Throughout history, people tend to believe in all kinds of mysteries. Belief gives people consolation in situations when they meet something unusual or unknown. In this case, belief replaces knowledge. Nowadays, numerous works and books are written that relate mystic beliefs to archeology and other sciences. Despite the vast number of such kind of writings, the scientific approach that is commonly implemented in archeology proves that there is no room for mystery in the history of humankind, showing the importance of epistemology and factual basis for knowledge.
The authors of the pseudo-archeological writings have multiple reasons for the creation of their compositions: money, fame, nationalism, religious beliefs, or the realization of the romantic worldview (Feder 11). Although the reasons may be different, the lack of informational and factual basis is common for the majority of the pseudoscientific books.
The book “Chariots of the Gods” by Erich Von Daniken raises the questions of the extraterrestrial emergence of the humankind. To prove this point of view the author applies the description and analysis of the artifacts that were discovered worldwide: Egypt, Asia, North and South America. His approach is rather cultural than scientific, and it is very subjective. Through description and interpretation of the pictures on the ancient monoliths, he claims that there were the “unknown gods who visited the primeval earth in manned spaceships” (Daniken 10). It can be considered an example of interpretation according to a particular belief, preconception when the facts are misread according to the prejudiced point of view.
The epistemological approach is needed to avoid misinterpretation. Epistemology’s concern is the evaluation and consideration of the facts. It excludes belief as such and deals directly with the actual things of reality. Despite this, Erich Von Daniken manages to use the inconsistency of knowledge and lack of scientific ground for his purposes, creating the fascinating and improbable stories about the “incredible technical achievements existed in the past” (Daniken 10). Nowadays, some people believe in the existence of the ancient civilizations that were as developed as the present-day society, and that had a vast number of technological devices comparable to modern technology. All these ideas are flourishing on ignorance.
The propensity to believe in mystic and supernatural may also be explained by people’s dependence on others. People are prone to rely on those who, in their opinion, have more experience and influence. So, some authors write their books under the impressions caused by the works based on older sources, considering them sufficient proof for their beliefs. Often the pseudo-scholars approach to the facts described in the ancient sources without any rational analysis and put their own ideas into them.
The scientific approach supports the provision of the “knowledge that is reliable, truthful, and factual” (Feder 23). Science deals with the part of reality that is material and knowable, the part that can be researched, estimated, and analyzed. The ground for epistemological and scientific approaches is the factual reality, which can be questioned and understood through analysis. Scholars and scientists must constantly test the objectivity of their research. Science is absolutely objective, and on the contrary, the pseudoscientific works are primarily subjective.
Epistemology is crucial for archeology and other sciences. The epistemological method is the only right one because it creates reliable knowledge that in turn creates an adequate and objective worldview.
Works Cited
Daniken, Erich Von. Chariots of the Gods: Unsolved Mysteries of the Past, New York: Penguin, 1999. Print.
Feder, Kenneth. Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archeology, New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011. Print.
A brief description of the archaeological work under investigation
The purpose of this paper is to review the article “Alpine archaeology reveals high life through the ages”, published by ScienceDirect. The study in question was conducted for a period of 14 years, starting in 1998. Archaeologists from the University of York played a key role in this study led by Dr. Kelvin Walsh. The main aim of undertaking this study was to determine the existence of human life in the French Alps 8000 years ago. The palaeoecologists and archaeologists who carried out the excavation were from both France and the UK (University of York par. 1). The study revealed that climatic and human activities in the Alpine region that date as far back as the Bronze Age, Iron Age, Roman Age, and the Medieval ages have helped to shape the landscape of the region.
This is an important archaeological discovery to palaeoecologists, archaeologists, and other stakeholders since it has shed light on human activities in the alpine and sub-alpine zones. The archaeological discovery has also revealed the influence of climate on the inhabitants of the Alpine region during the Mesolithic era (University of York par.4).
The excavation is also important from a historical point of view because it reveals the activities of the inhabitants of this region and the effect they had on the French Alps.
The study has also revealed the shift in lifestyle of the inhabitants of the French Alps from hunting and gathering of food to mechanised agriculture. Another important thing about this archaeological discovery is that it has revealed how the inhabitants of the French Alps exploited its beautiful and remote landscape in order to survive. The study, that took 14 years to complete, is now considered one of the most elaborate archaeological investigations in high altitude areas (University of York par. 3).
The team of French and British researchers who conducted this excavation surveyed more than 300 sites in several valleys. The team also studied pollen collected from cores in lakes, peat areas, and carbonized wood remains (University of York par. 10). The project explored the Alpines and other remote areas in the hope of finding evidence of human existence in higher altitudes. In their investigation, the archaeologists evidence hunting camps dating back to the Stone Age. The hunting camps were located 2000 meters up the Alpines. They also discovered evidence of a Neolithic flint arrowhead at 2475 meters. The inhabitants of the Alps region also practiced pastoralism, albeit seasonally. They also cleared the forest cover to make room for agricultural activities (University of York par. 10).
A review of the popular press piece, including the author’s spin on the information
The article by the University of York (par.1) explores a study conducted by a team of French and British researchers in the Parc National des Eìcrins. The archaeological work entailed the excavation of 300 sites comprising human and animal dwellings. These dwellings are the most intricate structures of the Bronze Age found in the Alps. According to Dr. Kelvin Walsh who was the project’s lead archaeologist, most parts of researchers have assumed that high altitude landscapes (at an altitude of 2000 meters and above) are marginal and remote and as such, they are less likely to support human life. However, the survey team involved in this particular excavation established that people lived in the region. They also revealed that the early inhabitants of the French Alps shaped its modern landscape.
People who lived in the French Alps during the Mesolithic period were involved in such human activities as hunting and pastoralism. The Alps are considered an ecologically sensitive environment for human survival. However, the excavation team established that different human activities took place in the Alps during the Bronze Age, Iron Age, Roman Age, and the Medieval Ages. According to the University of York (par. 8), the human race evolved from hunting and gathering to pastoralism and controlled agricultural practices.
According to the article, the Chalcolithic/Bronze Age is considered the most profound period of human civilization as it depicts how humans embraced seasonal pastoralism as a way of shunning hunting (University of York par.7).
The evidence from the primary research, adopted by the article, suggests that modern pastoralism in the Alps reflects the activities that took place 8000 years ago (Walsh et al. 1). Therefore, the present alpine landscape was shaped by climatic changes and human activities that took place centuries ago.
Another important finding of the research study was the discovery of Stone Age hunting camps located in the upper sections of the Alps. These regions were thought to be hostile to human existence. The study has also established how humans exploited the ecotone found at high altitudes (University of York par. 8). According to the University of York, the ecotone is a sign of an ideal hunting zone. There was less human activity in the low altitude areas of the Alps during both the Little Ice Age and the Medieval Period. In other words, clearing of forests for cultivation was common in the Medieval ages due to increased human activities in high altitude areas (University of York par. 10). According to the article, anthropogenic activities and the primary research share the assumption that human activities in the early ages played a key role in shaping the landscape of the French Alpine.
Critical evaluation of the author’s use of the original, primary research
The author has done an exemplary job of presenting the findings of the archaeological study conducted by Walsh et al. The conclusion made by the article is similar to that of the original study. The author of this article has endeavored to summarize the study while still maintaining the originality of the actual study. In addition, the author has found a unique way to explain the major findings of the original primary research while still maintaining the evidence. For example, both the article and the original primary research have drawn on evidence from different historical ages as well as the activities conducted by people from these ages throughout their transition from one phase to the next one.
The original primary research has also dwelt extensively on the four phases of change and landscape that the indigenous people encountered. The University of York has tried very hard to maintain the originality of the primary research. Both the article and the original primary research show that less human activities took place in low altitude compared to the alpine and sub-alpine attitude (Walsh et al. 1; University of York par 8).
Both the article by the University of York and the primary research share a similar observation that human activity played a key role in shaping the Alpine landscape (Walsh et al. 1). Additionally, both share the view that the combination of climate and people resulted in changes in the Southern French Alps. However, the original primary research has documented more elaborate methods of archaeology in comparison with the article.
Walsh, Kelvin et al. “A historical ecology of the Ecrins (Southern French Alps): Archaeology and palaeoecology of the Mesolithic to the Medieval Period”. Quaternary International 10(2013): 1. Print.
Oregon is a highly diverse territory in geographical, ecological, and climatic terms. This diversity is responsible for the differences among peoples that populated various areas of the state. One such example of environmental influence on the development of a population group is the Klamath and Modoc tribes which populated the Southern part of Oregon. Geographically, the area is largely defined by the presence of the Klamath River basin. One of the most prominent effects of the river’s presence is the abundance of fishing artifacts such as hooks and stone-pointed harpoons found on archaeological sites in the area. Even more importantly, the geography of the region – a combination of the rocky terrain of volcanic origin and relatively evenly distributed heights – created a setting that was favorable to the vegetation.
The plants which grew in cavities and were supported by a sufficient amount of freshwater eventually built up and created a soil rich in peat (Aldous et al. 1027). Combined with volcanic deposits, these factors created an environment where both animals and humans could proliferate. At the same time, many shallow bodies of freshwater which could support weed growth eventually turned into marches, which altered the vegetation of the region and the dietary habits of the tribes in the area. For instance, in summer, the peoples who were largely dependent on salmon fishing migrated alongside the riverbank in response to seasonal migrations of their catch. In winter, the abundance of water and vegetation allowed them to settle near freshwater sources to ensure the supply of fish and aquatic plants, such as edible water lilies. The specifics of vegetation also determined the shape of their houses, which were dug in and plastered with the mud, and, therefore, limited in size.
The Chinook peoples from the North-Western part of the state were exposed to a largely similar geographical setting with several notable differences. First, the abundance of certain types of cedar trees offered building material for a distinct type of sloped-roof houses commonly found on archaeological sites in the region. The characteristics of building materials allowed for much larger structures, which could house whole communities instead of small groups. In addition, the technology required for building plankhouses necessitated certain tools unnecessary for Southern areas (Ames et al. 281). Another notable addition to the technology facilitated by the environment was the proliferation of the fur processing methods.
The instruments found at the sites point to the dependence on fur trade – more specifically, a distinct type of elk-hide armor known as clams (Cooper et al. 116). The trade activities were further enhanced by the freshwater infrastructure, which allowed relatively easy access to other groups and encouraged the exchange of goods. Finally, the abundance of resources (indicated by the excessively large cellars characteristic for the region) allowed a seamless exchange of goods with other tribes. Finally, the climatic differences contributed to the Chinook’s cultural development. For instance, the food storage capacity coupled with formidable building techniques discouraged seasonal migrations while snowy winters characteristic for the region encouraged household and artistic activities such as wood carving, and enhanced oral storytelling tradition as well as spiritual ceremonies.
Archaeological Sites
Cathlapotle is an archaeological site that contains one of the best-preserved Chinookan villages. It is located at the major juncture of water bodies, where Gee Creek, Lewis River, and Lake River join the Columbia (Ames et al. 280). It was founded approximately 560 years ago. The main findings associated with the site are hunting and fishing equipment and well-preserved houses with large cellars in the form of a multitude of pits and trenches, characteristic for the region. These cellars, whose volume far exceeds the needs of the estimated population of the house, illustrates the abundance of resources in the region (most likely wapato roots) while the proximity to the river suggests the strong reliance on trade by the inhabitants of the village (Ames et al. 282).
The Burnett site is located within the limits of the modern City of Lake Oswego. It is one of the oldest sites in Oregon, with an estimated age of early Holocene or late Pleistocene (O’Gorman and Burnett 369). The development of the site produced a large amount of artifacts, mostly the stone points of arrows, manufacturing tools, and the stone debris left after the manufacturing process. The blood leftovers in some of the artifacts suggest a diversity of prey, which suggests that natives used the site as a hunting camp rather than permanent settlement (O’Gorman and Burnett 371). What’s more, some of the species suggested by the ecofacts are currently absent from the location, which improves our understanding of changes in paleoenvironmental conditions.
Paisley caves, located in south-central Oregon, is one of the oldest archaeological sites in North America. The recent carbon dating allowed to establish the age of the earliest ecofacts as 14,000 years old (Jenkins et al. 223). The leftovers of fire hearths, remains of bone instruments, and wooden pegs give us insights on the preferred sources of food of the inhabitants of the caves, including giant bison characteristic for the area (Jenkins et al. 226). More importantly, the analysis of DNA obtained from coprolites confirms the migration patterns from Asia to Americas (Jenkins et al. 226), which enhances our understanding of the origin of the local population.
The Meier site is located at the margin of Columbia floodplain. It is a comparatively young site, with an estimated dates of habitation of 1440 to 1800 AD (Ames et al. 276). Since it is among the best-preserved sites of this kind, it contains many artifacts in excellent condition, including hunting and gathering equipment, everyday use items, and, most importantly, fur processing equipment. In addition, the ecofacts such as fragments of deep water fish bones and remains of shells suggest the contacts with coastal peoples while the evidence of fur processing indicates involvement in fur trade (Ames et al. 278).
Cascadia cave, located near the Santiam River in Willamette Valley, is one of the most culturally significant sites. The artifacts recovered at the site include the debris left after the chipping the stone tools and remains of fishing equipment such as harpoons. The dating of artifacts suggests the presence of human activity on site as early as 7900 years ago (Hough 109). Importantly, the cave contains petroglyphs which depict significant moments of the lives of peoples in the region in a symbolic manner. Most prominently, the bear claws (associated with successful fishing) present among ecofacts coupled with fishing artifacts point to the spiritual significance of the site (Hough 110).
The sites differ in their use by the peoples. Cascadia cave and Burnett site are evidently places of utilitarian significance which did not house permanent residents, with the latter being spiritual in nature. Paisley caves illustrate housing conditions of early inhabitants while Cathlapotle and Meier site both serve as examples of later culture. The latter, characterized by smaller housing area and more diverse range of trade-related artifacts, points to greater reliance on interaction with other peoples.
Works Cited
Aldous, Allison, et al. “Soil Phosphorus Release From a Restoration Wetland, Upper Klamath Lake, Oregon.” Wetlands 27.4 (2007): 1025-1035.
Ames, Kenneth, et al. “Household Archaeology of a Southern Northwest Coast Plank House.” Journal of Field Archaeology 19.3 (2013): 275-290.
Cooper, Kory, et al. “Metal and Prestige in the Greater Lower Columbia River Region, Northwestern North America.” Journal of Northwest Anthropology 49.2 (2015): 112-127.
Hough, Susan. “Writing on the Walls: Geological Context and Early American Spiritual Beliefs.” Geological Society, London, Special Publications 273.1 (2007): 107-115.
Jenkins, Dennis, et al. “Clovis Age Western Stemmed Projectile Points and Human Coprolites at the Paisley Caves.” Science 337.6091 (2012): 223-228.
O’Gorman, Robert, and John Burnett. “Fish Community Dynamics in Northeastern Lake Ontario with Emphasis on the Growth and Reproductive Success of Yellow Perch (Perca Flavescens) and White Perch (Morone Americana), 1978 to 1997.” Journal of Great Lakes Research 27.3 (2001): 367-383.
Archaeological evidence is a primary source of information about the past within particular archaeological context. By processing and interpreting such evidence archaeologists are able to obtain the approximate picture of “past human activities in an area over time” (Osu par. 1). The aim of this paper is to examine the methods for analysis and interpretation of archaeological sites, artifacts, ecofacts, and features.
Artifacts, Ecofacts, Features, and Contexts
All sources of archaeological information can be divided into four categories: artifacts, ecofacts, features, and contexts (Hardesty and Little 54).
Artifacts are objects that have been made or shaped by man and are of archaeological significance. In order to analyze the information content of historical artifacts, it is necessary to divide them into three groups: historical documents, commodities, and ideas (Hardesty and Little 54). Artifacts that have clues about technology with which they were manufactured, or time period among other things can be considered historical documents. The majority of artifacts are consumer goods that used to have an exchange value; therefore, they can be placed in the category of commodities. Some artifacts also had a distinct meaning to the people who created them; thus, they can be treated as ideas (Hardesty and Little 56).
Ecofacts are biological materials such as animal bones and plant macrofossils that have not been altered by people but can reveal information about the environment of archaeological sites. It should be mentioned that there is no strict line dividing ecofacts and artifacts because by “analyzing factors such as species, age, body parts, and butchering technique” it is possible to determine “status and wealth differences between sites and suggest the degree of self-sufficiency or interdependence of households or settlements” (Hardesty and Little 56).
Features are another category of archaeological information, and it includes non-portable man-made structures. Building remains, structures, landscape, and artifact concentrations are some of the examples of features (Hardesty and Little 56).
Artifacts, features, and ecofacts “occur first and foremost in an archaeological context that defines the containers of archaeological information” (Hardesty and Little 61). It also determines spatial and temporal associations between archaeological objects (Lewis et al. 205). The information presented by them can be analyzed during the post-excavation stage of an archaeological project. At the analysis stage, it is necessary to divide all classes of evidence into separate categories by material and typology according to their physical attributes, especially if a specialist in a specific group of artifacts is involved in finds analysis (Grant et al. 65). The first analytical stage involves the use of parallels or regular microscopes to aid in examination. However, well-equipped excavation facilities often have Scanning Electron Microscopes (SEMs) that are more helpful at analyzing both artifacts and ecofacts. After identification and categorization all material is “quantified and recorded through drawing or photography” (Grant et al. 65).
Analysis of Inorganic Materials
Lithics
Lithics are stone tools that existed before the introduction of metal. Due to their inorganic nature, they are almost indestructible and found in abundance in some archaeological assemblages. The first stage in the analysis of lithics involves examination of their surface with the help of basic geological knowledge. The rocks that are not sedimentary can be easily identified without resorting to polarizing microscope; however, other stones might require petrological analysis (Grant et al. 67).
Petrology is an analytical technique that allows locating the source of rocks and minerals. It involves cutting and polishing “a thin section of a stone or ceramic till it is about 0.02 mm thick” (Grant et al. 69). Due to the fact that crystals of different minerals have distinctive structures that can be referenced to a geological map, the examination of their characteristics allows archaeologists to establish their original source. Petrology has significantly contributed to the deepening of knowledge on exchange and economic structures of ancient civilizations by providing scientists with approximate distribution patterns and trade routes. Even though petrology can be applied for identifying brick materials and stones, it cannot be used for distinguishing obsidian and flint which look similar (Grant et al. 70).
Metallurgical Analysis
The metallurgical analysis involves assessment of metal artifacts with the help x-rays or metallography. Metallography is an analytical technique that involves “examination of the size and shape of the grains of minerals in the material for traces of heating, working, and alloying” (Grant et al. 70). If archaeological facilities are equipped with SEMs, their use allows examining techniques that were applied during manufacture of jewelry because of magnification at 1000x.
Analysis of Organic Materials
Faunal Remains
The analysis of faunal remains helps archaeologists to better understand characteristics of the past environments and assess the contribution of animals to human exchange. Bone specialists analyzing bone assemblages have to recognize different types of material as well as animals from which they came. To this end, they have reference collections that can aid in identification. Bone specialists also establish the age and sex of cattle remnants in order to separate those animals that were kept for dairy products from those that were kept for meat (Grant et al. 70).
Archaeological Sites
Information about archaeological sites often can be found in documents from the particular historical period. Therefore, in order to locate archaeological sites, it is necessary to examine documentary archives. However, it should be mentioned that records in such achieves are almost always biased. For example, property owned by religious institutions and state usually “have some of the most detailed records” (Drewett 44), whereas the existence of farmsteads may have never been recorded. Other methods of locating archaeological sites include aerial photography, historic maps, local populations, ground survey, geophysical survey, chemical survey and accidental discovery (Drewett 44).
Categorization is perhaps the most basic analytical process for dealing with archaeological materials (Bahn 29). Even though archaeologists employ many kinds of categorizations and typologies, they all can be divided into two broad categories analytic and synthetic. Analytic categorizations are concerned with particular object types that have described and recognized recurring variations. Synthetic categories, on the other hand, are used to distinguish archaeological cultures dividing them into units of study (Grant et al. 110).
The process of interpreting an archaeological site is a part of post-fieldwork processing and analysis. Transformation process used for translation of finds in archaeological reports can be divided into two stages: formation and deposition. Formation processes help to investigate how materials were acquired, manufactured, used and discarded (Grant et al. 113). Depositional processes used for interpretation of “the ways in which remains actually find their way into the ground” (Grant et al. 113).
Conclusion
Artifacts, ecofacts, features, and context are the main sources of information that help to obtain the picture of the past. In order to find an archaeological site, archaeologists rely on documents, aerial photography, historic maps, local populations, ground survey, geophysical survey, chemical survey and accidental discovery. They categorize all sites into two broad groups: analytic and synthetic.
Works Cited
Bahn, Paul. Archaeology: A Very Short Introduction. OUP Oxford, 2012.
Drewett, Peter. Field Archaeology: An Introduction. Routledge, 2011.
Grant, Jim, et al. The Archaeology Coursebook. Routledge, 2012.
Hardesty, Donald, and Barbara, Little. Assessing Site Significance: A Guide for Archaeologists and Historians. AltaMira Press, 2009.
Lewis, Barry, et al. Understanding Humans: Introduction to Physical Anthropology and Archaeology. Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012.
The Tel Burna Archaeology Project has been widely covered in scholarly articles and mass media sources. This archeological site is located in the Shephelah region, and the project is directed by Itzhaq Shai under the sponsorship of The Institute of Archaeology, Ariel University. The first expeditions began in 2009. It should be noted that Tel Burna is a unique project since it provides the general public an opportunity to participate in different stages of excavation. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the importance of the Tel Burna site, the methodology employed by the archeologists, and the contributions made by the project.
Description and Importance
Tel Burna is a site that has already been researched by many scientists; these studies have had theoretical significance. The team of archeologists intends to either prove or invalidate the hypothesis made during previous investigations. The excavation, under the supervision of Itzhaq Shai, is being carried out near the historical place called Nahal Guvrin (Shai & Uziel, 2016). This area is related to the contemporary Qiryat Gat. The site has a flat-topped shape, which conveniently allows the research team to use various excavation tools to study the area. Nevertheless, its extensive size implies that more time will be needed to research distant parts of the location.
The overall purpose of the Tel Burna Archaeology Project is to determine the sequence of settlement history in this region. The team hopes to find elements of daily life such as utensils and other common tools used by people residing in this territory. Also, the findings can provide new insights into the habits, way of life, and customs of this population (Shai & Uziel, 2016). The importance of the project lies in the fact that it will provide the scientific community with evidence to support their assumptions about this location and the people inhabiting it. Another aim of the project is to engage the general community in investigating the cultural and historical heritage of the region, boosting their feelings of self-identity.
The project also has an important cultural and religious meaning. It has been assumed that the site can be referred to as one of the Kohanic cities. The project intends to find further proof that this location is described in biblical texts (Shai & Uziel, 2016). The goal is to validate that the fortification found in the area was once the town called Libnah.
Historical Background of the Culture
The Tel Burna site is believed to have a long history dating back to the Bronze and Iron Ages, serving as a frontier between two areas, the kingdoms of Judah and Philistia (“About Tel Burna,” n.d.). Many researchers suppose that this site belongs to the Judean culture; therefore, the place researched by the team will be referred to as a Judean stronghold if excavations can prove this assumption (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Apart from its political significance, the location served as a bread basket as well. Tel Burna was once a fertile spot, and the site was used for agricultural purposes. It is believed that agricultural products gathered from this place were spread across the entire southern region.
Importantly, this area has already been researched, and other archaeologists have hypothesized that the fortifications and other buildings could date back to Iron Age II. As mentioned above, the purpose of the Tel Burna Agriculture Project is to either prove or invalidate the hypothesis that this place was Libnah (“About Tel Burna,” n.d.). According to the Bible, Libnah was a city of high importance; thus, if the project provides evidence that this assumption is true, the site will contribute greatly to the local and regional cultural and religious heritage. Experts in the field have assumed that Tel Burna could be related to the cities described in biblical writings since previous excavations have shown that these constructions belonged, as mentioned, to the Iron Age (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Thus, the project aims to find the range of settlements and determine the dates when they were made. Also, the archaeology project will assist greatly in building the sequence of human activity in that area.
Methodology
It is worth noting that the methodology used by the team is unique in that the general public has been invited to engage in research and excavation. Since the site is extensive in size, it has been divided into three main areas (A1, A2, B), each of which is being excavated in several stages. Overall, five seasons will be devoted to the investigation of the location. A1 is the upper part of Tel Burna, and the excavations are proceeding along its eastern slopes. A2 is the central part of the site, where the stronghold is located (“About Tel Burna,” n.d.). The dimensions of this area are 70 meters x 70 meters. Area B is located to the east of the fortress, where the team is investigating the buildings, as well as other related surfaces, to find as much evidence as possible. The researchers are also searching for various artifacts that can be found inside the stronghold, for instance, “chalices, goblets, cup, and saucer vessels, zoomorphic vessels and ceramic masks” (Shai & Uziel, 2016, p. 59). Notably, the team has already found multiple well-preserved remains.
According to the article by Shai and Uziel (2016), it was decided to engage the surrounding community in investigations since many artifacts can be easily found in the vicinity of Tel Burna. The goal of this activity is to raise awareness about this historically and culturally significant site and boost individuals’ identification with the place. Therefore, the Tel Burna project provides open access to all volunteers who are willing to make a personal contribution (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Besides, the area serves as a perfect place to demonstrate to the population the life and dwellings of the people who lived there many years ago.
Thus, the remains of the town are being investigated by non-academic volunteers as well as experts in the field. Researchers from the United States, European countries, and Canada are coming to the site to explore the remains of the possibly biblical Libnah (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Also, university students and staff are participating in excavations as part of their studies and work. Importantly, the general public is participating in small- and middle-scale excavations using the tools provided to them; they are also searching for artifacts and small items. However, full excavations are being carried out by the professional team. This setup is justified by the fact that archeological remains are fragile and specific safety measures must be applied to avoid ruining these precious findings.
Results
The preliminary results of the project have revealed what the investigation had hoped to find. Two excavation seasons (every six weeks in duration) have already been conducted. The findings have allowed important conclusions to be drawn about the sequence of the settlement history of the Judean territory. The archeologists have examined multiple layers and found a domestic area on the western part of the site. A wall and a tabun have been discovered in this section (“About Tel Burna,” n.d.).
The non-academic volunteers have found elements of pottery and decoration (for instance, pieces of masks). Outside the stronghold, the team found vessels that require restoration. These findings are significant since they indicate that the settlement extended outside the fortress. It has been assumed that it was also expanded to the east. The fortification has been exposed as well. The excavations have revealed that the premises were used in the 9th century BCE (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Besides, the findings indicate that the stronghold had a regular construction scheme and a typical shape with two parallel walls linked to form a rectangle. The excavation has shown that the walls were buried in the ground to a depth of 2 meters.
These results have pushed the archeologists to establish new goals. The team intends to continue their search in November 2017 (“About Tel Burna,” n.d.) with a plan to examine the lower slopes of the site to determine how widely the landscape was used (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Also, research on the Judeo–Philistine border is planned. The team wants to determine how the border used to function and the type of relationship that existed between the neighbors. However, more importantly, these further excavations will help to resolve whether Tel Burna used to be one of the biblical towns.
Conclusion
Thus, it can be concluded that the Tel Burna Archeology project has an important meaning for society in general as well as the academic community. Several excavation sessions have been implemented, and they have resulted in finding significant evidence and artifacts. Nevertheless, new investigations are planned for the future, and they will facilitate determining whether the Tel Burna site belongs to the group of Kohanic cities.
Shai, I., & Uziel, J. (2016). All for archaeology and archaeology for all: The Tel Burna Archaeology Project’s approach to community archaeology. Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage, 3(1), 57–69.
A modern kitchen is far from being a place where food is cooked only. This is the space where people cook, eat, socialize, watch TV, read, make plans (schedules, shopping lists), and even work. Of course, people mainly cook food and eat in this area, but other activities are also very common. The site will be preserved well enough, but it might be still difficult to reconstruct its use properly. Therefore, archaeologists are likely to understand the major purpose of the area but will fail to reconstruct the full picture and understand the space, people, and epoch correctly.
Essay
Thus, kitchen utensils perform their particular roles, but the refrigerator stands out as it has additional tasks. A built-in touchscreen makes it a kitchen hub that contains valuable information for the family. Importantly, there are several items used for cooking food (oven, microwave oven, and cooker) and these appliances are used to perform different tasks (baking, frying, boiling, and so on). The cupboard contains kitchenware and crockery. On the windowsill, there is also a pot with a plant. The LCD TV is not the major kitchen appliance, but it is often there for people to watch (to entertain themselves). Since the place is abandoned abruptly, there might be an iPad left on the table, though some may take this device instead of more relevant (in case of emergency) things. These portable devices are always in very different areas of people’s houses, so there are high chances that one can be on the kitchen table. It is necessary to add that the special arrangement serves the major purpose (cooking and consuming food) while entertaining oneself with the help of modern devices (TV, smart refrigerator, iPad).
It is difficult to foresee what features and artifacts will be preserved after the excavation of the site as there could be natural disasters or a different climate. Provided the environment will not change and there will be no destruction (natural disasters, wars, and so on), the furniture will preserve well. The furniture is mainly made of wood and plastic, and the appliances are plastic, which makes the decay time almost unlimited. The floor and walls will also be preserved. Clearly, the plant and the food in the fridge (or other places will decay). It is necessary to note that certain parts will still be damaged or destroyed as there are metal parts and metals decay within the period mentioned. Therefore, it is possible to assume that the hinges will be severely damaged and some doors of the cupboard and kitchen appliances will be on the floor.
The decay will make the archeological reconstruction of the site more difficult. It is also important to remember that people who will live in the future are likely to have different appliances (if any), tools, and so on. The difference in ways of life and technological development of the societies may also make it difficult for archaeologists of the future to reconstruct the site. Nevertheless, archaeologists are likely to identify the primary purpose of the area correctly. The table, kitchenware (remaining parts), and crockery will shed light on the major activities. Crockery has remained almost unchanged since ancient times, so another millennium is unlikely to change it. Notably, archaeologists can come to false conclusions concerning the plant pot as they may think it is another crockery item. Again, it depends on the way people will treat plants in the society of the future.
However, the appliances may change significantly within 1000 years. Archaeologists may find it particularly difficult to understand the use of the oven and microwave oven. Both items are very similar, but they still perform quite different roles. Archaeologists might guess that the two appliances are for cooking food (but for different portions). For example, they might assume that the microwave oven serves to cook small portions. As for the cooker, it is possible to understand that pans (or other items) are placed in particular places to cook food. Remnants of food containers can help archaeologists understand the role this item performs. It is possible to figure out that certain conditions (temperature) are created in that item as there are such parts as tubes and wire.
The reconstruction of the use of devices can be the most difficult task for archaeologists if there are no similar items in their society (and no facts about the way people lived in the past). The LCD TV may be regarded as a fixture (something similar to a painting). Archaeologists may also fail to understand that the refrigerator performed different tasks other than storing food. Finally, the iPad can be regarded as a small cutting board.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is possible to note that archaeologists of the future are likely to reconstruct the site partially. They will identify the major purpose of the area and will be able to explain the use of many objects. However, they may fail to detect other activities performed in the kitchen. Such aspects as communication (through devices), entertainment (TV, iPad), making plans, and lists (smart refrigerator) will remain undisclosed.
Carchemish is an important archaeological finding that is located in the town of Djerabis in the North of present day Syria. The site is an excavation revealing the ancient city’s wealth and culture in early 1000 B.C. The excavation of the site was done and documented on behalf of the British museum and most of the material is derived from the report by Hogarth (1) commissioned by the museum.
The reason Carchemish is an important archaeological find is that it is the one of the most researched sites owing to its richness in material.
Most of this material is in the form of reliefs, inscriptions and unique projects that displayed the level of civilization in the city. Though the information retrieved from the excavation shows that it was a Hittite city, some materials show evidence of Roman occupation.
However, the research done on Carchemish depicts it as a Hittite centre for trade, culture, art and craft and military strategy (Winter 177). The well-preserved material from Carchemish provides crucial data for historians of the early 1000 B.C. Winter (177) describes Carchemish as an important historical hub for art, religion and civilization.
The convenient location of the site on the banks of the Euphrates with several access routes meant that the city was a ‘principal thoroughfare’ in ancient Assyria. Further artefacts obtained from the site indicate that the city must have been an economic, social and religious centre in the ancient world.
Additionally, its huge acreage and towering sites indicate its monolith nature compared to other archaeological findings in the area. This is why Carchemish has attracted so much attention from modern-day researchers. It is an important piece of ‘lost’ history that can give us a clearer picture of life at that early age.
Archaeological History
The renowned British archaeologist, George Smith in the 1870s, discovered Carchemish and the British museum commissioned the site’s excavation in Djerabis almost immediately. Much of what was previously known about the city had been obtained from literary works of an encyclopaedic nature. Through accumulation and summary of the information available, George Smith was able to accurately locate the most likely site where the city lay.
Much of the museum’s work at Carchemish as at 1911 was experimental though in 1912, there was a long-term policy put in place. Hogarth (11) states that at the time, the museum’s greatest interest was to clear the main areas in the city.
In 1919, excavation was temporarily halted due to war but General Gouraud, the French High Commissioner, authorized its continuation. However, this was short-lived and in 1920 there were increased hostilities between the Turks and the French occupying forces.
Eventually, Djerabis (Jerablus) was captured by the Turkish National Army and excavation completely stopped. It was not possible to continue the excavation because Djerabis lies strategically in Turkey’s border and is thus militarily very important. By the time, only information about Hittite Carchemish had been obtained and is referred to in this paper.
Site Description
The site lies on the plains of Jerablus in Syria and extends into south Turkey into the village of Kargamis. In fact, the border between Syria and Turkey cuts through Carchemish.
Winter states that the area is known for its fertility due to its location on the Euphrates and its western source, the Sajur. The entire site runs 20 miles through Jerablus and then rises steeply into the hills of Kurd Dagh where the city’s mound is located.
The unique thing about Carchemish is that it has a high citadel that acts as a watchtower over the lower plains. The long extension of its lower town also shows the placement of Carchemish as a military fortress.
The entire valley contains 30 mounds and since Carchemish seems to be the strategic one in location and size, it is assumed that it played the role of ‘capital.’ Additionally, literature from Assyrian sources describes the “cities of Carchemish” which corresponds to the notion that the mounds represent other cities with Carchemish being the dominant one (Luckenbill 651).
The convenience of access to Carchemish is perhaps the most telling feature of the position of Carchemish as a central hub for trade and civilization. The city could be accessed from the east or west of the Euphrates via Killiz/Gaziantep to the northwest, or Aleppo located to the southwest of the mound. Most of the communication between Aleppo and Carchemish was through present day Membidj (known in ancient Assyria as Nanpigi or Nappigu; classical name is Hierapolis) and through the town of El Bab.
Access across the Taurus, Amanus and Anatolian plateau was through Maras located to the northwest near the source of the Sajur at the Kara Su valley. Geographically, Carchemish seems to have had an upper hand over all other surrounding cities due to its multiple access routes, fertile hinterland, militarily strategic citadel, constant water supply and available land for pasture and expansion of human settlement. Winter states that: “Carchemish…
meets all the requirements of modern economic geography in the location of a ‘central place: a high coefficient of importance in relation to surrounding territory, control of or dominance over auxiliary towns and villages, necessary arable land and pasturage to support a concentrated population, and routes of access to major resources as well as to other central places, such that conditions for a viable economic life may be demonstrated” (179).
Features and findings of Carchemish and their meanings
Winter (180) states that most of the features of Carchemish direct historians towards the city’s political and cultural life that is unavailable in most contemporary literature.
Using the archaeological evidence, researchers can reconstruct the first millennium B.C in Assyria with the aid of Assyrian historical sources and references and logical inference. Most of the information available in historical Assyrian sources provides information from Assurnasirpal II’s reign from 883 to 859 B.C to Sargon II’s conquest of Carchemish in 717 B.C. information about Carchemish outside this period in time is indirect and incomplete.
Most of the writings from Carchemish in the 8th and 9th centuries are in Hieroglyphic Luwian inscribed on architectural orthostats and stelae. The writings were mainly for providing titles, display and paying homage to patron-rulers. They failed to capture an annalistic or event-by-event account of daily Carchemish life.
Most of the archaeological features in Carchemish remains are several building phases attributed to certain rulers, reliefs, sculptures and inscribed slabs. Using scientific dating methods, it is possible to reconstruct these features to the 9th and 10th centuries sequentially employing both textual and epigraphic evidence.
The earliest material is the Water Gate followed by the Long Wall sculpture built by Suhis II and the King’s Gate linked to his son, Katuwas. Other features include; the reliefs on the Herald’s wall placed before Suhis’ Long Wall, the Royal Buttress associated with Yariris and Kamanis who were the regent and son respectively of the then ruler Astiruwas.
Other inscriptions and reliefs are attributed to King Pisiris, who was reigning in Carchemish at the time of conquest by Sargon. Interestingly, the excavation site had a walled inner town with an area of 21/2 square miles that had not yet been excavated. Part of the inner town shows the “hilani” which refers to a large building east of the King’s Gate, which had the Royal Buttress placed against it.
Other significant ‘inner town’ features include; the Temple of the Storm God, which is connected to the Long Wall and the Great Staircase, that winds to the top of the citadel. The result of excavation was a well-decorated inner town with a staircase leading to the citadel and many inscribed texts pointing to a powerful and prosperous city.
The presence of a “late Hittite” theme and artistic style is the most evident signature of Carchemish and its inhabitants. The sculptural reliefs and other art forms have the same unique style that is characteristically similar across all the archaeological sites in northern Syria and Anatolia.
Winter (180) states that the similarity in both theme and style is best illustrated by orthostats acquired from Carchemish and those from Zincirli or Tell Halaf in the 9th century B.C. however, she avers, “despite these relationships, no one would suggest that the reliefs were all done by the same hands or workshops. Proportions of figures, control of composition, use of slabs and variation in details are sufficiently distinctive as to argue rather for a common cultural environment in which they were all separately produced” (181).
However, it is notable that not all surrounding cities had similar artistic themes and styles. A comparison between Til Barsib and Carchemish reveals that the two had different artistic styles. Yet, Til Barsib lies only 13 miles from Carchemish on the east bank of the Euphrates and can be seen from the Carchemish citadel.
Just like Carchemish, it controlled a vital river crossing and because of its significance, it became an Aramaean state ruled by Bit Adini and later taken over by Shalmaneser III king of Assyria in 856. Perhaps the differences in style were a consequence of Aramaean influence.
However, two large stelae excavated from the site show striking semblance to those at Carchemish. This shows that they were crafted way before Assyrian and Aramean conquests. The two stelae at Til Barsib are inscribed in Hieroglyphic Luwian and refer to a ruler known as Hamiyatas. The similarity in the storm gods on the stelae shows close connection to Carchemish.
In the first stele, the storm god wears the same headgear and garment as that of the storm gods inscribed on the Herald Wall and Long Wall. Other details such as proportions, gestures, beard, hair-curl, weapons, outlines and appendages are all identical.
In the second stele (excavated later), the bull that the god stands on is similar to the bull base that Katuwas stands on in the Temple of the Storm God and the Herald’s wall. Another similarity is the way soldiers are depicted holding the decapitated heads of enemy soldiers in Til Barsib and those on the Long Wall including the manner in which the spear and the head are held.
While the two parallels might show that neighbouring states shared motifs, Barnett (263) is of the opinion that the works could have been done by the same individual, which would show the level of interdependence between the states. It is also Winter’s (282) conception that the stelae could have been finished at Carchemish and then exported.
She based her argument on the presence of a large open-air site at Yesemek, which had an incomplete sculpture showing that the norm in the region might have been that of crafting for export. Winter (182) insists that the works were done in Carchemish since it seemed to have a more coherent and ambitious building program.
The suggestion above that artwork in Til Barsib could have come from Carchemish shows that the city was much more advanced in art and culture than neighbouring states and thus they were the centre of production and artistic impression in the region. This fact is reinforced by the statue of a king standing on a lion in Zincirli.
The statue is strikingly similar to that of Katuwas in features like sword, beard, belt and garment. More importantly, the statue at Zincirli has a head that is virtually identical to another statue of Katuwas standing on one lion in a double-lion base in Carchemish.
Winter (183) attributes the difference in the bases to the differences in time between the statues. She finds that the Carchemish statue is definitely older and it inspired the Zincirli one. It could also point to borrowed craftsmanship between the two states though with the size and wealth of Carchemish, and the tendency by the Sam’al state to buy items from larger states and align itself with them politically, the idea for the two statues must have come from Carchemish.
Therefore, we can cite the Til Barsib and Zincirli works as evidence of the role of Carchemish as a cultural centre for the South-eastern Anatolian and North Syrian states.
Winter summarizes the influence of Carchemish as “an example of a more general situation: – one in which it is to be expected that dominant centres should exert such “influence” upon less powerful, less wealthy, less established places, while ambitious sub-primary places should wish to “emulate” what is being produced in the major centre (184).
She laments the discovery of very few artefacts, which could have been evidence of the scale of artistic production in the city. However, some pieces in the original excavation by George Smith could be used as evidence of “internal production of portable objects comparable to larger fixed monuments (Winter 184).
The pieces that Winter refers to are fragments of chlorite pyxides or steatites in the Water Gate area together with a pyxis lid that was found on the surface. These vessels were most likely used to hold jewellery and other valuable items.
While only the bottoms of these fragmentary pyxides remain, evidence of artistic markings is clear. In one piece, the feet of a bull are seen together with its hooves and a tail between the animal’s hind legs, which draws a parallel in proportion and rendering to the Herald’s Wall reliefs. In addition, a lion is depicted behind the bull in couchant position and in a style similar to other ‘inner town’ reliefs.
The second piece shows a guilloche band (an ornamental band formed by two or more interlocking wavy lines completing a circular design) at the bottom edge above which are; parts of a human right foot on a pedestal/stool; the bases of two altars/conical plants; feet and garment hem of a seated figure; a small palmette flower; another pair of feet facing left and what resembles a plant stem.
Interestingly, these diagrams seem to form a cluster group, which seems to have been a common style at the time based on the evidence of some ivory pyxides recovered in the same period.
The upper band in the second pyxide shows a pair of legs (probably male) in a short skirt striding to the right; a big lion facing the man and a smaller lion leaping away from the man; a goat whose legs are in mid-air followed by a man who is probably carrying it; a lion and a bull in combat; another man in a short skirt facing right followed by a hoofed animal which could be a goat and finally; a palmette plant. The guilloche band is identical to that in the Long Wall in terms of loops and proportions.
Another striking finding is the seated figure that is assumed to be Suhis’s wife on the Long Wall who also has her legs resting on a footstool. There is also the characteristic long clothing that has a fringed hem and vertical folds that is also worn by the attendant figures standing on top of the couchant lion in the relief at the Great Staircase as well as the musicians of Katuwas in the King’s Gate.
There is also a similarity in the kilt design worn by the figures in combat with animals such as the kneeling hero inscribed on the Herald’s Wall relief and the genii on double lion bases on the Long Wall.
The placing of the striding man between the rearing small lion and the larger lion is similar to that of the kilted hero on the Herald’s Wall who grasps both a bull and a lion in his hands. The sketches of the bull and the lion seem to be similar in all reliefs. The most unique feature is the apparel and the depiction of the bull with its fore-quarters collapsing.
The lion’s feet and its shoulder, which is outlined twice, is also a consistent stylization in the reliefs. Similarly, in the pyxis lid, the paw of a lion can be clearly seen in the top part twisting around the neck of what seems to be a bull or a larger animal with a double-outlined shoulder.
The guilloche pattern is repeated on the lid’s border while the outer edge has been decorated with rosettes, which are placed within metope panels. One thing is apparent in the design of the lid that it is clearly a continued motif as in the other pyxides, which shows consistency in Carchemish artistry.
Interestingly, the motif is replicated in the Inner Court and on the Herald’s Wall especially on the relief depicting a bull being mauled by a lion with a double –outlined shoulder. As for the guilloche pattern and the rosette stylization, they seem to have informed the goddess Kubaba’s headdress as depicted on the Long Wall procession.
In summary, these similarities in theme, motif and stylization suggest that the occupants of ancient Carchemish were good artists who had mastered carving and sculpturing using soft stone for smaller items such as the pyxides and harder stone for architectural works such as the stelae.
Other Significant Features
Much of the evidence that Hittite Carchemish was religious is obtained in the numerous temples. First there is the Temple of the Storm God which was found in the Lower Palace area. The inscriptions found show that the storm god must have had a great influence on the Hittites due to their number and strategic location close to the Great Stairway.
The other temple is that of the great goddess Kubaba which is found at the North Western mound close to the Acropolis mound. Both temples are a sign of Hittite devotion to religion. Other features of significant strength, which are definitely non-Hittite, are the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age graves, the Gold Tomb and the Terra cottas.
Conclusion
All these findings indicate that the inhabitants of Carchemish were perhaps the most advanced culturally and economically at the time. The fact that their works of art are replicated in other sites in Northern Syria and South-eastern Turkey shows that the city exported art products and thus it must have been a huge economic centre.
Additionally, its inner town and high citadel suggest that the city was militarily advantaged and this might have contributed to its success while other surrounding cities were embroiled in wars and conquests (Woolley 231). The site at Carchemish provides archaeologists and other researchers with an opportunity to reconstruct man’s way of life in early 1000 B.C. Carchemish shows that man was still engaged in trade, was religious and had a penchant for art. Not much has changed to this day.
Works Cited
Barnett, Richard. Carchemish Part III: The Excavations in the Inner Town, and the Hittite Inscriptions. London: British Museum, 1952. Print
Hogarth, David. Carchemish, Part I: Introductory. London: British Museum, 1914. Print
Luckenbill, David. Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. Chicago: Sage, 1926. Print
Many archaeological dating methods help to establish relative, absolute, and chronometric chronologies. Excavation archaeology utilizes techniques such as dendrochronology, radiocarbon analysis, luminescence dating, electronic spin resonance, uranium-series dating, and optical analysis, among others, in order to establish the real age of artifacts and the duration of historical periods from which they came (Fagan and Durrani 105). The aim of this paper is to discuss one of the most reliable tools of chronometric chronology—radiocarbon dating. It will also describe the use of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating for establishing the age of beeswax figures and charcoal paintings in the Kimberley region of Western Australia.
Overview
Radiocarbon analysis is a dating method based on radioactive decay of carbon. The technique was developed by two English physicists Arnold and Libby, in 1949 (Fagan and Durrani 117). The method is based on the property of cosmic radiation that makes possible the creation of carbon isotope carbon 14 through the reaction with nitrogen (Fagan and Durrani 117; Staller et al. 131). Therefore, the nucleus of carbon 14 or C-14 is not as stable as other isotopes, which means that it is exposed to radioactive decay that can be easily measured. Taking into consideration the fact that C-14 is being absorbed by vegetation and animals consuming organic matter, it is possible to date bones, wood, and other remains of plants such as charcoal to more than 50, 000 years ago (Fagan and Durrani 117; Wills par. 2).
According to Coleman and Fry, in order to have a solid understanding of ecosystem functioning, it is necessary to know “the real amount of carbon that circulates within the system is needed” (31). Carbon analysis can be applied to multiple spheres enhancing the understanding of natural cycles, periods of glaciations, and the origin of life on Earth. However, radiocarbon dating not only makes it possible to find new paths to the past but also helps to verify earlier chronologies. For instance, since 1990, there was a wide-spread perception that a region in Iberia was the land where late Neanderthals settled (Wood et al. 2783). However, as Wood et al. found out, “with doubt cast over the late survival of Neanderthals, the place of southern Iberia in these arguments must be viewed cautiously” (2783).
Kimberley
According to Aubert, AMS radiocarbon dating was extremely effective in establishing the age of beeswax silhouettes and charcoal paintings in the Kimberley region of Western Australia (574). The archaeologists determined that beeswax paintings were made with plant resin, which is a carbon-bearing substance. Moreover, in order to draw a painting with wax, it has to be fresh. It means that the age of 3780 +- 60 years BP established by radiocarbon is the actual age of paintings (Aubert 575). On the other hand, the charcoal pigment that was used to produce handprints does not allow for such precise analysis. It has to do with the fact that long-lived trees have rings that stop absorbing C-14 once they are fully formed. It results in a significant difference between the time of their growth and the time of their decay (Aubert 575). Therefore, the radiocarbon estimate of the age of charcoal paintings is 120 +- 140 years (Aubert 575).
Conclusion
Radiocarbon analysis continually helps scientists see the history from a new perspective by substantially contributing to multiple archaeological breakthroughs. It is also a very “sharp focus technique” (Feder 4) that allows us to reconcile very tiny elements with large historical scales.
Works Cited
Aubert, Maxime. “A Review of Rock Art Dating in the Kimberley, Western Australia.” Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 39, no. 1, 2012, pp. 573-577.
Coleman, David, and Brian Fry. Carbon Isotope Techniques. Academic Press, 2012.
Fagan, Brian, and Nadia Durrani. Archaeology: A Brief Introduction. Routledge, 2016.
Feder, Kenneth. The Past in Perspective: An Introduction to Human Prehistory. 6th ed., Oxford University Press, 2016.
Staller, John, et al. Histories of Maize in Mesoamerica: Multidisciplinary Approaches. Left Coast Press, 2010.
Wood, Rachel, et al. “Radiocarbon Dating Casts Doubt on the Late Chronology of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic Transition in Southern Iberia.” PNAS, vol. 110, no. 8, 2012, pp. 2781–2786.
Despite its evident value for science and humanity, in general, archaeological research remains the subject of public criticism. More specifically, the controversy around the resources, namely federal expenditures, allocated to archaeological studies and excavations have caused heated debates. The critics claim that funds, which are currently used for such research could be redirected to higher purposes. This idea comprises better funding for life-saving initiatives and policies aiming at improving the quality of life at the expense of archaeology. Evidently, such an approach views the field as a part of “non-essential” sciences, which are inferior to more noble goals. However, these opinions appear to disregard the immense cultural and social importance of archaeology. This discipline explores the history of humanity, providing insight into the profound process which determined its development across ages.
From one perspective, archaeological expenditures from federal funds are actively criticized by a considerable portion of American society. In her Internet blog, the professor of archeology Rosemary Jones (2013), refers to an opinion piece that specifically attacks the National Science Foundation’s (NSF) decision to support research on Mayan architecture. The opponents of such studies claim that these resources could have saved numerous lives had they been allocated to higher purposes. In addition, the government of the United States is urged to increase the funding of policies that promote a higher standard of living in the country. In this context, archaeological research is said to hemorrhage the taxpayers’ money.
In spite of the heated criticism, the importance of archaeology in today’s society is not to be underestimated. Jones (2013) refutes the idea that her and her colleagues’ research distracts the federal government from higher purposes. As a matter of fact, archaeology pursues a higher purpose of its own, meaning that it directly influences the quality of life. The field’s contribution consists of the profound knowledge of historical processes that determined the social evolution of humanity. More specifically, archeology explores various aspects of the past in terms of public, economic, and political relations (Jones, 2013). In a way, the field analyzes at depth both the correct ways and mistakes of history, providing policy-makers with guidelines on how to avoid negative developments in the present and the future.
For example, the archaeological research on Easter Island became highly relevant in terms of its social significance. Without this professional knowledge, it was seen merely as a remote island with fascinating monuments of the mo’ai. However, archaeology highlighted the centuries-old feud between the isolated people of Easter Island with limited resources that put an end to a thriving civilization. In other words, this research introduced an evidence-based perspective on the dangers of such developments. Moreover, the ideas presented by Altas (2012) suggest that archaeology impacts society on a more profound, fundamental level. Knowledge of the past civilizations highlights the relentless flow of history, in which nations emerge and disappear only to be studied by future generations. In this sense, archaeology emphasizes the immense meaning of life as it is through cultural enrichment and a broader perspective on humanity’s role in the universe.
Ultimately, the logic behind the stigmatization of “non-essential” research is flawed at its root. It is unwise and even dangerous to underestimate the importance of archaeology and adjacent disciplines for humanity. In its current state, this field of research addresses the matters upon which society has been based since its dawn. While the technological aspect of humanity may have evolved, the cultural, political, and social processes have remained within the single paradigm across centuries.
References
Atlas, J. (2012). Is this the end? The New York Times, 1-4.
It was, as usual, a very hot day at the ongoing excavations at Pompeii. The Italian sun was up and there was little breeze to carry away the dust raised by the archeologists continuing their centuries-long task. They slowly carry on the process of uncovering and understanding the lives and hopes of the people of this doomed and ash-entombed city. The scale of the dig is far less than it used to be back in the 1960s, involving fewer archeologists bent over the solidified volcanic ash. Today, for reasons of finance as well as scientific caution, most effort is concentrated on preserving what has been thus far revealed. However, there is nonetheless a continuing investigation, especially into the earlier strata of the city, to reveal its pre-eruption history.
There is also a push to investigate the area immediately outside the 66-hectare center of the site – the city proper (BBC). Thus, when the object, nicknamed The Scuba Divers, turned up near the foundations of the ancient bath-structure, it caused a commotion. There was still a good crowd of hardy scholars present to ooh and ash over its implications for classical archeologists everywhere. The Director, Pietro Giovanni Guzzo, was called in to share in the delight of discovery and inquiry. Although this discovery may lack the size and drama of the Muse Cycle that has been discovered at the Hospitium de Sulpicii or the visual beauty of the fresco that once covered the back wall of a Pompeiian garden, it is nonetheless significant. (Unknown, Muse Cycle) (Gill). It raises some very intriguing questions regarding several areas of Roman life and behavior.
Hospitium dei Sulpice
Since the most recent excavation efforts are focused on a bath complex in Murecine not far from the River Sarno, called the Hospitium dei Sulpice, the object is, not surprisingly, assumed to be associated with bathing. It is a cast bronze object about 13 inches in length, with a handle and a round paddle-shaped area at the other end (Unknown). One surface of the round end is quite flat and remarkably smooth, and the other bears a low relief decoration.
The relief was probably created by the lost wax method common to many small-scale Classical bronze pieces. For a small object like this, the artisan might use the solid wax technique.. The piece would first be sculpted in solid wax in three dimensions (in low relief in this case). The model would be wrapped in clay. This would be heated to the point where the wax could melt and run out. This heating would also partially fire the clay to some greater degree of hardness than simply air-drying. Molten bronze would be poured into the now-empty clay mold. Upon complete cooling, the solid bronze could be freed from its concealing skin by shattering the clay casing (Metropolitan Museum). The fact that this was an ancient method, and feasible for small works, suggests that it was probably used in this case. Because of the ease of sculpting of wax, great delicacy and complexity of detail are possible with this technique, and this characteristic is, indeed, visible in this piece.
It is the subject matter of what seems clear to be a lavish hand mirror that has captured the imagination of scholars. It offers a wonderful insight into the athletics and the exploratory urge of the Romans.
Although of course pitted and damaged by long burial in the ground, and to some degree, by the action of the volcanic ash itself. The bronze mirror backing shows an exquisitely rendered scene. The relief depicts a man and a woman, both portrayed in the nude, wearing what appears to be some sort of snorkel or breathing apparatus. Both are in the clear and unambiguous act of swimming. The surface of the water is even indicated, showing that the figures are moving underwater, without any direct contact with the air.
Below their feet is an assemblage of geometric shapes. These consist of rectangles, triangles, and cylinders that suggest s grouping of buildings. It is not known what these represent, but there have been highly sensational suggestions in the popular press.
Heretofore, there has been a variety of evidence of several forms of sub-marine breathing in the ancient world. The residents of Crete, as far back as 3000 BCE, were said to use reeds to breathe while collecting sponges from the sea bottom, although this must have been rather shallow water. More recently, divers in Assyria recorded using bladders fashioned of animal skins, much like the air bladder of a bagpipe, to carry air below that water. Bladders made from large animals are depicted, although not being put to that use for underwater breathing. An example of a sizable bladder, blown up to full size is visible in the example of the Fountain Sculpture reproduction housed at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archeology and Anthropology. (Unknown, Fountain Sculpture). Such a volume of air could keep a swimmer breathing in shallow water for some time. Alexander the Great, in the 3rd century BCE, directed the creation of a sort of diving bell apparatus. This was probably meant for military espionage, perhaps permitting spies to approach an enemy coastline undetected. In Aristotle’s time, a tube to the surface was in use, flexible enough to allow some diver mobility (Cayman Activity Guide).
However, there was little or nothing in terms of visual artifacts to show these or any other technologies, in use, in the Roman period. This sort of activity is not fully documented for the Romans, and certainly not for Roman women. This scarcity of artifacts that can attest to underwater swimming makes this hand mirror a truly astonishing addition to the body of Classical knowledge.
The two figures are enjoying themselves in their nude or nearly nude underwater excursion. Their bodies are well defined and their faces are just barely visible underneath their breathing equipment, demonstrating just how obsessive the detail in this piece is. Behind them are strands of what could be seaweed. There is no iconographic evidence that either of them is a god.
Below them, as noted above, are geometric and columnar shapes. It is these shapes that have caused the greatest furor of speculation, once the digital images of the piece were made public. They can be interpreted as purely decorative, abstract, or perhaps symbolic of the place of origin of the two swimmers.
Some observers, however, both in the scholarly community and in the popular press, have attested that they see these shapes as the depiction of a city, viewed from a distance. However, this would place the city on the sea bottom. Some journalists, showing more imagination than responsibility, have suggested that these shapes represent the legendary lost city of Atlantis.
Furthermore, these journalists, seemingly eager for a sensational story, have made other wilder proposals. They have also suggested that this relief depicts the way that Romans communicated and interacted with that sunken community spoken of in myth and fable. These ideas are admittedly very creative and show admirable flexibility of thinking. However, to be possible, this would require a level of technology for which there is no evidence. The existence of a living underwater city would imply that all the residents there were able to breathe underwater. This seems less than plausible.
Another possibility is that that there was indeed a sunken city, as suggested by Plato, in ruins. As an interesting collection of buildings and sculptures, such an underwater site could be a sort of tourist destination for Roman citizens. If this relief accurately depicts a breathing apparatus that allowed humans to breathe underwater, a visit to the site would have been no more remarkable than a visit to a coral reef by a modern person equipped with scuba gear. The sunken buildings would attract visitors in the same way that any natural feature or wonder of nature or construction might.
What does this suggest about the nature of Roman aquatics and the role of women in such activities?
Romans used swimming in public pools as a social and healing activity. Swimming in rough waters was used as a training and conditioning routine for soldiers (White).
Women in Roman society were expected to be chaste and respectable bearers of children and keepers of the household. They seldom left the home and did not take part in public activities except as spectators of public entertainment. The freedom of wealthy women was greater. Their influence on the men in their lives could be substantial (PBS.org). Some mosaics in sites other than Pompeii show that women could participate in some sports (Niu).
The Scuba Divers shows that underwater swimming was possible and inclusive of women. The more outrageous recent inferences regarding the existence of a sunken city as a destination for underwater excursions will require further research.
