Oregon is a highly diverse territory in geographical, ecological, and climatic terms. This diversity is responsible for the differences among peoples that populated various areas of the state. One such example of environmental influence on the development of a population group is the Klamath and Modoc tribes which populated the Southern part of Oregon. Geographically, the area is largely defined by the presence of the Klamath River basin. One of the most prominent effects of the rivers presence is the abundance of fishing artifacts such as hooks and stone-pointed harpoons found on archaeological sites in the area. Even more importantly, the geography of the region a combination of the rocky terrain of volcanic origin and relatively evenly distributed heights created a setting that was favorable to the vegetation.
The plants which grew in cavities and were supported by a sufficient amount of freshwater eventually built up and created a soil rich in peat (Aldous et al. 1027). Combined with volcanic deposits, these factors created an environment where both animals and humans could proliferate. At the same time, many shallow bodies of freshwater which could support weed growth eventually turned into marches, which altered the vegetation of the region and the dietary habits of the tribes in the area. For instance, in summer, the peoples who were largely dependent on salmon fishing migrated alongside the riverbank in response to seasonal migrations of their catch. In winter, the abundance of water and vegetation allowed them to settle near freshwater sources to ensure the supply of fish and aquatic plants, such as edible water lilies. The specifics of vegetation also determined the shape of their houses, which were dug in and plastered with the mud, and, therefore, limited in size.
The Chinook peoples from the North-Western part of the state were exposed to a largely similar geographical setting with several notable differences. First, the abundance of certain types of cedar trees offered building material for a distinct type of sloped-roof houses commonly found on archaeological sites in the region. The characteristics of building materials allowed for much larger structures, which could house whole communities instead of small groups. In addition, the technology required for building plankhouses necessitated certain tools unnecessary for Southern areas (Ames et al. 281). Another notable addition to the technology facilitated by the environment was the proliferation of the fur processing methods.
The instruments found at the sites point to the dependence on fur trade more specifically, a distinct type of elk-hide armor known as clams (Cooper et al. 116). The trade activities were further enhanced by the freshwater infrastructure, which allowed relatively easy access to other groups and encouraged the exchange of goods. Finally, the abundance of resources (indicated by the excessively large cellars characteristic for the region) allowed a seamless exchange of goods with other tribes. Finally, the climatic differences contributed to the Chinooks cultural development. For instance, the food storage capacity coupled with formidable building techniques discouraged seasonal migrations while snowy winters characteristic for the region encouraged household and artistic activities such as wood carving, and enhanced oral storytelling tradition as well as spiritual ceremonies.
Archaeological Sites
Cathlapotle is an archaeological site that contains one of the best-preserved Chinookan villages. It is located at the major juncture of water bodies, where Gee Creek, Lewis River, and Lake River join the Columbia (Ames et al. 280). It was founded approximately 560 years ago. The main findings associated with the site are hunting and fishing equipment and well-preserved houses with large cellars in the form of a multitude of pits and trenches, characteristic for the region. These cellars, whose volume far exceeds the needs of the estimated population of the house, illustrates the abundance of resources in the region (most likely wapato roots) while the proximity to the river suggests the strong reliance on trade by the inhabitants of the village (Ames et al. 282).
The Burnett site is located within the limits of the modern City of Lake Oswego. It is one of the oldest sites in Oregon, with an estimated age of early Holocene or late Pleistocene (OGorman and Burnett 369). The development of the site produced a large amount of artifacts, mostly the stone points of arrows, manufacturing tools, and the stone debris left after the manufacturing process. The blood leftovers in some of the artifacts suggest a diversity of prey, which suggests that natives used the site as a hunting camp rather than permanent settlement (OGorman and Burnett 371). Whats more, some of the species suggested by the ecofacts are currently absent from the location, which improves our understanding of changes in paleoenvironmental conditions.
Paisley caves, located in south-central Oregon, is one of the oldest archaeological sites in North America. The recent carbon dating allowed to establish the age of the earliest ecofacts as 14,000 years old (Jenkins et al. 223). The leftovers of fire hearths, remains of bone instruments, and wooden pegs give us insights on the preferred sources of food of the inhabitants of the caves, including giant bison characteristic for the area (Jenkins et al. 226). More importantly, the analysis of DNA obtained from coprolites confirms the migration patterns from Asia to Americas (Jenkins et al. 226), which enhances our understanding of the origin of the local population.
The Meier site is located at the margin of Columbia floodplain. It is a comparatively young site, with an estimated dates of habitation of 1440 to 1800 AD (Ames et al. 276). Since it is among the best-preserved sites of this kind, it contains many artifacts in excellent condition, including hunting and gathering equipment, everyday use items, and, most importantly, fur processing equipment. In addition, the ecofacts such as fragments of deep water fish bones and remains of shells suggest the contacts with coastal peoples while the evidence of fur processing indicates involvement in fur trade (Ames et al. 278).
Cascadia cave, located near the Santiam River in Willamette Valley, is one of the most culturally significant sites. The artifacts recovered at the site include the debris left after the chipping the stone tools and remains of fishing equipment such as harpoons. The dating of artifacts suggests the presence of human activity on site as early as 7900 years ago (Hough 109). Importantly, the cave contains petroglyphs which depict significant moments of the lives of peoples in the region in a symbolic manner. Most prominently, the bear claws (associated with successful fishing) present among ecofacts coupled with fishing artifacts point to the spiritual significance of the site (Hough 110).
The sites differ in their use by the peoples. Cascadia cave and Burnett site are evidently places of utilitarian significance which did not house permanent residents, with the latter being spiritual in nature. Paisley caves illustrate housing conditions of early inhabitants while Cathlapotle and Meier site both serve as examples of later culture. The latter, characterized by smaller housing area and more diverse range of trade-related artifacts, points to greater reliance on interaction with other peoples.
Works Cited
Aldous, Allison, et al. Soil Phosphorus Release From a Restoration Wetland, Upper Klamath Lake, Oregon. Wetlands 27.4 (2007): 1025-1035.
Ames, Kenneth, et al. Household Archaeology of a Southern Northwest Coast Plank House. Journal of Field Archaeology 19.3 (2013): 275-290.
Cooper, Kory, et al. Metal and Prestige in the Greater Lower Columbia River Region, Northwestern North America. Journal of Northwest Anthropology 49.2 (2015): 112-127.
Hough, Susan. Writing on the Walls: Geological Context and Early American Spiritual Beliefs. Geological Society, London, Special Publications 273.1 (2007): 107-115.
Jenkins, Dennis, et al. Clovis Age Western Stemmed Projectile Points and Human Coprolites at the Paisley Caves. Science 337.6091 (2012): 223-228.
OGorman, Robert, and John Burnett. Fish Community Dynamics in Northeastern Lake Ontario with Emphasis on the Growth and Reproductive Success of Yellow Perch (Perca Flavescens) and White Perch (Morone Americana), 1978 to 1997. Journal of Great Lakes Research 27.3 (2001): 367-383.
Archaeological evidence is a primary source of information about the past within particular archaeological context. By processing and interpreting such evidence archaeologists are able to obtain the approximate picture of past human activities in an area over time (Osu par. 1). The aim of this paper is to examine the methods for analysis and interpretation of archaeological sites, artifacts, ecofacts, and features.
Artifacts, Ecofacts, Features, and Contexts
All sources of archaeological information can be divided into four categories: artifacts, ecofacts, features, and contexts (Hardesty and Little 54).
Artifacts are objects that have been made or shaped by man and are of archaeological significance. In order to analyze the information content of historical artifacts, it is necessary to divide them into three groups: historical documents, commodities, and ideas (Hardesty and Little 54). Artifacts that have clues about technology with which they were manufactured, or time period among other things can be considered historical documents. The majority of artifacts are consumer goods that used to have an exchange value; therefore, they can be placed in the category of commodities. Some artifacts also had a distinct meaning to the people who created them; thus, they can be treated as ideas (Hardesty and Little 56).
Ecofacts are biological materials such as animal bones and plant macrofossils that have not been altered by people but can reveal information about the environment of archaeological sites. It should be mentioned that there is no strict line dividing ecofacts and artifacts because by analyzing factors such as species, age, body parts, and butchering technique it is possible to determine status and wealth differences between sites and suggest the degree of self-sufficiency or interdependence of households or settlements (Hardesty and Little 56).
Features are another category of archaeological information, and it includes non-portable man-made structures. Building remains, structures, landscape, and artifact concentrations are some of the examples of features (Hardesty and Little 56).
Artifacts, features, and ecofacts occur first and foremost in an archaeological context that defines the containers of archaeological information (Hardesty and Little 61). It also determines spatial and temporal associations between archaeological objects (Lewis et al. 205). The information presented by them can be analyzed during the post-excavation stage of an archaeological project. At the analysis stage, it is necessary to divide all classes of evidence into separate categories by material and typology according to their physical attributes, especially if a specialist in a specific group of artifacts is involved in finds analysis (Grant et al. 65). The first analytical stage involves the use of parallels or regular microscopes to aid in examination. However, well-equipped excavation facilities often have Scanning Electron Microscopes (SEMs) that are more helpful at analyzing both artifacts and ecofacts. After identification and categorization all material is quantified and recorded through drawing or photography (Grant et al. 65).
Analysis of Inorganic Materials
Lithics
Lithics are stone tools that existed before the introduction of metal. Due to their inorganic nature, they are almost indestructible and found in abundance in some archaeological assemblages. The first stage in the analysis of lithics involves examination of their surface with the help of basic geological knowledge. The rocks that are not sedimentary can be easily identified without resorting to polarizing microscope; however, other stones might require petrological analysis (Grant et al. 67).
Petrology is an analytical technique that allows locating the source of rocks and minerals. It involves cutting and polishing a thin section of a stone or ceramic till it is about 0.02 mm thick (Grant et al. 69). Due to the fact that crystals of different minerals have distinctive structures that can be referenced to a geological map, the examination of their characteristics allows archaeologists to establish their original source. Petrology has significantly contributed to the deepening of knowledge on exchange and economic structures of ancient civilizations by providing scientists with approximate distribution patterns and trade routes. Even though petrology can be applied for identifying brick materials and stones, it cannot be used for distinguishing obsidian and flint which look similar (Grant et al. 70).
Metallurgical Analysis
The metallurgical analysis involves assessment of metal artifacts with the help x-rays or metallography. Metallography is an analytical technique that involves examination of the size and shape of the grains of minerals in the material for traces of heating, working, and alloying (Grant et al. 70). If archaeological facilities are equipped with SEMs, their use allows examining techniques that were applied during manufacture of jewelry because of magnification at 1000x.
Analysis of Organic Materials
Faunal Remains
The analysis of faunal remains helps archaeologists to better understand characteristics of the past environments and assess the contribution of animals to human exchange. Bone specialists analyzing bone assemblages have to recognize different types of material as well as animals from which they came. To this end, they have reference collections that can aid in identification. Bone specialists also establish the age and sex of cattle remnants in order to separate those animals that were kept for dairy products from those that were kept for meat (Grant et al. 70).
Archaeological Sites
Information about archaeological sites often can be found in documents from the particular historical period. Therefore, in order to locate archaeological sites, it is necessary to examine documentary archives. However, it should be mentioned that records in such achieves are almost always biased. For example, property owned by religious institutions and state usually have some of the most detailed records (Drewett 44), whereas the existence of farmsteads may have never been recorded. Other methods of locating archaeological sites include aerial photography, historic maps, local populations, ground survey, geophysical survey, chemical survey and accidental discovery (Drewett 44).
Categorization is perhaps the most basic analytical process for dealing with archaeological materials (Bahn 29). Even though archaeologists employ many kinds of categorizations and typologies, they all can be divided into two broad categories analytic and synthetic. Analytic categorizations are concerned with particular object types that have described and recognized recurring variations. Synthetic categories, on the other hand, are used to distinguish archaeological cultures dividing them into units of study (Grant et al. 110).
The process of interpreting an archaeological site is a part of post-fieldwork processing and analysis. Transformation process used for translation of finds in archaeological reports can be divided into two stages: formation and deposition. Formation processes help to investigate how materials were acquired, manufactured, used and discarded (Grant et al. 113). Depositional processes used for interpretation of the ways in which remains actually find their way into the ground (Grant et al. 113).
Conclusion
Artifacts, ecofacts, features, and context are the main sources of information that help to obtain the picture of the past. In order to find an archaeological site, archaeologists rely on documents, aerial photography, historic maps, local populations, ground survey, geophysical survey, chemical survey and accidental discovery. They categorize all sites into two broad groups: analytic and synthetic.
Works Cited
Bahn, Paul. Archaeology: A Very Short Introduction. OUP Oxford, 2012.
Drewett, Peter. Field Archaeology: An Introduction. Routledge, 2011.
Grant, Jim, et al. The Archaeology Coursebook. Routledge, 2012.
Hardesty, Donald, and Barbara, Little. Assessing Site Significance: A Guide for Archaeologists and Historians. AltaMira Press, 2009.
Lewis, Barry, et al. Understanding Humans: Introduction to Physical Anthropology and Archaeology. Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012.
The Tel Burna Archaeology Project has been widely covered in scholarly articles and mass media sources. This archeological site is located in the Shephelah region, and the project is directed by Itzhaq Shai under the sponsorship of The Institute of Archaeology, Ariel University. The first expeditions began in 2009. It should be noted that Tel Burna is a unique project since it provides the general public an opportunity to participate in different stages of excavation. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the importance of the Tel Burna site, the methodology employed by the archeologists, and the contributions made by the project.
Description and Importance
Tel Burna is a site that has already been researched by many scientists; these studies have had theoretical significance. The team of archeologists intends to either prove or invalidate the hypothesis made during previous investigations. The excavation, under the supervision of Itzhaq Shai, is being carried out near the historical place called Nahal Guvrin (Shai & Uziel, 2016). This area is related to the contemporary Qiryat Gat. The site has a flat-topped shape, which conveniently allows the research team to use various excavation tools to study the area. Nevertheless, its extensive size implies that more time will be needed to research distant parts of the location.
The overall purpose of the Tel Burna Archaeology Project is to determine the sequence of settlement history in this region. The team hopes to find elements of daily life such as utensils and other common tools used by people residing in this territory. Also, the findings can provide new insights into the habits, way of life, and customs of this population (Shai & Uziel, 2016). The importance of the project lies in the fact that it will provide the scientific community with evidence to support their assumptions about this location and the people inhabiting it. Another aim of the project is to engage the general community in investigating the cultural and historical heritage of the region, boosting their feelings of self-identity.
The project also has an important cultural and religious meaning. It has been assumed that the site can be referred to as one of the Kohanic cities. The project intends to find further proof that this location is described in biblical texts (Shai & Uziel, 2016). The goal is to validate that the fortification found in the area was once the town called Libnah.
Historical Background of the Culture
The Tel Burna site is believed to have a long history dating back to the Bronze and Iron Ages, serving as a frontier between two areas, the kingdoms of Judah and Philistia ( About Tel Burna, n.d.). Many researchers suppose that this site belongs to the Judean culture; therefore, the place researched by the team will be referred to as a Judean stronghold if excavations can prove this assumption (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Apart from its political significance, the location served as a bread basket as well. Tel Burna was once a fertile spot, and the site was used for agricultural purposes. It is believed that agricultural products gathered from this place were spread across the entire southern region.
Importantly, this area has already been researched, and other archaeologists have hypothesized that the fortifications and other buildings could date back to Iron Age II. As mentioned above, the purpose of the Tel Burna Agriculture Project is to either prove or invalidate the hypothesis that this place was Libnah ( About Tel Burna, n.d.). According to the Bible, Libnah was a city of high importance; thus, if the project provides evidence that this assumption is true, the site will contribute greatly to the local and regional cultural and religious heritage. Experts in the field have assumed that Tel Burna could be related to the cities described in biblical writings since previous excavations have shown that these constructions belonged, as mentioned, to the Iron Age (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Thus, the project aims to find the range of settlements and determine the dates when they were made. Also, the archaeology project will assist greatly in building the sequence of human activity in that area.
Methodology
It is worth noting that the methodology used by the team is unique in that the general public has been invited to engage in research and excavation. Since the site is extensive in size, it has been divided into three main areas (A1, A2, B), each of which is being excavated in several stages. Overall, five seasons will be devoted to the investigation of the location. A1 is the upper part of Tel Burna, and the excavations are proceeding along its eastern slopes. A2 is the central part of the site, where the stronghold is located ( About Tel Burna, n.d.). The dimensions of this area are 70 meters x 70 meters. Area B is located to the east of the fortress, where the team is investigating the buildings, as well as other related surfaces, to find as much evidence as possible. The researchers are also searching for various artifacts that can be found inside the stronghold, for instance, chalices, goblets, cup, and saucer vessels, zoomorphic vessels and ceramic masks (Shai & Uziel, 2016, p. 59). Notably, the team has already found multiple well-preserved remains.
According to the article by Shai and Uziel (2016), it was decided to engage the surrounding community in investigations since many artifacts can be easily found in the vicinity of Tel Burna. The goal of this activity is to raise awareness about this historically and culturally significant site and boost individuals identification with the place. Therefore, the Tel Burna project provides open access to all volunteers who are willing to make a personal contribution (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Besides, the area serves as a perfect place to demonstrate to the population the life and dwellings of the people who lived there many years ago.
Thus, the remains of the town are being investigated by non-academic volunteers as well as experts in the field. Researchers from the United States, European countries, and Canada are coming to the site to explore the remains of the possibly biblical Libnah (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Also, university students and staff are participating in excavations as part of their studies and work. Importantly, the general public is participating in small- and middle-scale excavations using the tools provided to them; they are also searching for artifacts and small items. However, full excavations are being carried out by the professional team. This setup is justified by the fact that archeological remains are fragile and specific safety measures must be applied to avoid ruining these precious findings.
Results
The preliminary results of the project have revealed what the investigation had hoped to find. Two excavation seasons (every six weeks in duration) have already been conducted. The findings have allowed important conclusions to be drawn about the sequence of the settlement history of the Judean territory. The archeologists have examined multiple layers and found a domestic area on the western part of the site. A wall and a tabun have been discovered in this section ( About Tel Burna, n.d.).
The non-academic volunteers have found elements of pottery and decoration (for instance, pieces of masks). Outside the stronghold, the team found vessels that require restoration. These findings are significant since they indicate that the settlement extended outside the fortress. It has been assumed that it was also expanded to the east. The fortification has been exposed as well. The excavations have revealed that the premises were used in the 9th century BCE (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Besides, the findings indicate that the stronghold had a regular construction scheme and a typical shape with two parallel walls linked to form a rectangle. The excavation has shown that the walls were buried in the ground to a depth of 2 meters.
These results have pushed the archeologists to establish new goals. The team intends to continue their search in November 2017 ( About Tel Burna, n.d.) with a plan to examine the lower slopes of the site to determine how widely the landscape was used (Shai & Uziel, 2016). Also, research on the JudeoPhilistine border is planned. The team wants to determine how the border used to function and the type of relationship that existed between the neighbors. However, more importantly, these further excavations will help to resolve whether Tel Burna used to be one of the biblical towns.
Conclusion
Thus, it can be concluded that the Tel Burna Archeology project has an important meaning for society in general as well as the academic community. Several excavation sessions have been implemented, and they have resulted in finding significant evidence and artifacts. Nevertheless, new investigations are planned for the future, and they will facilitate determining whether the Tel Burna site belongs to the group of Kohanic cities.
Shai, I., & Uziel, J. (2016). All for archaeology and archaeology for all: The Tel Burna Archaeology Projects approach to community archaeology. Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage, 3(1), 5769.
Most people perceive the aspect of anthropology in terms of the past. Archeology refers to the study of past remains with the objective of revealing the past. This could include fossils, landmarks as well as the culture of the ancient societies. Nevertheless, the conceptualization of archaeology is applicable to a diverse nature of studies with the view of learning about the present. In a similar manner that the archaeologists can come up with a hypothesis of civilization that was in existence millenniums ago, one can come up with inferences about self through a scrutiny of both the preservable and tangible objects that one uses. I embarked on a three-day mission with an objective of studying the waste product that comes out of me.
Between the fourth and sixth of February, I carried a personal study of Garbology, scrutinizing my eating habits with the view of comparing two aspects of my behaviourreal and ideal. Ideally, my real behaviour is what I do in actual sense. My ideal behavior, conversely, is what I claim to do, or in another light, what I would like to think I do. In this regard, I examined my kitchen garbage for the above said three consecutive days. After three days, the weight of my trash was two pounds. After listing every item that I found in the trash, I only concentrated on the ones that were related to food, disregarding the rest. I categorized these food-related items into four well-known food groups and then came up with new a new category that encompassed desserts and others. My next move was to come up with a percentage estimate of each food group that formed my overall diet.
Surprisingly, I managed to make important conclusion that relates to my eating practices after concise examination of my waste. During the study of my waste, I was able to discover many objects like broken jars of juices, caps that mainly sealed milk products. Additionally, I found numerous beer cans and barely empty cartons of soft drinks. From this observation that the boxes were incomplete and only found plastic rings and not the milk and juice bottles themselves, I inferred that I make an effort towards recycling some of my trash. Another of my observations was that my garbage was short of remains from smaller mealsas most of what I located was the nature of meals that I take for dinnerfurther assisted to make the inference that some of my meals, mostly lunch, are taken away from home.
Frozen chicken fingers, hamburgers and pizzas among other meals that are easy to prepare, had a heavy presence in my garbage. In this light, I inferred that I did not always have ample time to prepare a meal for dinner. Probably, I used to both work and attend classes. Another observation was that I had consumed higher rate of carbohydrates and milk products compared to proteins and products like meat. After a thorough sorting of the trash, it was my feeling that the quantity of trash that I had found could not match the actual volume I could have produced in the span of three days. I inferred that more likely than not, I could as well have deposited some other nature and volume of my trash in other places of my house in the last three days.
How does it define me?
In the study, I scrutinized myself in terms of eating habits and compared this information with the one that I had gathered from my garbage. This worked well because I shop and prepare food for myself in my household. By so doing, I was trying to compare and contrast my ideal and real characters. My first step was to try to give an estimate by percentage the amount of protein, dairy etcetera that I take in my diet, assuming that I had not carried out the garbage research. In my intrinsic response, the amount of my intake in these varying food groups was a balanced consumption. This however, was in contrary to my findings from the garbage that showed that I actually took more carbohydrates than compared to proteins. Moreover, assumptions were that I took desserts and such like foods in lower amounts than I actually found out.
I examined whether indeed I had other places that I usually dumped my trash and whether I recycled any items. I figured out that I was in possession of three additional trashcans that considerably lowered the amount of trash present in the kitchen garbage. I realized that I am used to disposing some types of food wastes through other channels other than throwing them away. Regarding recycling, I noted that I do put back to use some glass and plastic containers. Granted, I had much higher garbage out put than the two pound weighed in the study. However, had I taken into account the other cans of trash in the house while conducting my study; I would probably have come up with a figure that was close to average. A closer look at my way of life confirmed the inference that I actually took most of my lunches away from home.
During this study, I was able to get to a position whereby I could have a look at my own behaviours without the idealization of personal feelings or my personal estimates. As such, I was able to carry out a non-reactive measurementobservations that are taken devoid of interference. Most importantly, the data that I gathered in this study was able to give a reflection of my ideal behaviours. My estimates were not a reflection of what I observed in the trash. I suppose that I incline to utter things that do not contradict my beliefs and that which elicit praise amongst other members of the society. Besides, I realized they define my socialization patterns where I say things that people love to hear. Despite the size, the study was able to illuminate my ideal and real behaviors.
A modern kitchen is far from being a place where food is cooked only. This is the space where people cook, eat, socialize, watch TV, read, make plans (schedules, shopping lists), and even work. Of course, people mainly cook food and eat in this area, but other activities are also very common. The site will be preserved well enough, but it might be still difficult to reconstruct its use properly. Therefore, archaeologists are likely to understand the major purpose of the area but will fail to reconstruct the full picture and understand the space, people, and epoch correctly.
Essay
Thus, kitchen utensils perform their particular roles, but the refrigerator stands out as it has additional tasks. A built-in touchscreen makes it a kitchen hub that contains valuable information for the family. Importantly, there are several items used for cooking food (oven, microwave oven, and cooker) and these appliances are used to perform different tasks (baking, frying, boiling, and so on). The cupboard contains kitchenware and crockery. On the windowsill, there is also a pot with a plant. The LCD TV is not the major kitchen appliance, but it is often there for people to watch (to entertain themselves). Since the place is abandoned abruptly, there might be an iPad left on the table, though some may take this device instead of more relevant (in case of emergency) things. These portable devices are always in very different areas of peoples houses, so there are high chances that one can be on the kitchen table. It is necessary to add that the special arrangement serves the major purpose (cooking and consuming food) while entertaining oneself with the help of modern devices (TV, smart refrigerator, iPad).
It is difficult to foresee what features and artifacts will be preserved after the excavation of the site as there could be natural disasters or a different climate. Provided the environment will not change and there will be no destruction (natural disasters, wars, and so on), the furniture will preserve well. The furniture is mainly made of wood and plastic, and the appliances are plastic, which makes the decay time almost unlimited. The floor and walls will also be preserved. Clearly, the plant and the food in the fridge (or other places will decay). It is necessary to note that certain parts will still be damaged or destroyed as there are metal parts and metals decay within the period mentioned. Therefore, it is possible to assume that the hinges will be severely damaged and some doors of the cupboard and kitchen appliances will be on the floor.
The decay will make the archeological reconstruction of the site more difficult. It is also important to remember that people who will live in the future are likely to have different appliances (if any), tools, and so on. The difference in ways of life and technological development of the societies may also make it difficult for archaeologists of the future to reconstruct the site. Nevertheless, archaeologists are likely to identify the primary purpose of the area correctly. The table, kitchenware (remaining parts), and crockery will shed light on the major activities. Crockery has remained almost unchanged since ancient times, so another millennium is unlikely to change it. Notably, archaeologists can come to false conclusions concerning the plant pot as they may think it is another crockery item. Again, it depends on the way people will treat plants in the society of the future.
However, the appliances may change significantly within 1000 years. Archaeologists may find it particularly difficult to understand the use of the oven and microwave oven. Both items are very similar, but they still perform quite different roles. Archaeologists might guess that the two appliances are for cooking food (but for different portions). For example, they might assume that the microwave oven serves to cook small portions. As for the cooker, it is possible to understand that pans (or other items) are placed in particular places to cook food. Remnants of food containers can help archaeologists understand the role this item performs. It is possible to figure out that certain conditions (temperature) are created in that item as there are such parts as tubes and wire.
The reconstruction of the use of devices can be the most difficult task for archaeologists if there are no similar items in their society (and no facts about the way people lived in the past). The LCD TV may be regarded as a fixture (something similar to a painting). Archaeologists may also fail to understand that the refrigerator performed different tasks other than storing food. Finally, the iPad can be regarded as a small cutting board.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is possible to note that archaeologists of the future are likely to reconstruct the site partially. They will identify the major purpose of the area and will be able to explain the use of many objects. However, they may fail to detect other activities performed in the kitchen. Such aspects as communication (through devices), entertainment (TV, iPad), making plans, and lists (smart refrigerator) will remain undisclosed.
Carchemish is an important archaeological finding that is located in the town of Djerabis in the North of present day Syria. The site is an excavation revealing the ancient citys wealth and culture in early 1000 B.C. The excavation of the site was done and documented on behalf of the British museum and most of the material is derived from the report by Hogarth (1) commissioned by the museum.
The reason Carchemish is an important archaeological find is that it is the one of the most researched sites owing to its richness in material.
Most of this material is in the form of reliefs, inscriptions and unique projects that displayed the level of civilization in the city. Though the information retrieved from the excavation shows that it was a Hittite city, some materials show evidence of Roman occupation.
However, the research done on Carchemish depicts it as a Hittite centre for trade, culture, art and craft and military strategy (Winter 177). The well-preserved material from Carchemish provides crucial data for historians of the early 1000 B.C. Winter (177) describes Carchemish as an important historical hub for art, religion and civilization.
The convenient location of the site on the banks of the Euphrates with several access routes meant that the city was a principal thoroughfare in ancient Assyria. Further artefacts obtained from the site indicate that the city must have been an economic, social and religious centre in the ancient world.
Additionally, its huge acreage and towering sites indicate its monolith nature compared to other archaeological findings in the area. This is why Carchemish has attracted so much attention from modern-day researchers. It is an important piece of lost history that can give us a clearer picture of life at that early age.
Archaeological History
The renowned British archaeologist, George Smith in the 1870s, discovered Carchemish and the British museum commissioned the sites excavation in Djerabis almost immediately. Much of what was previously known about the city had been obtained from literary works of an encyclopaedic nature. Through accumulation and summary of the information available, George Smith was able to accurately locate the most likely site where the city lay.
Much of the museums work at Carchemish as at 1911 was experimental though in 1912, there was a long-term policy put in place. Hogarth (11) states that at the time, the museums greatest interest was to clear the main areas in the city.
In 1919, excavation was temporarily halted due to war but General Gouraud, the French High Commissioner, authorized its continuation. However, this was short-lived and in 1920 there were increased hostilities between the Turks and the French occupying forces.
Eventually, Djerabis (Jerablus) was captured by the Turkish National Army and excavation completely stopped. It was not possible to continue the excavation because Djerabis lies strategically in Turkeys border and is thus militarily very important. By the time, only information about Hittite Carchemish had been obtained and is referred to in this paper.
Site Description
The site lies on the plains of Jerablus in Syria and extends into south Turkey into the village of Kargamis. In fact, the border between Syria and Turkey cuts through Carchemish.
Winter states that the area is known for its fertility due to its location on the Euphrates and its western source, the Sajur. The entire site runs 20 miles through Jerablus and then rises steeply into the hills of Kurd Dagh where the citys mound is located.
The unique thing about Carchemish is that it has a high citadel that acts as a watchtower over the lower plains. The long extension of its lower town also shows the placement of Carchemish as a military fortress.
The entire valley contains 30 mounds and since Carchemish seems to be the strategic one in location and size, it is assumed that it played the role of capital. Additionally, literature from Assyrian sources describes the cities of Carchemish which corresponds to the notion that the mounds represent other cities with Carchemish being the dominant one (Luckenbill 651).
The convenience of access to Carchemish is perhaps the most telling feature of the position of Carchemish as a central hub for trade and civilization. The city could be accessed from the east or west of the Euphrates via Killiz/Gaziantep to the northwest, or Aleppo located to the southwest of the mound. Most of the communication between Aleppo and Carchemish was through present day Membidj (known in ancient Assyria as Nanpigi or Nappigu; classical name is Hierapolis) and through the town of El Bab.
Access across the Taurus, Amanus and Anatolian plateau was through Maras located to the northwest near the source of the Sajur at the Kara Su valley. Geographically, Carchemish seems to have had an upper hand over all other surrounding cities due to its multiple access routes, fertile hinterland, militarily strategic citadel, constant water supply and available land for pasture and expansion of human settlement. Winter states that: Carchemish&
meets all the requirements of modern economic geography in the location of a central place: a high coefficient of importance in relation to surrounding territory, control of or dominance over auxiliary towns and villages, necessary arable land and pasturage to support a concentrated population, and routes of access to major resources as well as to other central places, such that conditions for a viable economic life may be demonstrated (179).
Features and findings of Carchemish and their meanings
Winter (180) states that most of the features of Carchemish direct historians towards the citys political and cultural life that is unavailable in most contemporary literature.
Using the archaeological evidence, researchers can reconstruct the first millennium B.C in Assyria with the aid of Assyrian historical sources and references and logical inference. Most of the information available in historical Assyrian sources provides information from Assurnasirpal IIs reign from 883 to 859 B.C to Sargon IIs conquest of Carchemish in 717 B.C. information about Carchemish outside this period in time is indirect and incomplete.
Most of the writings from Carchemish in the 8th and 9th centuries are in Hieroglyphic Luwian inscribed on architectural orthostats and stelae. The writings were mainly for providing titles, display and paying homage to patron-rulers. They failed to capture an annalistic or event-by-event account of daily Carchemish life.
Most of the archaeological features in Carchemish remains are several building phases attributed to certain rulers, reliefs, sculptures and inscribed slabs. Using scientific dating methods, it is possible to reconstruct these features to the 9th and 10th centuries sequentially employing both textual and epigraphic evidence.
The earliest material is the Water Gate followed by the Long Wall sculpture built by Suhis II and the Kings Gate linked to his son, Katuwas. Other features include; the reliefs on the Heralds wall placed before Suhis Long Wall, the Royal Buttress associated with Yariris and Kamanis who were the regent and son respectively of the then ruler Astiruwas.
Other inscriptions and reliefs are attributed to King Pisiris, who was reigning in Carchemish at the time of conquest by Sargon. Interestingly, the excavation site had a walled inner town with an area of 21/2 square miles that had not yet been excavated. Part of the inner town shows the hilani which refers to a large building east of the Kings Gate, which had the Royal Buttress placed against it.
Other significant inner town features include; the Temple of the Storm God, which is connected to the Long Wall and the Great Staircase, that winds to the top of the citadel. The result of excavation was a well-decorated inner town with a staircase leading to the citadel and many inscribed texts pointing to a powerful and prosperous city.
The presence of a late Hittite theme and artistic style is the most evident signature of Carchemish and its inhabitants. The sculptural reliefs and other art forms have the same unique style that is characteristically similar across all the archaeological sites in northern Syria and Anatolia.
Winter (180) states that the similarity in both theme and style is best illustrated by orthostats acquired from Carchemish and those from Zincirli or Tell Halaf in the 9th century B.C. however, she avers, despite these relationships, no one would suggest that the reliefs were all done by the same hands or workshops. Proportions of figures, control of composition, use of slabs and variation in details are sufficiently distinctive as to argue rather for a common cultural environment in which they were all separately produced (181).
However, it is notable that not all surrounding cities had similar artistic themes and styles. A comparison between Til Barsib and Carchemish reveals that the two had different artistic styles. Yet, Til Barsib lies only 13 miles from Carchemish on the east bank of the Euphrates and can be seen from the Carchemish citadel.
Just like Carchemish, it controlled a vital river crossing and because of its significance, it became an Aramaean state ruled by Bit Adini and later taken over by Shalmaneser III king of Assyria in 856. Perhaps the differences in style were a consequence of Aramaean influence.
However, two large stelae excavated from the site show striking semblance to those at Carchemish. This shows that they were crafted way before Assyrian and Aramean conquests. The two stelae at Til Barsib are inscribed in Hieroglyphic Luwian and refer to a ruler known as Hamiyatas. The similarity in the storm gods on the stelae shows close connection to Carchemish.
In the first stele, the storm god wears the same headgear and garment as that of the storm gods inscribed on the Herald Wall and Long Wall. Other details such as proportions, gestures, beard, hair-curl, weapons, outlines and appendages are all identical.
In the second stele (excavated later), the bull that the god stands on is similar to the bull base that Katuwas stands on in the Temple of the Storm God and the Heralds wall. Another similarity is the way soldiers are depicted holding the decapitated heads of enemy soldiers in Til Barsib and those on the Long Wall including the manner in which the spear and the head are held.
While the two parallels might show that neighbouring states shared motifs, Barnett (263) is of the opinion that the works could have been done by the same individual, which would show the level of interdependence between the states. It is also Winters (282) conception that the stelae could have been finished at Carchemish and then exported.
She based her argument on the presence of a large open-air site at Yesemek, which had an incomplete sculpture showing that the norm in the region might have been that of crafting for export. Winter (182) insists that the works were done in Carchemish since it seemed to have a more coherent and ambitious building program.
The suggestion above that artwork in Til Barsib could have come from Carchemish shows that the city was much more advanced in art and culture than neighbouring states and thus they were the centre of production and artistic impression in the region. This fact is reinforced by the statue of a king standing on a lion in Zincirli.
The statue is strikingly similar to that of Katuwas in features like sword, beard, belt and garment. More importantly, the statue at Zincirli has a head that is virtually identical to another statue of Katuwas standing on one lion in a double-lion base in Carchemish.
Winter (183) attributes the difference in the bases to the differences in time between the statues. She finds that the Carchemish statue is definitely older and it inspired the Zincirli one. It could also point to borrowed craftsmanship between the two states though with the size and wealth of Carchemish, and the tendency by the Samal state to buy items from larger states and align itself with them politically, the idea for the two statues must have come from Carchemish.
Therefore, we can cite the Til Barsib and Zincirli works as evidence of the role of Carchemish as a cultural centre for the South-eastern Anatolian and North Syrian states.
Winter summarizes the influence of Carchemish as an example of a more general situation: one in which it is to be expected that dominant centres should exert such influence upon less powerful, less wealthy, less established places, while ambitious sub-primary places should wish to emulate what is being produced in the major centre (184).
She laments the discovery of very few artefacts, which could have been evidence of the scale of artistic production in the city. However, some pieces in the original excavation by George Smith could be used as evidence of internal production of portable objects comparable to larger fixed monuments (Winter 184).
The pieces that Winter refers to are fragments of chlorite pyxides or steatites in the Water Gate area together with a pyxis lid that was found on the surface. These vessels were most likely used to hold jewellery and other valuable items.
While only the bottoms of these fragmentary pyxides remain, evidence of artistic markings is clear. In one piece, the feet of a bull are seen together with its hooves and a tail between the animals hind legs, which draws a parallel in proportion and rendering to the Heralds Wall reliefs. In addition, a lion is depicted behind the bull in couchant position and in a style similar to other inner town reliefs.
The second piece shows a guilloche band (an ornamental band formed by two or more interlocking wavy lines completing a circular design) at the bottom edge above which are; parts of a human right foot on a pedestal/stool; the bases of two altars/conical plants; feet and garment hem of a seated figure; a small palmette flower; another pair of feet facing left and what resembles a plant stem.
Interestingly, these diagrams seem to form a cluster group, which seems to have been a common style at the time based on the evidence of some ivory pyxides recovered in the same period.
The upper band in the second pyxide shows a pair of legs (probably male) in a short skirt striding to the right; a big lion facing the man and a smaller lion leaping away from the man; a goat whose legs are in mid-air followed by a man who is probably carrying it; a lion and a bull in combat; another man in a short skirt facing right followed by a hoofed animal which could be a goat and finally; a palmette plant. The guilloche band is identical to that in the Long Wall in terms of loops and proportions.
Another striking finding is the seated figure that is assumed to be Suhiss wife on the Long Wall who also has her legs resting on a footstool. There is also the characteristic long clothing that has a fringed hem and vertical folds that is also worn by the attendant figures standing on top of the couchant lion in the relief at the Great Staircase as well as the musicians of Katuwas in the Kings Gate.
There is also a similarity in the kilt design worn by the figures in combat with animals such as the kneeling hero inscribed on the Heralds Wall relief and the genii on double lion bases on the Long Wall.
The placing of the striding man between the rearing small lion and the larger lion is similar to that of the kilted hero on the Heralds Wall who grasps both a bull and a lion in his hands. The sketches of the bull and the lion seem to be similar in all reliefs. The most unique feature is the apparel and the depiction of the bull with its fore-quarters collapsing.
The lions feet and its shoulder, which is outlined twice, is also a consistent stylization in the reliefs. Similarly, in the pyxis lid, the paw of a lion can be clearly seen in the top part twisting around the neck of what seems to be a bull or a larger animal with a double-outlined shoulder.
The guilloche pattern is repeated on the lids border while the outer edge has been decorated with rosettes, which are placed within metope panels. One thing is apparent in the design of the lid that it is clearly a continued motif as in the other pyxides, which shows consistency in Carchemish artistry.
Interestingly, the motif is replicated in the Inner Court and on the Heralds Wall especially on the relief depicting a bull being mauled by a lion with a double outlined shoulder. As for the guilloche pattern and the rosette stylization, they seem to have informed the goddess Kubabas headdress as depicted on the Long Wall procession.
In summary, these similarities in theme, motif and stylization suggest that the occupants of ancient Carchemish were good artists who had mastered carving and sculpturing using soft stone for smaller items such as the pyxides and harder stone for architectural works such as the stelae.
Other Significant Features
Much of the evidence that Hittite Carchemish was religious is obtained in the numerous temples. First there is the Temple of the Storm God which was found in the Lower Palace area. The inscriptions found show that the storm god must have had a great influence on the Hittites due to their number and strategic location close to the Great Stairway.
The other temple is that of the great goddess Kubaba which is found at the North Western mound close to the Acropolis mound. Both temples are a sign of Hittite devotion to religion. Other features of significant strength, which are definitely non-Hittite, are the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age graves, the Gold Tomb and the Terra cottas.
Conclusion
All these findings indicate that the inhabitants of Carchemish were perhaps the most advanced culturally and economically at the time. The fact that their works of art are replicated in other sites in Northern Syria and South-eastern Turkey shows that the city exported art products and thus it must have been a huge economic centre.
Additionally, its inner town and high citadel suggest that the city was militarily advantaged and this might have contributed to its success while other surrounding cities were embroiled in wars and conquests (Woolley 231). The site at Carchemish provides archaeologists and other researchers with an opportunity to reconstruct mans way of life in early 1000 B.C. Carchemish shows that man was still engaged in trade, was religious and had a penchant for art. Not much has changed to this day.
Works Cited
Barnett, Richard. Carchemish Part III: The Excavations in the Inner Town, and the Hittite Inscriptions. London: British Museum, 1952. Print
Hogarth, David. Carchemish, Part I: Introductory. London: British Museum, 1914. Print
Luckenbill, David. Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. Chicago: Sage, 1926. Print
Many archaeological dating methods help to establish relative, absolute, and chronometric chronologies. Excavation archaeology utilizes techniques such as dendrochronology, radiocarbon analysis, luminescence dating, electronic spin resonance, uranium-series dating, and optical analysis, among others, in order to establish the real age of artifacts and the duration of historical periods from which they came (Fagan and Durrani 105). The aim of this paper is to discuss one of the most reliable tools of chronometric chronologyradiocarbon dating. It will also describe the use of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating for establishing the age of beeswax figures and charcoal paintings in the Kimberley region of Western Australia.
Overview
Radiocarbon analysis is a dating method based on radioactive decay of carbon. The technique was developed by two English physicists Arnold and Libby, in 1949 (Fagan and Durrani 117). The method is based on the property of cosmic radiation that makes possible the creation of carbon isotope carbon 14 through the reaction with nitrogen (Fagan and Durrani 117; Staller et al. 131). Therefore, the nucleus of carbon 14 or C-14 is not as stable as other isotopes, which means that it is exposed to radioactive decay that can be easily measured. Taking into consideration the fact that C-14 is being absorbed by vegetation and animals consuming organic matter, it is possible to date bones, wood, and other remains of plants such as charcoal to more than 50, 000 years ago (Fagan and Durrani 117; Wills par. 2).
According to Coleman and Fry, in order to have a solid understanding of ecosystem functioning, it is necessary to know the real amount of carbon that circulates within the system is needed (31). Carbon analysis can be applied to multiple spheres enhancing the understanding of natural cycles, periods of glaciations, and the origin of life on Earth. However, radiocarbon dating not only makes it possible to find new paths to the past but also helps to verify earlier chronologies. For instance, since 1990, there was a wide-spread perception that a region in Iberia was the land where late Neanderthals settled (Wood et al. 2783). However, as Wood et al. found out, with doubt cast over the late survival of Neanderthals, the place of southern Iberia in these arguments must be viewed cautiously (2783).
Kimberley
According to Aubert, AMS radiocarbon dating was extremely effective in establishing the age of beeswax silhouettes and charcoal paintings in the Kimberley region of Western Australia (574). The archaeologists determined that beeswax paintings were made with plant resin, which is a carbon-bearing substance. Moreover, in order to draw a painting with wax, it has to be fresh. It means that the age of 3780 +- 60 years BP established by radiocarbon is the actual age of paintings (Aubert 575). On the other hand, the charcoal pigment that was used to produce handprints does not allow for such precise analysis. It has to do with the fact that long-lived trees have rings that stop absorbing C-14 once they are fully formed. It results in a significant difference between the time of their growth and the time of their decay (Aubert 575). Therefore, the radiocarbon estimate of the age of charcoal paintings is 120 +- 140 years (Aubert 575).
Conclusion
Radiocarbon analysis continually helps scientists see the history from a new perspective by substantially contributing to multiple archaeological breakthroughs. It is also a very sharp focus technique (Feder 4) that allows us to reconcile very tiny elements with large historical scales.
Works Cited
Aubert, Maxime. A Review of Rock Art Dating in the Kimberley, Western Australia. Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 39, no. 1, 2012, pp. 573-577.
Coleman, David, and Brian Fry. Carbon Isotope Techniques. Academic Press, 2012.
Fagan, Brian, and Nadia Durrani. Archaeology: A Brief Introduction. Routledge, 2016.
Feder, Kenneth. The Past in Perspective: An Introduction to Human Prehistory. 6th ed., Oxford University Press, 2016.
Staller, John, et al. Histories of Maize in Mesoamerica: Multidisciplinary Approaches. Left Coast Press, 2010.
Wood, Rachel, et al. Radiocarbon Dating Casts Doubt on the Late Chronology of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic Transition in Southern Iberia. PNAS, vol. 110, no. 8, 2012, pp. 27812786.
In their works, both Xi Xi and Dung Kai Cheung depict their love for Hong Kong by using a variety of techniques. Some of their approaches are similar whereas some are quite different. While both authors present their descriptions in fiction, Xis narration looks like a fairy tale whereas Kai Cheungs stories sound as if they were taken from some historical almanac. The paper aims at identifying similarities and differences in Xis and Kai Cheungs expression of their Hong Kong obsession. The most common and divergent features of authors writing style will be analyzed.
Common Features in Kai Cheungs and Xis Writing
The first similarity in both stories is their fictitious character. Kai Cheungs narration sounds more realistic than Xis, but it still is not void of some romantic and imaginary air. Kai Cheung describes in detail how places and streets received their names, and it seems that he gives his stories a mythical character. Xi describes real people and events, but the general presentation of Hong Kong is offered in an imaginary fashion. It is depicted as a floating city that hangs there neither sinking nor rising.
However, irrespective of the choice of the level of imagery, both authors employ it, which gives their stories a peculiar character and arouses mixed feelings on the part of the reader. The combination of reality and fiction in narrations makes the stories more interesting to read and allows the audience to feel some romantic and adventurous notes.
The second common feature is the use of proper nouns. Both writers mention titles of places and names of people. Kai Cheung pays much attention to the description of streets and squares, such as Possession Street, Scandal Point, Aldrich Street, Central District, the Botanical Gardens, Queens Road, Sugar Street, Sycamore Street, Seven Sisters Road, and others. There is even a whole list of streets named after trees: Pine Street, Oak Street, Beech Street, Elm Street, Ivy Street, Cherry Street, Maple Street, Willow Street, Poplar Street, Cedar Street.
The famous people mentioned by Kai Cheung are predominantly military men and some outstanding persons that contributed to the development of the city. The author speaks of the Emperor of the Qing Dynasty, Commodore Sir J. G. Bremer, the Health Officer J. A. Davidson, and Major Aldrich. The notorious persons in Xis writings are predominantly the people of art. He describes the works of such painters as Magritte, Botticelli, and Li Gonglin. There are no referrals to street names in Xis stories, although he describes the parts of Hong Kong in detail as well as the city in general.
Also, Xi and Kai Cheung refer to a variety of professions in their stories. In Kai Cheungs The Atlas, much attention is paid to the profession of military men. The author starts with the explanation of the origin of Possession Street: it was the British man-of-war who was ordered to occupy the Island of Hong Kong. Further, such words related to the military profession are mentioned as marines, squadron, soldiers, and troops. Xis mentioning of professions is less focused on the military, but still, he employs some terms related to war. There is a reference to pirate ships and a knight in his story.
Other professions mentioned by Kai Cheung are entertainers, fortune-tellers, practitioners of herbal medicine, sugar and coinage factory workers, fisherman, and even prostitutes. In Xis story, professions are mostly related to art and science. When describing the opportunities for people living in the floating city, Xi indirectly or directly mentions engineers, builders, drivers, doctors, inventors, psychologists, museum workers, and painters. The variety of professions in both stories allows the reader to understand the predominant occupations of the people as well as trace the major achievements of the periods described.
Contrasting Elements in the Stories
The comparison of the two authors works has revealed some common features about them. However, there are also several elements peculiar to each narration that make the stories contrasting. The first of such characteristics is the time dimension. Kai Cheung describes past events whereas Xi dwells on the present happenings. It is even possible to speak of some features of futurism, taking into consideration that Xi describes a floating city that has never existed in the history of mankind. Thus, the choice of the time reference in the two stories is the first divergent feature between them. Kai Cheung makes numerous notes regarding dates.
He describes such episodes as the Opium War, the formal possession of Hong Kong, and a variety of military events that happened in 1842, 1845, 1866, 1874, and 1880. The author makes referrals to political and military leaders, and he draws connections between the present events and processes and historic occasions that led to them.
Meanwhile, Xi focuses on the most recent events and experiences associated with Hong Kong. The author describes the variety of possibilities that citizens have. He notes that they have created a vibrant and prosperous metropolis due to their hard work and pioneering spirit. The author emphasizes the numerous achievements of the people living in the floating city. Buildings, each one taller than the next, appear as quickly as one can only imagine.
Flyovers circle the air space above the roads. Centipede-like trains crawl underground. Xi also draws attention to the breakthroughs in medicine and science: any citizen can have his or her kidney stones shattered by laser beams, and brain tumors are diagnosed by scanning. In addition, Xi remarks that the city has such attractions for curious minds as the Planetarium and the Ocean Park.
Another difference between the two pieces is the authors attitude to the description of peoples social options. Kai Cheung only makes a brief reference to peoples choices of how to spend their leisure when he speaks of Sycamore Street. He remarks that the street was the opportunity for citizens to satisfy their desire for peace and prosperity poetry, singing, and dancing as the activities associated with the good times. Meanwhile, Xi describes in detail not only how people can spend their leisure time but also their duties and responsibilities as the citizens of the floating city. For instance, there is a requirement to undergo a nine-year compulsory education.
Also, people can count on social security, pensions, and allowances for the disabled. The variety of entertainment choices is rich: it is possible to attend one of many art festivals and visit bookstores that hold literature from all parts of the world. Most of all, Xi emphasizes the freedom of speech and silence. He mentions that those who decide to remain silent have absolute freedom to do so.
Another aspect that makes the two authors writing different is their choice of language. Kai Cheung makes several attempts to enrich his narration with poetic words. He uses metaphors ( mouth of the watercourse ) and epithets ( ominous word, grandiose plan, invincible giant fortress, inestimable value ). Also, he uses a few poetic versions of verbs: enshrouded in mystery, venerated, and alleviate. However, on the whole, Kai Cheungs writing style does not relish literary language and poetic word combinations. What concerns Xis writing, he describes his floating city with all the possible passion and admiration he possibly has. The very start of the story sounds like a fairy tale: Many, many years ago, on a fine, clear day the city appeared in full public gaze.
Xi uses such stylistic devices as metaphors, inversions, epithets, synonyms, and many others to make his story sound as majestic and magic as possible. Inversion is employed at the very beginning of the story: Above it were the fluctuating layers of clouds, and below it the turbulent sea. Xi uses many poetic words to enrich his narration: incredible, terrifying, unremittingly, eternal sleep, and obscure legends.
Also, Xi employs synonyms to make his story more exciting to read: the words sway, swing, and rock are used when speaking about wind, and the description of a dreamy character of the narration is emphasized by such a collection of synonyms as miracle, illusion, fairy tale, and dream. The magic of the story is further deepened by several allusions to Cinderella and the description of the fairy tales elements.
Another divergent feature in Kai Cheungs and Xis writing is the presence or absence of the aspect of inspiration and hope. Kai Cheungs story is more down-to-earth, it depicts such unromantic occasions as battles and prostitutes activity. Meanwhile, Xi incorporates the elements of hopefulness and encourages the reader to believe in the possibility of reaching his or her dreams. Xi remarks that living in the floating city requires more than courage, it demands will-power and faith. In his description of the citizens hardships associated with the impossibility to leave the city, Xi manages to inculcate the belief in a better future.
Conclusion
Xi Xis Marvels of a Floating City and Dung Kai Cheungs The Atlas: Archeology of an Imaginary City have many divergences. The authors chose different time frames, and they depicted the events from different angles. The two stories have various amounts of magic and truth, and people and names are mentioned in them at a contrasting level. However, both narrations also have some elements in common, which makes it possible to compare them and find some similar features in the stories. Both Xi and Kai Cheung employ a great deal of imagery and poetic language. Both authors make direct and indirect references to Hong Kong.
Both writers remark the achievements in some spheres of peoples activity, such as military, scientific, or medical. Most of all, there is one common issue in both Xis and Kai Cheungs stories that allows considering these authors writings under a common topic. It is obvious that Xi Xi and Dung Kai Cheung love Hong Kong, and although their narrations are not entirely similar, they are the representation of the authors obsession with Hong Kong.
Bibliography
Kai Cheung, Dung. The Atlas: Archeology of an Imaginary City : 40-52.
History is filled with controversy, which is often lost or disregarded through centuries. An average person of today relies on monuments and tales of the past as the primary source of information. As such, non-experts in history exist in a uniform informational sphere, which presents the facts in a simplified, one-sided manner. As a result, the field of history faces serious issues, which consist of imprecise interpretations of past events and personalities. Such misinformation often becomes embedded in the mindsets of the people, forming colossal myths and misconceptions within society. Consequently, the situation leads to a biased representation of history, which exaggerates the feats of privileged groups, while disregarding the input of the oppressed. Such a form of historical presentation is alarming, as it nurtures a twisted perception of the past, especially among less-educated individuals. Through this phenomenon, the link between the past and the present is revealed clearly. Accordingly, the misrepresentation of the past creates a favorable environment for oppression and discrimination in the present.
In its general sense, historical archaeology implies the review of artifacts and written records through the prism of a broader social and political context. Historical archaeology considers such important variables as the stratification of society at a certain point in history, as well as propaganda and intentional twisting of facts. The physical presence of a certain artifact does not inherently suggest that it can be a reliable point of reference. On the contrary, it is not uncommon for prevailing social groups and entire civilizations to eradicate any signs pointing toward the feats of the oppressed. In regard to American history, the poor representation of African Americans achievements during wars and other pivotal events is a case in point. Because of the misrepresentation, a general resident incorrectly assumes that the country owes its greatest achievements to white citizens. Consequently, white supremacy is reinforced, having a direct impact on the current social landscape. Historical archaeology is instrumental in this regard, as its methods provide a broader context for discussion.
Ultimately, the contemporary academic community increasingly relies on historical archaeology as the leading way of establishing historical accuracy. The issue of misrepresentation of the past is becoming particularly topical in the United States, as misinformed people continue to spread wrong ideas. Through the prism of bias and disparities, facts are twisted and distorted, resulting in a poor understanding of the truth. Historical archaeology effectively addressed this issue through rigorous research of relevant sources of information. Written records, statutes, and even personal correspondence may become a vital tool for reinforcing historical accuracy. The core principles of historical archaeology rely on democratic methods, which review each issue in the light of various social and political groups. Its findings enable an objective interpretation of history and its monuments, contributing to healthier relations within society. If the issue of historical misrepresentation persists, society will find it harder to overcome the problems of discord and discrimination stemming from the mistakes of the past.
The assumption of gender and the required role has remained the same for many centuries. The expectations of a certain gender whether it is male, or female determine their role in society. Studying gender in past and present times compares in terms of the roles and actions of males and females. This would include feminine, masculine, cultural beliefs, and power relations. The lack of women’s input and actions in history towards life, in general, went unnoticed and ignored for centuries. Throughout history, it has been much inequality between men and women where laws were processed to protect men and their rights. With the gathered evidence, I will compare and contrast the theories and points of view of men and women. It is understood that the man is the one who is superior and holds power while women are inferior and submissive. In order to do and complete archaeology studies, ethnography is needed. In the course, we have learned that ethnographic interpretations are invoked as analogies or parallels to better interpret archaeological data. Also, covered in the course, androcentrism plays a major role in history because it was a norm for heterosexual male behavior. It was also believed that men are the bias toward history and culture while there was no room for those who do not follow expected gender stereotypes. It is commonly known that men had all the power and control over everything such as financials, making rules, fighting in the war, hunting/gathering for food and etc. While men were mostly in control, women were often submissive only to take care of children and cook/clean. According to Nelson, “Not only is there inequality but there are missing gaps of why there is inequality. From the perspectives of archaeologists, it is understood that women were not important and not taken seriously” (2012). Archaeology such as anthropology was a field dominated by white upper-class men. Unfortunately, there are proven facts showing that gender gaps and inequalities persist, even in the face of startling social and economic transformations and concerted movements to challenge women’s subordination. Characteristics, emotions, and behaviors that people generally associate with being male or female are learned through socialization and are commonly referred to as “masculinity” and “femininity”. Masculinity and femininity are often seen as being completely different from and opposed to one another. For example, “In many Western societies, traditional male gender roles promote being active, aggressive and expressive of anger but not sadness while feminine gender roles promote being passive, compliant and expressive of sadness but not anger” (Nelson 2012). With the help and research from archaeologists, they will be better explained and understood of Gender roles.
The most obvious case of androcentrism in archaeology both in conceptualization and mode of presentation occurs in the reconstructions of earliest hominid life (Isaac 1978:102). One principal feature is the imposition of ethnocentric assumptions about the nature, roles, and social significance of males and females derived from our own culture on the analysis of other groups. Some archaeologists such as Hutson and Bardolph, presume certain essential or natural gender characteristics. It was discovered that males typically portray themselves as stronger, more aggressive, dominant, more active, and in general more important than females. Females, in contrast, are presented as weak, passive, and dependent. There is no surprise that anthropologists saw biological differences were structuring and in the case of females, limiting social roles and social positions. This shows that women do not do certain things that men do, or they do not hold certain beliefs or participate in certain social networks that men do. Sources state that “Women who were studied in many ethnographies are described relative to men or primarily in terms of their relationships to men, for example, as sisters, wives, and mothers. The emphasis on the native male view of culture is associated with the fact that until recently most ethnographers were men and had greater access to male than to female informants” (Conkey and Spector 1984: 04). This contributes to another dimension of androcentrism and most anthropologists have been western, white, and middle- or upper-class men, and their own position within a race, class, and gender system has shaped their perspective on research, particularly in the selection of research problems. According to a source, “Emphasis on topics like leadership, power, warfare, exchange of women, rights of inheritance, and notions of property can all be cited as issues of special interest to males in particular historical contexts and sociopolitical structures” (Sacks 1976; Van Allen 1972). The research problems that have been emphasized are not inherently more important than others nor are they necessarily relevant in many of the cultural contexts examined. They do reflect the perspective of the dominant gender, race, and class of the researchers. All the androcentric problems outlined above are found in archaeological work, but in archaeology, the problems are in some ways even more insidious than in sociocultural anthropology. The sources that archaeologists draw upon to derive their notions about past gender arrangements are rarely made explicit. As some case studies discussed here show, “it is probable that most derive from androcentric ethnographies. That is, they do not draw upon nor create a body of theory of social life, or of gender arrangements. When archaeologists employ a set of Stereotype assumptions about gender, they consider how it is structured and what it means?” (Butterfield 1965; Stocking 1965). Although most American archeologists research human life after the establishment of modern Homo sapiens, these archaeologists inherit a picture of human social life and gender structures that appear to have been established several million years. One other important implication of the implicit, presentist gender paradigm is what can be called the false notion of objectivity. Archaeologists appear to be objective about what someone can know about the past. Hoffman recently stated that “it was discovered that during prehistoric times, female hominid was examined just as well as male hominids. Without the study and discovery of female hominids, there would be “invisibility” of how a woman was constructed from bone structure down to the way of lifestyle”. For example, Archaeologists appear to be objective about what we can know about the past. It was stated that ‘we have no idea how prehistoric human groups were socially partitioned’ (Binford and Binford 1968:70). Yet, during lecture 5/6 “Archaeology, gender and evidence for human origins” we read about casually made stone tools that indicate presumed occupation by women engaged in plant processing. With given little information, it already points out that women were some source and a part of history. It has been said that ‘as long as we do not correct for the imbalance created by the durability of bone as compared with that of plant residues, studies of human evolution will always have a male bias’ (Issac 1978: 102). Female roles differential preservation of bones compared to plant remains is not the problem, only a diversion. One can claim that female-related data in the archaeological record are invisible only if one makes some clearly questionable assumptions, such as the existence of an exclusive sexual division of labor. It is important to see how these general notions of androcentrism in archaeology can actually be substantiated in archaeological studies. Androcentrism in archaeology both in conceptualization and presentation occurs in the reconstructions of earliest hominid life. The Man-the-Hunter model was crystallized by Washburn and Lancaster and elaborated by Laughlin. It was popularized by numerous writers that this model includes a set of assumptions about males and females and their activities, capabilities, relations to one another, social position, and value relative to one another, that epitomize the problems of androcentrism (1968). The Man-the-Hunter model is here for several reasons. First, as has been noted above, the gender arrangements assumed to characterize the earliest human populations often serve as a baseline for archaeologists. “These issues are to be considered in the review of archaeology and the study of gender. These major issues include the prevalence of gender-specific models that result in gender-exclusive rather than gender-inclusive reconstructions of past human behavior; the common assumption of a relatively rigid sexual division of labor that results in the sex linking of activities with one sex or the other, which in archaeology is often compounded by assuming sex linkages artifactually (projectile points as male, ceramics as female); and the differential values placed on the different (usually sex-linked) activities, such that there is a prevailing overemphasis on those activities or roles presumed to be male associated” (Conkey and Spector 1984:7). What Archaeologists find lacking in the Man-the-Hunter model is an explicit theory of human social life and, by implication, the lack of a specific paradigm for the study of gender. Without such theory it is precisely in the attempts to reconstruct prehistoric social life that is culturally derived from our own culture (American), implicit notions about gender serve as the basis for reconstruction. The study of early hominid social life is one of the obvious domains of archaeological research in which the lack of archaeological theory illuminates past human life. The study of gender an archaeological aspect shows the division of women and men, but most importantly it shows inequality and misogyny.
Gender bias has caused a disturbance between men and women. For many centuries, women were not able to work jobs besides caring for the household and children. The importance of archaeology helps discover and interpret roles that were actually held by men and women. There were women in history who fought alongside their husbands dressed as a male for convenience and less trouble. According to Dr. Nelson, “Ancient Chinese warrior queens wore male clothing and carried swords which balanced power between the king. The roles of women went unnoticed and were purposely left out because women were not considered important. Gender is a symbolic system that structures social and economic relations within the household and the larger community” (2012:42). Among the challenges faced by this research is needed to extricate conceptually gender from biological sex to deal with gender as a social construct. Another challenge is to consider how genders, like other social constructs such as rank or wealth, may be reflected in and constructed through material culture (Hendon 1996:48). According to the lifestyle of Ancient Asia, rulers were often men and followed a system of hierarchy where power is passed down through bloodlines. There became a change in gender ruling once there were no more males to accept the throne which lead to the daughters of a ruler taking the throne. Queen Seondeok ruled the ancient kingdom of Silla from 632 to 647 CE and was the first female sovereign in ancient Korea. According to Korean Studies, “Seondeok gained the throne because her father, king Jinpyeong (Chinpyong, r. 579-632 CE) who had reigned for 53 years, had no male heir. The fact that a queen could rule alone is testimony to the traditional high status of women in the royal lineage and illustrates the rigidity of the Silla social class system. The latter was based on the bone rank system, which dictated all manner of privileges and obligations based on one’s birth and bloodline” (Cartwright 2016:20). The highest social level was the sacred bone class which was only held by members of the royal house of Kim. When Jinpyeong died there were no living males of sacred bone rank and so one of two things had to happen: either the whole social class system had to be restructured or a queen was permitted to rule. Furthermore, the latter choice was taken, as it was again for the same reasons as Seondeok’s successor. The Kingdom of Silla (57 BC – 935 AD) granted women considerable rights. Females were not solely viewed as secondary citizens, and many women made considerable political and domestic contributions. “Unlike later periods, Silla women were not confined to their homes; they largely contributed to the tax and labor force, and lower- and middle-class women, regardless of marital status, often worked in agriculture and assisted their male relatives in learning trades” (Maynes 2012:14). The importance of knowing that women once ruled a kingdom shows that women did contribute and help during history. Seondeok’s domestic policies were more successful than her foreign policy, and Silla saw a flourishing of the arts and sciences. The state became more centralized, and Buddhism was further encouraged, especially as it enhanced “the aura of power enjoyed by Silla’s ruling class and endorsed the monarch as an incarnation of the Buddha” (Hendon 1996:50). There was no surprise that the queen also oversaw an extensive rebuilding programmed, especially of Buddhist temples.
Women’s roles have not changed or had much progress until 1942 when women gained the right to vote. These roles remained the same in many societies such as Korea where women only cooked and cleaned to care for children. In traditional Korean society, women’s roles were confined to the home. From a young age, women were taught the virtues of subordination and endurance to prepare for their future roles as wives and mothers. Women, in general, could not participate in society as men did, and their role was limited to household matters. In South Korea, gender has been commonly considered a manifestation of an unquestioned separation between male and female domains, reflecting the views of male and female as inherently separate and unequal statuses. The history and role of women in Korean society have been studied, but women’s organizations and their role in effecting changes in female expectations and attitudes and toward women have not yet been considered seriously by observers of Korean politics. Many socially conscious Korean women perceive that they have not yet achieved equal status with Korean men. They believe that if there is to be any change in this relationship then the leadership must be in place to help facilitate an expanded awareness among women regarding their situation; to alter male attitudes about women and their appropriate roles in the family. In traditional Korean society, women have long been in a disadvantaged position. ‘Korean social structure consisted of a royal monarch, strong class consciousness, and a patriarchal dominated, extended family system that emphasized the maintenance of family lines. This structure tended to maintain separate and unequal roles for women from those of men” (Maynes 2012:15). These activities are less visible than those of their male associates, despite the fact that one doesn’t know how adaptive behavior was organized. Despite centuries of inequality between the sexes and the inferior position of women in traditional Korean society, industrialization, and modernization have brought some changes in female lives. But, a gap exists between industrial development and cultural response or, in other terms, material and behavioral culture because of the wrong socialization process in our society which has continued for too long, not only men but also women themselves tend to recognize the inferiority of women, at least unconsciously” (Maynes 2012:12). This is what remains as the major obstacle to achieving equality between men and women. Similar to western societies, it is predictable that women will not have the same equal work opportunities as men in most workplaces/societies. Men often are in control of relationships, the workforce, and the household. The gender roles held by men remain the same in terms of how society is constructed and what activities/duties are expected of each gender role.
In the archaeological aspect of gender, it is understood that there were many differences and inequality between males and females. For many years it has been proven over time that males held higher roles in society while women were often submissive and did household duties. Studies also show that women contributed much to history just as much as males. After analyzing similarities of inequality among different societies, it is well interpreted that gender could be identified archaeologically. Gender inequality affected women’s social status and ability to gain equal rights (suffrage). Example of transition in Korea where there were only male rulers until the monarchy allowed inheritance to become a factor of royalty. The queens of Silla give a good representation of gender roles between men and women and what is expected. The research I have gathered throughout the semester has allowed me to understand and analyze how the study of archaeology could help determine and view key points of history. Archaeology is the study to better help analyze gaps and missing pieces of history that better connect and interpret the meaning of life, people, and history.
Works Cited
Adovasio, J. M., The Invisible Sex: Uncovering the True Roles of Women in Prehistory. Left Coast Press, 2007.
Anderson, Patricia. “Anth/WS 330 Sex and Gender in Archaeology.” 2017.
Conkey, Margaret W., and Janet D. Spector. “Archaeology and the Study of Gender.” Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, 1984, pp. 1–38., doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-003107-8.50006-2.
Greenhalgh, Susan, and Barbara Diane Miller. “Sex and Gender Hierarchies.” Population and Development Review, vol. 19, no. 4, 1993, p. 875., doi:10.2307/2938427.
Hendon, Julia A. Archaeological Approaches to the Organization of Domestic Labor: Household Practice and Domestic Relations. Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 25, no. 1, 1996, pp. 45–61., doi:10.1146/annual.anthro.25.1.45.
Hoffman, Diane M. “Blurred Genders: The Cultural Construction of Male and Female in South Korea.” Korean Studies, vol. 19, no. 1, 1995, pp. 112–138.
Joyce. “Saro/Silla and the Historical Record.” Gyeongju, 2017, pp. 18–34., doi:10.4324/9781315627403-2.
Nelson, Sarah Milledge. Gender in Archaeology Analyzing Power and Prestige. Altamira Press, 2004.
NELSON, SARAH MILLEDGE. SPIRIT BIRD JOURNEY. ROUTLEDGE, 2017.
Shin, Hye-Sook, and Dong-Soo Shin. “Korean Women’s Causal Perceptions of Hwabyung.” Korean Journal of Women Health Nursing, vol. 10, no. 4, 2004, p. 283.
