Essay on Cesar Chavez and Martin Luther King

Disagreement and dissent have been defined as synonyms of one another by numerous amount of Americans; however, Daniel J. Boorstin, the author of The Decline of Radicalism, believes that these two words should not be associated with each other. Boorstin is convinced that disagreement is the “lifeblood of democracy” while dissent is “cancer[ous]” to society, which is completely absurd because many individuals have come together and have made the country become more prosperous.

Within the nation’s society, people come together as one in order to restore the justice that they believe has been broken. Their actions construct America to be the most secure and powerful in comparison to other countries. Boorstin has an antipathy towards these acts and considers them to be foolish since they go against his beliefs of the liberal government values in the country. Dissension has occurred in many historical events including the present day. One prime example of these “consequence[s]” would be Martin Luther King Jr., an African-American activist during the Civil Rights movement, whose central focus was to gain equality for other races by protesting with civil disobedience. Soon Martin Luther King Jr. became the leader of this movement and was able to induce others to join this united front with his whimsical speeches that addressed his incisive expectations for the future of the nation. During King’s March on Washington, he delivered his most well-known speech “I Have a Dream” exhorting his country a depiction of what he hoped they would become and this impacted millions of Americans to express their beliefs. The nation’s people began to flourish with new ideals of equality which led the nation to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The actions of King influenced society and guided them to the country they are today and will continue for other generations of Americans. As of right now, there are many different races representing the American people such as federal government officials, senators, and even a president.

As time passes, the United States continues to grow and develop, allowing Americans to discover new possibilities for what the nation could become. Boorstin is convinced that their beliefs are dangerous to society by bestowing them as “cancer[ous]” to the government’s liberal values and should remit those irrational thoughts. Yet, these actions that are committed by the people allow America to thrive and advance as a country. Such as the initiatives Cesar Chavez, a Latino-American civil rights activist in the 1960s, had the ambition to improve the working conditions and pay for farm workers in the United States. Chavez started protests against these industries in order to encourage others to join his organization, which was later called the United Farm Workers Union. Americans began to be inspired by what these activists’ actions were changing throughout the nation. Chavez was capable of leading the government to treat these individuals as equal not separate. New legislation was passed to

César Chaves Peaceful Protest Essay

Over time, discrimination has tended to pose a common threat amongst many individuals fighting for equality and justice. The fight for human rights has been a common theme in the evolution of the United States and has played a substantial role in the history of this country. To this day, people across the globe are fighting a constant battle in which they are not asking for anything obscene or unlawful- they are demanding basic human rights. Human rights should be guaranteed by that of the U.S. Constitution nonetheless. Discrimination has proven to take a toll on particular groups of people- whether that be based on race, physical abilities, gender- you name it. However, the fight for equality and human rights has time and time again shown to be a constant struggle many individuals face- especially for migrant farmers in the United States during the 20th century. Cesar Chavez is particularly appreciated for the significant role he played in the Farm Workers Movement, not to mention his overall impact on Mexican-American history. According to Matt S. Meier, “Cesar Chavez’s struggle for the human dignity of workers in harvest agriculture made him a world-recognized Mexican-American leader and a national metaphor for equality, humanity, and social justice” (Meier 73). Honored as a humanitarian today, Chavez is admired for his non-violent approaches in efforts to protest injustice and fight for equality. A notable mention is how he undertook a 25-day fast to promote non-violent protest and equal opportunity in not just the San Joaquin Valley, but beyond as well (Gotheimer 1). He used militant nonviolence to advocate for basic human rights among farmers nationwide. To stand up for farmer’s rights, how did Cesar Chavez play such a significant role in the Farm Workers Movement- and ultimately change Mexican-American history?

This essay will analyze not only how Cesar Chavez stood up for farmers’ rights, but how he played such a significant role in the Farm Workers Movement and Mexican-American history. Specifically speaking, Cesar Chavez impacted the rights of farmers as well as making a positive difference in Mexican-American history through the use of peaceful protests, strikes, fasting, and the establishment of the National Farm Workers Association. In the year of 1965, Cesar Chavez organized a strike against the San Joaquin Valley, California grape growers, protesting the unreasonably low wages grape harvesters were receiving for their pay (Gotheimer 1). Farmers were growing sick and tired of the injustice taking place, so Cesar Chavez took a stand. However, in response to his peaceful protests, Chavez was unfortunately wrongly accused of using “violence and terror tactics” by the president of the California Grape and Tree Fruit League, E.L. Barr, Jr in 1969. In a letter responding to E.L. Barr, Jr., Cesar Chavez addressed this accusation and stated that he is fighting non-violently for the poor and dispossessed farmers who are mere human beings and should have rights that enable them to be treated as such. In his letter, he stated, “They have been under the gun, they have been kicked and beaten and herded by dogs, they have been cursed and ridiculed, they have been stripped and chained and jailed, they have been sprayed with the poisons used in the vineyards, but they have been taught not to lie down and die nor to flee in shame, but to resist with every ounce of human endurance and spirit.” In this statement, Chavez is showing that while farmers may be mistreated and taken advantage of, they will continue to stay strong and persevere against the injustice. In his letter to President Barr, Jr. he also stated that together, he and the farm workers advocate nonviolent assertion as a means for social revolution and to achieve justice for their people, however, they are not ignorant of the discrimination and indignation that they may face in response (Chavez 1). As one could see, Chavez was very adamant about engaging in peaceful protests to get his message across rather than using violence and ill will.

Cesar Chavez strongly emphasized that, unlike the Mexican Revolution, the struggle of agricultural laborers would be nonviolent. He deeply stressed the agricultural laborers’ desire for dignified change and used several non-violent approaches to initiate change (Finkelman 381). He wanted change, but not change shed through blood. Chavez argued that farmers did not want the charity or sympathy of farm owners but rather, they simply wanted the basic rights that should be expected and given to all free men. Farm workers wanted the same rights that were granted to other laborers in the United States, which included fair wages for their labor and safe working conditions. Furthermore, he asseverated that despite any opposition, the agricultural laborers’ struggle would continue to live on until the movement achieved its goals- if not, they would die trying to achieve them (Finkelman 381). His strong character and perseverance helped set the tone for the Chicano Movement, allowing so many Mexican-Americans to feel pride in their culture, and to stand up for their rights.

In addition to being an advocate for social justice amongst farmers, Cesar Chavez also played a substantial role in labor history. It is without a doubt he was a significant civil rights leader among many Mexican Americans and Latino groups who had suffered from ‘internal colonialism’ and had been treated as inferior second-class citizens in the United States (Koo-Byoung 1). Cesar Chavez used means of protests and strikes to shed light on the political, economic, and racial injustice experienced among many Mexican descendants throughout the United States. Although Chavez saw himself as more of a labor organizer than an ethnic movement leader, the farm workers’ struggle that he led initiated the Chicano movement which began in the late 1960s. This movement was strongly embraced by many Chicanos to not only show pride in their cultural heritage but validate their cultural citizenship as well (Koo-Byoung 1). Because of this, many Mexican-Americans were beginning to feel inspired to embrace their ethnic heritage and stand up for their rights.

Chavez strongly supported legislative reforms that improved the lives of all farm workers, despite whether or not they belonged to the union and directly benefited from collective bargaining. In 1966, Cesar Chavez led a farmworkers union in the successful Delano, California grape strike and first national boycott. This infamous Delano March spread on for several miles, gaining the attention of countless American bystanders. The union became part of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) in 1966 and later changed to the United Farmworkers of America (Bruns 1). The legacy of Cesar Chavez has proven to live on throughout time. For instance, the UFW (United Farm Workers) continues to proudly carry on its fight for equality amongst farmers with several recent cutting-edge legislative and regulatory victories (Rodriguez 1). In addition, laws were passed requiring strict safety standards relating to unsafe farm labor vans. Furthermore, emergency relief, as well as unemployment benefits, were offered to farm workers who were struck by unprecedented agricultural freezes. This kind of help made all the difference for farmers who desperately needed aid and assistance (Rodriguez 1). Furthermore, the UFW convinced former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to issue the first state heat regulation in the nation, aiming to forestall more farm workers from dying or becoming ill due to exposure or extreme heat (Rodriguez 1). These are just a few ways in which Chavez has influenced later generations to become more mindful and take better care of farm workers.

In the 1960s, a group of migrant farm workers was organized, many of whom were Mexican Americans. As previously mentioned, most of these laborers worked extremely long, strenuous 12-hour days in return for unbelievably low wages and thus lived in poverty. The securities of federal labor laws still excluded them, majorly because of resistance from wealthy and powerful growers. In 1962, Cesar Chavez formed the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), initially to create a union for California’s grape pickers, which then turned into the long-term planning of the organization of farm laborers nationwide. Chavez led his union activities with the hopes of igniting a more grand effort to attain dignity and equal opportunities on behalf of so many oppressed Mexican Americans, a struggle he referred to as “La Causa” (Reef 259).

In 1965, some 2,000 members of the NFWA voted to align with the newly established AFL-CIO group to form the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee. This new union coordinated together and combined forces, striking the California vineyards and subsequently against the grape growers (Reef 259). It was evident that together, they became stronger and made more of an impact. Interest in the strike rapidly gained momentum and spread far beyond the state, leading to a nationwide boycott of California grapes. According to statistics, the sales of grapes were reduced so much that sales were estimated to be cut in half as millions of people showed their support for the strikers protesting where produce was sold (Reef 260). In 1970, twenty-six growers reached an agreement with the United Farm Workers. In the book “Working in America”, author Catherine Reef asserts that while the organizations have helped solve some of the problems faced by migrant laborers, many of these fellow workers still face many struggles and continue to live in poverty.

While many individuals may argue that Cesar Chavez heavily impacted not only the Farm Workers Movement but the future of farm workers as well, some may concur that his contributions to later generations were not as influential. Perhaps his impact on farm workers was not as long-lasting nor as long-term as he had hoped for. Initially, when the AFL-CIO was formed in 1955, its leaders expected to double their numbers within the following decade. They saw the joining together of two giant labor federations as a chance to extend the benefits of union membership to millions of people nationwide. This being said, however, their hopes failed to actualize. AFL-CIO membership in 1964 was relatively equivalent to what it was in 1955 (Reef 260). In addition, while the workforce was growing, the number of workers in unions remained the same, and the percentage of nonagricultural workers in unions was decreasing (Reef 260). On the other hand, union membership prevailed in the steel, automotive, transportation, and construction industries, and organized labor continued to be a powerful economic and political force (Reef, 260).

Furthermore, many companies desiring to cut costs found ways to avoid implementing the salaries and benefits requested in union contracts. In the mid-1960s, several manufacturers began to move some of their operations to more rural areas in the West and South, where a nonunion labor force was willing to work for lower wages (Reef 261). Some greedy companies managed to dodge the farmers’ fight for better wages and find loopholes that would enable them to make more money. Time and time again, employees in unions would find themselves getting left behind in crumbling firms that barely acquired any recognition or assets.

More recently, the desire for cheaper labor has provoked many U.S. firms to relocate their manufacturing operations overseas. While Cesar Chavez fought so hard for change and justice, many greedy companies found loopholes and ways to find cheap labor elsewhere. In the 1970s, the energy crises caused extreme recessions and high inflation. Furthermore, the federal government responded to the public’s demand for lower prices by denationalizing the airline and trucking industries between 1977 and 1980, fully depending on the free-market system to drive rates down (Reef 261). Consequently, several airlines and trucking firms ended up either merging or going out of business. The economy bounced back after the recessions, and employment increased rapidly as technology advanced. Despite this, however, union membership receded in most industries. Large unions in the steel, automotive, trucking, and building firms each lost between 500,000 and 827,000 members from 1978 to 1991 (Reef 261).

While it is clear that there were some bumps in the road so to speak in Chavez’s ambitions to achieve more rights and better wages as well as improved working conditions for farm workers, it is also quite evident that his works did make a difference in not only the Farm Workers movement but in Mexican-American history as well. Cesar Chavez was ultimately successful in spreading the message of the farm workers’ struggle in addition to promoting non-violence, human rights, better wages for farm workers, as well as education and better life for their kids. Additionally, he shed light on the harsh realities of the life of a migrant farm worker and exposed so many injustices and shocking truths that so many of these individuals were facing each day. He spoke up against the exploitation so many farm workers had to face- extremely tiresome labor for such low pay, exposure to poisonous pesticides, and lack of education. Because of his leadership and commitment to obtaining justice for farm workers, powerful agribusiness interests were forced to face issues of social responsibility, decent wages, humane work and housing conditions, and pesticide abuse (Meier 73). Not only did Cesar Chavez become a voice for so many oppressed farm workers, but he touched the lives of millions and made a significant difference in their lives.

So in conclusion, while it did take quite some time for Chavez to achieve his goals in attaining more rights and better working conditions for farm workers, he still made a huge impact in Mexican-American history and the Farm Workers movement. In addition, his actions helped ignite what became known as the Chicano Movement, and his works as a humanitarian continue to inspire many individuals today in the fight for equality and human rights. His establishment of the National Farm Workers Association sparked somewhat of a cultural revolution and helped unite so many oppressed migrant farm workers against the discrimination and injustice they were facing. Cesar Chavez played an extremely significant role in the Farm Workers’ movement and impacted Mexican-American history as we knew it. His legacy lives on to this day and he continues to be a role model to many in the fight for human rights.

César Chaves Analytical Essay

Mr. Chávez was a labor leader, community organizer, businessman, and Latino civil rights activist in the United States. He co-founded the National Farm Workers Association with Dolores Huerta, which later merged with the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee to create the United Farm Workers. His ideology was a blend of radical politics and Roman Catholic social teachings.

Chavez, who was born in Yuma, Arizona to a Mexican American family, began his working life as a manual laborer before serving in the United States Navy for two years. After relocating to California and marrying, he became active in the Community Service Group, where he aided laborers in registering to vote. In 1959, he was appointed national director of the CSO, a position based in Los Angeles.

In 1962, he left the CSO to co-found the NFWA in Delano, California, where he established an insurance scheme, a credit union, and the El Malcriado newspaper for farm workers. Later that decade, he began organizing farmworker strikes, including the successful Delano grape strike of 1965–1970.

In 1967, during the grape strike, his NFWA merged with Larry Itliong’s AWOC to form the UFW. Chavez, influenced by Indian independence leader Mahatma Gandhi, emphasized direct but nonviolent tactics, such as picket lines and boycotts, to pressure farm owners into meeting strikers’ demands. He instilled Roman Catholic symbolism into his campaigns, including public processions, masses, and fasts. He was being watched by the Federal Bureau of Investigation despite receiving a lot of support from labor and leftist groups.

In the early 1970s, Chavez attempted to broaden the UFW’s influence beyond California by establishing branches in other states. Viewing illegal immigrants as a major source of strikebreakers, he also promoted a campaign against illegal immigration into the United States, resulting in violence along the U.S.-Mexico border and schisms with many of the UFW’s allies. He founded a remote commune in Keene because he was interested in co-operatives as a form of organization. His increased isolation and emphasis on unrelenting campaigning alienated many California farmworkers who had previously supported him, and the UFW had lost most of the contracts and membership it had gained in the late 1960s by 1973.

His alliance with California Governor Jerry Brown aided in the passage of the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act of 1975, though the UFW’s campaign to have its policies enshrined in the state constitution was unsuccessful. Chavez, influenced by the religious organization Synanon, re-emphasized communal living and purged perceived opponents. The UFW’s membership dwindled in the 1980s, as Chavez shifted his focus to anti-pesticide campaigns and real-estate development, causing controversy for his use of non-unionized laborers.

Chavez was a divisive figure, with UFW critics concerned about his autocratic control of the union, purges of those he deemed disloyal, and the personality cult built around him, while farm owners saw him as a communist subversive. He became an icon for organized labor and leftist groups in the United States, and a ‘folk saint’ among Mexican Americans after his death. His birthday is a federal commemorative holiday in several U.S. states, and many places are named after him. He received the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously in 1994.

Essay on United Farm Workers: Role of Dolores Huerta and Cesar Chavez

Throughout American history, civil rights movements have played a key role for many ethnicities in the United States, and in many ways have shaped our society to what it’s become today. One particular movement that occurred during the 1960’s was the Chicano farm workers movement also known as the United Farm Workers (UFW) and its fight for restoration of land, rights for farm workers, and educational reforms- originally forming from the union of two workers’ rights organizations, the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) and the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA). Founded by Dolores Huerta and Cesar Chavez, they began the movement with a small following and made their way from camp to camp trying to organize farm workers, however they were constantly met with obstacles impeding them from holding any power to their cause. As a result, the living and working conditions of the workers were subpar all while avoiding the any repercussion from the law. The United Farm Workers movement was a necessity because of the injustices surrounding the extremely low wages, cruel living conditions of migrant laborers, sexual harassment with women workers, discrimination in employment and the need to implement and enforce laws surrounding their labor.

The inception of the United Farm Workers Association began with a woman named Dolores Huerta, having been raised in Stockton, California in the San Joaquin Valley, she was no stranger to farms. Upon obtaining a degree at Delta Community College she went on to become an elementary school teacher for a short amount of time, where most of her students were children of farm workers. It was with this exposure that she was able to gain insight on the living conditions of the children- many of them living in poverty, with very limited food and other regular necessities. Upon being exposed to the children’s living situations, she went on to become one of the founders of the Stockton Chapter of the Community Service Organization, a civil rights organization founded in 1947 by Fred Ross, Antonio Rios, and Edward Roybal and was a source of a political support for Roybal during his long political career. Moreover, the organization worked diligently to improve the well-being and economic conditions of the farm workers and fight against discrimination within the farms. Alongside the Community Service Organization Dolores went on to create the Agricultural Workers Association in 1960, the main focus of it leaning towards lobbying politicians to take action on, allowing migrant workers without U.S. citizenship to receive public assistance and pensions creating Spanish-language voting ballots and driver tests.

In order to further her cause, she expanded her network in 1962 and co-founded a worker’s union with activists Larry Itliong- a Filipino American labor organizer, and Cesar Chavez- a civil rights activist. Later down the line the union was called the United Farm Workers (UFW), a creation caused due to the rise of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC), which was made up of Filipino workers and the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) was composed of Mexican migrant workers. With the union of both parties’ strikes would continue in 1965 and 1966 throughout the fall and winter seasons, protesting against grape growers in Delano, California regarding the lack of pay and acceptable working conditions.

It was the first major strike where both Mexican and Filipino farm workers united, since both parties would typically protest with their own party since the other would usually be scheduled to work. This was particularly important because it would grow into a much larger boycott where help was sought out from the consumers in the more populated urban areas. It would soon become less of an effort for the organization to find supporters, with the help of the media they would begin to gain more exposure and thus begin to gain a following from the American people, some going as far as coming to California from out of state and looking for ways to help the cause. While the support would continue to increase so would adverse effects that follow protesting during that time, many would be arrested by local law enforcement, injured by their own employers while picketing the fields they worked, along with facing unemployment with the rise of undocumented workers, also known as strikebreakers, “often illegal immigrants from Mexico, who worked for low wages at struck farms’. Directly going against what the organization was fighting for, something that even outside the farm protests was being seen throughout the American business world, losing jobs to outside sources overseas, or just giving the work to people who can do it for cheaper, impacting the American workforce. The organizations efforts would not only be seen locally throughout the state but also would receive nationwide coverage, so much so that the department of defense would soon be involved; but not in a positive way, the farm owners’ ties to government would prove to be a worthy adversary to the workers. “Students in New York protested the Department of Defense and accused them of deliberately purchasing boycotted grapes, refusing to enforce immigration laws, and therefore interfering with the success of the UFW”.

One of the major turning points of the organizations efforts was at the end of summer when the grapes ripened, in Delano, located north of Bakersfield. Farmers were being paid on average ninety cents an hour, plus ten cents per basket they filled- as of the farm owners/ growers were ignoring state laws along with providing unsanitary working conditions. “At one farm the boss made the workers drink from the same cup “a beer can” in the field; at another ranch workers were forced to pay a quarter per cup. No ranches had portable toilets. Workers’ temporary housing was strictly segregated by race and they paid two dollars or more per day for unheated metal shacks- often infested with mosquitos- with no indoor plumbing or cooking facilities”. According to the Department of Industrial Relations Labor Enforcement Task Force, “you have the right to rest and meal breaks, safe and healthy jobs, minimum wage and overtime, benefits if injured or unemployed, taking action without being punished”. Showing the blatant disregard for the workers job and living conditions. On top of dealing with these horrible living conditions, the workers also had to endure the unfair treatment given by the farm laborer contractors, where they “played favorites with workers, selecting friends first, sometimes accepting bribes”.

The Delano grape strike would launch in the fall of 1965, proving to be a significant turning point for the UFW, Cesar Chavez, and the farmworkers, thanks to his three-hundred-mile march, an act that the growers would make fun of, due to the fact that they would march for days but would refuse to do a day’s work. Unbeknownst to them that March would soon be no laughing matter, Chavez’s march from Delano to Sacramento would begin to gather the attention of media outlets, promoting citizens to think and start to make choices whether they would stand with the cause or simply turn a blind eye. As a country that hold religion in high regard, his march, and images of him limping, bleeding, and completing the march on Easter Sunday would win the hearts and minds of the American people and would know the truth of the injustices the farm workers had been enduring for such a long time.

Moreover, the importance of the UFW was that it was able to bring to light the unfair wages and harsh living conditions of the farmworkers as well as highlight the injustices and racism exhibited by the growers, to include our very own department of defense and the favoritism it held for them, along with treating the farm workers unfairly as well. However, the UFW would eventually gain success and would be a prime example of how activists could succeed utilizing progressive tactics and movements to include: “conducting consumer boycotts and corporate campaigns, building alliances between religious community and labor unions, framing issues of economic justice in moral and spiritual terms, and engaging in activities such as spiritual fasts, encouraging civic participation among union members, emphasizing voter outreach and election day activities, building coalitions of labor- community groups- and students, generating media attention…”. With the tactics being successfully being implemented, the UFW would achieve major wins for the farm workers.

Bibliography

  1. Burt, Kenneth C. “The Search for a Civic Voice: California Latino Politics”.
  2. Regina Books, pp.53-78. Accessed November 15, 2019.
  3. Biography.com Authors. “Dolores Huerta Biography”. A&E Television Networks. April 1, 2014. The Biography.com. Accessed November 15, 2019.