leadership of the party. The communism activists spread the doctrines of communisms along the routes. The doctrines aimed at promoting communism movement³¹. They actively recruited new members, held public rallies, redistributed clothes and wealth to the poor and motivated fortified peasant uprisings. Besides, psychologically, the march influenced the communist movement in various ways.

First, the triumphant conclusion of the march helped strengthen Mao faith that strong men and influential radical awareness has an opportunity of conquering material difficulty³². Secondly, the communism members who effectively ended the march felt encouraged and full of hope hence deepening their wisdom of about duty. They believed that they were the only one remaining to bring about revolution because others had died along the way.

Thirdly, the communism comradeship was developed at the top leadership of the CCP³³. This was an essential reason which contributed to the success of communism in 1949. And lastly, important communist ethics such as tireless struggle, courage, unselfishness and gallant sacrifice emerged as during the march. The Long march brought about gallant stories towards innovative civilization to help spread of communism³⁴.

However, the Long March contributed to the weakening of the communism cause for various reasons. Territorial weakening is one of the precincts of Long March. The Kiangsi territory which was a soviet base was part of communist party. They had held this territory for several years.

They lost it jointly with land reforms, industries which used to produce military warfare to KMT. The communism lost this territory of; the KMT had well organized and elaborate military plan, unpopular land and military plans staged by the communism and collapse of communism to form an alliance with rebel KMT soldiers³⁵. The KMT further shattered the social structures which communist had fixed.

The communist had only to settle down in Northern Shensi and ponder the next rebuilding strategy of communism. Besides, the Chiang leadership introduced tutelage. The nationalists dictated property reforms and modernization of industries³⁶.However, Chiangs efforts were frustrated because the Chinese people did not embrace reforms because large percent were peasants and illiterate. Besides the peasants, the urban dwellers who were mostly middle class embraced Western ethics. They amassed wealth and contributed dismally to the needs of the poor peasants.

Secondly, the Success of KMT troops was another drawback of long March to communism cause. Under the leadership of Chiang kai Shek, they managed to chase the communism and successfully showed command in Szechwan, a province in southwest china³⁷. The territories of KMT were distended too.

Further, the threat poised by the communist had reached the end after the long march. Chiang Kai-shek was involved in restoring China as a new nation. Chiang had renounced that he will form a republican government, but Sun Yat-sen had convinced him that Chinese people demanded a transitional government to help them prepare to usher into a democratic country³⁸.

And lastly the Long March eased the established of class within the communist party. The top leadership of the communism party was from different backgrounds. The revolutionary rivalry was weakened by class struggle and recognition in the party. The quality played a major role in swelling this weakness. Because of different social background influence and attitude, it was hard for communism to establish a common and comprehensive stand about their party objectives and mission which would improve their revolutionary grip³⁹.

Social backgrounds contributed to members taking different directions about the revolutionary movement. During the Long March, Members felt shrink and tired even before the demanding struggle began. Some of the members began to reflect about leaving communism because of outside allurement therefore contradicting their revolutionary ranks⁴⁰. Evolving class within the communist party contributed to the weakening of communism cause because they couldn’t consolidate support within the party leadership.

Conclusion

The Long March influenced the actions and raised communism cause in present-day China. The march is credited to political reawakening which lead to the rise of Mao as a leader of Communism party. The cause also prompted strengthening of communism military hence they would adequately be prepared incase of uncertain invasion. However, the cause also led to Japan dominance in Shandong province which caused friction with communism leadership. However, the March led to weakening of communism territories and strengthened the competence of KMT military in China.

Bibliography

Benton, Gregor. Mountain Fires: The Red Army’s Three-Year War in South China. California: University of California Press, 1992.

Kataoka, Tetsuya. Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front. California: University of California Press, 1974.

Lawrence, Alan. China under Communism. New York: Routledge, 1998.

Lansford, Tom. Communism. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2007.

Scobell, Andrew. China’s Use of Military Force beyond the Great Wall and the Long March. London: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

Snow, Edgar. Red Star over China. California: Grove Press, 1968.

Footnotes

1. Kataoka Tetsuya, Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front (California: University of California Press, 1974), 68.
2. Kataoka, 74.
3. Kataoka,92.
4. Lawrence Alan, China under Communism (New York: Routledge, 1998),87.
5. Lawrence,105.
6. Lawrence,112.
7. Lawrence,118.
8. Lawrence,134.
9. Lawrence,144.
10. Lawrence,156.
11. Lawrence,160.
12. Lansford Tom, Communism ( Singapore: Marshall Cavendish,2007),123.
13. Lansford,134.
14. Lansford,136.
15. Lansford,148.
16. Benton Gregor, Mountain Fires: The Red Army’s Three-Year War in South China (California: University of California Press,1992),87.
17. Benton,93.
18. Benton,102.
19. Benton,123.
20. Benton,126.
21. Benton,129..
22. Lansford,54
23. Scobell Andrew, China’s Use of military force: Beyond the Great Wall and the Long March ( London: Cambridge University Press, 2007),136.
24. Lansford,79.
25. Lansford,80.
26. Snow Edgar, Red Star over China (California: Grove Press,1968),77.
27. Snow,102.
28. Snow,112.
29. Lansford,104.
30. Lansford,113.
31. Lansford,59.
32. Lansford,65.
33. Lansford,79.
34. Lansford,98.
35. Scobell,78.
36. Scobell,89.
37. Scobell,97.
38. Scobell,108.
39. Scobell,116.
40. Scobell,135.